WEBVTT - Recognizing Palestine as a State: Meaningful Farce feat. Dana El Kurd

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<v Speaker 1>Col Zone Media.

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<v Speaker 2>Hello everyone, and welcome to say it could happen here.

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<v Speaker 2>My name is Dana al Kerd. I'm a writer, analyst,

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<v Speaker 2>and researcher of Palestinian and Arab politics. I'm an associate

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<v Speaker 2>professor of political science and a senior non resident fellow

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<v Speaker 2>at the Arab Center Washington. What a wild time in

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<v Speaker 2>the Middle East? Am I right? I mean not to

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<v Speaker 2>be flippant. That's putting him mildly. Today before I recorded,

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<v Speaker 2>Israel bombed the capital of Katar, Doha, in an assassination

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<v Speaker 2>attempt against Tamas leadership. They bombed in a residential area

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<v Speaker 2>in the middle of the city, surrounded by nursries, schools,

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<v Speaker 2>businesses and you know people. I have a lot to

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<v Speaker 2>say about Arab Israeli relations historically and what's happening on

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<v Speaker 2>that front today and the sometimes shared interests of Arab

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<v Speaker 2>regimes with the Israeli state. So stay tuned for a

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<v Speaker 2>deep dive episode on that topic soon. Today I want

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<v Speaker 2>to talk about the issue of Palestinian statehood. It's been

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<v Speaker 2>in the news quite a bit these days. A number

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<v Speaker 2>of different countries have expressed a willingness to recognize Palestine

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<v Speaker 2>as a state. In July, for example, France announced it

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<v Speaker 2>would recognize Palestinian statehood, and it was soon joined by

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<v Speaker 2>a number of other countries, Canada, Malta, Belgium, the UK.

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<v Speaker 2>Kir Starmer, the Prime Minister of the UK, actually made

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<v Speaker 2>it into an explicit threat. Basically, we will recognize the

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<v Speaker 2>state of Palestine if the Israelis don't agree to a ceasefire.

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<v Speaker 2>I'd like to underscore the absurdity of that comment for

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<v Speaker 2>a second, but we'll get back to that one. For

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<v Speaker 2>all these countries, they say that they are recognizing Palestine

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<v Speaker 2>as a state because they desire a two state solution.

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<v Speaker 2>Their condition for recognizing Palestine as a state also includes

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<v Speaker 2>Hamas being completely out of the picture quote demilitarized in

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<v Speaker 2>the language of French President Macron. As NPR reported back

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<v Speaker 2>in August first, Canadian Prime Minister Mark Karney also said

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<v Speaker 2>that the Palestinian authority needs to hold elections in this scenario,

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<v Speaker 2>but one that excludes Hamas. So all of these recent

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<v Speaker 2>announcements are coalescing around the same conditions. I guess the

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<v Speaker 2>big deal here is that these are major powers, France

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<v Speaker 2>and the UK, who have veto power in the UN

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<v Speaker 2>Security Council. For example. So the plan to recognize Palestinian

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<v Speaker 2>statehood has gotten a lot of press and attention, But

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<v Speaker 2>the thing is, one hundred and forty five countries already

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<v Speaker 2>recognize Palestine as a state. Palestine was given observer status

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<v Speaker 2>at the UN in twenty twelve, and the Palestinian authority

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<v Speaker 2>has been working for quite some time to get more

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<v Speaker 2>recognition internationally and to be able to use the international

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<v Speaker 2>legal system to advocate for themselves. So what does this

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<v Speaker 2>recognition actually mean a state that is occupied entirely by

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<v Speaker 2>another and is currently undergoing ethnic cleansing at different levels

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<v Speaker 2>of severity in all parts of its territories. What state

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<v Speaker 2>is actually being recognized here? What does statehood mean in

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<v Speaker 2>the context of occupation ethnic cleansing. It might help to

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<v Speaker 2>go back to the Osclocords that were as signed by

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<v Speaker 2>the Palistine Liberation Organization the PLO, and the State of Israel.

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<v Speaker 2>This was the first time that Israel and the Palestinians

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<v Speaker 2>agreed to something directly. A stipulation of the OSCLO Accords

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<v Speaker 2>was mutual recognition, meaning Israel would recognize that the PLO

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<v Speaker 2>was the representative of the Palestinian people, and the PLO

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<v Speaker 2>would recognize Israel's right to exist. This was later criticized

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<v Speaker 2>as uneven by Palstdian negotiators such as Hannan Ashtroi, because

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<v Speaker 2>the PLO was already internationally recognized as the representative of

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<v Speaker 2>the Palestinian people. So her argument more recently has been

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<v Speaker 2>they accepted Israel's control for getting recognition in return. The

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<v Speaker 2>US ambassador to Israel at the time, Daniel Kurtzer, concurred

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<v Speaker 2>with that assessment, saying to The New York Times that

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<v Speaker 2>the OSCLO agreement was full of holes. The mutual recognition

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<v Speaker 2>was asymmetrical, and that was to hurt the Palestinian negotiating

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<v Speaker 2>position for years to come. End quote. Nevertheless, the OSCLO

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<v Speaker 2>Accords of nineteen ninety three are widely understood to be

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<v Speaker 2>the attempt to bring about a two state solution of

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<v Speaker 2>some kind, and it's been the framework that many international

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<v Speaker 2>powers have paid lip service to ever since. By the way,

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<v Speaker 2>September twenty twenty three marked the thirty year anniversary of

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<v Speaker 2>the accords, we all know what happened October seventh, just

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<v Speaker 2>a few days later. The thing is, the also framework

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<v Speaker 2>didn't say two states. The ASCO Accords just said that

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<v Speaker 2>they would continue negotiations on some eventual final framework. Now

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<v Speaker 2>Palestinians wanted a state, of course, and Israelis were committing

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<v Speaker 2>to negotiations. So the Palestinians were told to start building

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<v Speaker 2>up a sort of state, a quasi state, in parts

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<v Speaker 2>of the occupied territories, to start governing themselves in particular ways,

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<v Speaker 2>and this was called the Palestinian National Authority. I talked

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<v Speaker 2>about this at more length than the episode for it

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<v Speaker 2>could happen here titled Palestine's Stolen Future, so if you're interested,

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<v Speaker 2>you can listen to that one. The Alco Accords split

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<v Speaker 2>the occupied territories into three parts A, B, and C,

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<v Speaker 2>all of which remained under the Israeli occupation's control, but

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<v Speaker 2>still there were some differences between them. In Area A,

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<v Speaker 2>which is less than twenty percent of the land, that's

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<v Speaker 2>where a lot of the urban centers are, the palisten

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<v Speaker 2>And Authority was allowed to function, build and run institutions

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<v Speaker 2>of governance. So if you go to Romalo, for example,

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<v Speaker 2>you'll see big buildings with palstin And Authority insignia. An

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<v Speaker 2>Area B, the palsten And Authority had partial access, and

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<v Speaker 2>an Area C, which is the majority of the territories.

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<v Speaker 2>The Palsten Authority was and continues to not be allowed

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<v Speaker 2>to function, But the PA did use this as an

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<v Speaker 2>opportunity to create the basis of a state, creating ministries,

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<v Speaker 2>beginning of parliament, writing laws, and importantly creating security forces.

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<v Speaker 2>Throughout all this, Israel maintained military control over the entire territory,

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<v Speaker 2>and Israeli settlements continued to expand. So what the Israeli

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<v Speaker 2>has got out of the Also Accords was they got

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<v Speaker 2>out of providing certain services and they let Palestinians do

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<v Speaker 2>that for themselves, but they didn't actually seed meaningful control

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<v Speaker 2>over any part of the territory. Now it's important to

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<v Speaker 2>pause here. An occupying force is obligated under international law

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<v Speaker 2>to provide services to the population it occupies and to

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<v Speaker 2>return the land to the sovereign the occupied people as

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<v Speaker 2>soon as possible as The European Society of International Law

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<v Speaker 2>notes quote the nineteen oh seven Hague Regulations, the nineteen

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<v Speaker 2>forty nine Fourth Geneva Convention, and modern Body of international

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<v Speaker 2>Human rights instruments contain a number of provisions which protect

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<v Speaker 2>the lives, property, natural resources, institutions, civil life, fundamental human

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<v Speaker 2>rights and latent sovereignty of the people under occupation, while

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<v Speaker 2>curbing the security powers of the occupying power to those

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<v Speaker 2>genuinely required to safely administer the occupation end quote. And

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<v Speaker 2>if the occupier occupies indefinitely, then it's not really an

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<v Speaker 2>occupation anymore, is it Again? As the European Society of

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<v Speaker 2>International Law notes, the concept of prolonged occupation may well

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<v Speaker 2>become illegal guise that masks a de facto colonial exercise

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<v Speaker 2>and defeats the transient and exceptional nature which occupations are

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<v Speaker 2>intended to be. End quote. But that is exactly what

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<v Speaker 2>has continued before and after the ascol Cords. The ASCO

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<v Speaker 2>Accords never ended, the occupation never gave back land to Palestinians.

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<v Speaker 2>Alla did is stripped the occupier of its responsibility under

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<v Speaker 2>the guise of working towards a two state solution. And really,

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<v Speaker 2>anybody who has looked at what has transpired honestly would

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<v Speaker 2>say that there has always been a mismatch between what

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<v Speaker 2>the Israelis wanted and we're willing to give and what

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<v Speaker 2>the Palestinians wanted, even to the degree of what both

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<v Speaker 2>sides meant when they said state has always been mismatched.

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<v Speaker 2>So I'll explain what I mean. Palestinians have always wanted

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<v Speaker 2>a legitimate state. What does that mean. Well, a state

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<v Speaker 2>has sovereignty, It has control over its own territory, it

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<v Speaker 2>has the monopoly on the use of violence within its boundaries.

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<v Speaker 2>That's the most basic definition of state sovereignty. Israel never

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<v Speaker 2>intended for any of that. Prime Minister Yitzak Rabin, who

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<v Speaker 2>signed the Oscil Accords, in his final address to the

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<v Speaker 2>Kanesset before he was assassinated by a right wing Israeli

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<v Speaker 2>clearly stated that what was on offer for the Palestinians

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<v Speaker 2>was something quote less than a state. Yitzak Rabin was

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<v Speaker 2>in the Labor Party. But again, if people are being honest,

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<v Speaker 2>this is a bipartisan position Israel. Israeli political leaders have

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<v Speaker 2>at best offered something less than a state, and at

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<v Speaker 2>worst offered surrender or annihilation. I'm not being hyperbolic here. Besides,

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<v Speaker 2>Motrich of the Religious Zionist Party, who is now the

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<v Speaker 2>Finance Minister, has for years actively promoted his quote decisive Plan,

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<v Speaker 2>which has become the policy of the state today. The

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<v Speaker 2>plan proposes that one any Palestinian who is willing and

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<v Speaker 2>able to relinquish the fulfillment of his national aspirations would

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<v Speaker 2>be able to stay and live as an individual in

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<v Speaker 2>the Jewish State, not as a citizen. And two, any

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<v Speaker 2>Palestinian who is unwilling or unable to relinquish his national

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<v Speaker 2>aspirations will receive assistance from them to immigrate to one

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<v Speaker 2>of the Arab countries. So essentially, what he's saying is

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<v Speaker 2>Palestinians have to either give up and be a subject

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<v Speaker 2>or leave, surrender, or transfer. The US as a supposed

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<v Speaker 2>mediator and third party has not really straight from that.

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<v Speaker 2>Sovereignty has always been approximated with self governance from the

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<v Speaker 2>United States perspective. Jared Kushner, for example, in his Peace

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<v Speaker 2>to Prosperity plan, which was the lynchpin of Donald Trump's

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<v Speaker 2>Israel Palestine proposer back in the first Trump administration, invokes

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<v Speaker 2>the idea of sovereignty, only to insist that it should

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<v Speaker 2>no longer be the crux of negotiations. According to the

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<v Speaker 2>Trump administration quote, the notion that sovereignty is a static

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<v Speaker 2>and consistently defined term has been an unnecessary stumbling block

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<v Speaker 2>in past negotiations, and this amorphous concept is best put

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<v Speaker 2>aside to focus on pragmatic and operational concerns. Ironically, the

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<v Speaker 2>liberal version of a two state solution espoused by every

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<v Speaker 2>democratic administration essentially envisions the same endpoint, a Palestinian entity

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<v Speaker 2>demilitarized and subordinate to Israel's economic and security concerns. But

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<v Speaker 2>Palestinians want a state. They want a state in the

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<v Speaker 2>full meaning of the term, and that state has to

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<v Speaker 2>be legitimate, not only internationally, but in the eyes of

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<v Speaker 2>the Palestinian people. Political scientist Tanya Alberts argues that sovereignty

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<v Speaker 2>is an identity of states. It's constituted by the norms

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<v Speaker 2>of international society. States are recognized as sovereign if they

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<v Speaker 2>achieve self determination for a group of people. The fact that,

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<v Speaker 2>on rare occasions, the international system has refused to recognize

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<v Speaker 2>certain political entities as states, specifically because they had violated

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<v Speaker 2>the right of self determination, highlights how we now think

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<v Speaker 2>of political authority. So, for example, the international community did

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<v Speaker 2>not recognize Rhodesia as a state because it violated the

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<v Speaker 2>self determination of the black majority in that country, even

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<v Speaker 2>though white people in Rhodesia did exercise material control over

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<v Speaker 2>that country. In other words, the state's right to sovereignty

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<v Speaker 2>must flow from some sort of legitimacy. A state rules

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<v Speaker 2>because society approves. This doesn't mean that every sovereign state

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<v Speaker 2>is democratic, but simply that states derive their status from

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<v Speaker 2>the citizens buy in, and because the state claims to

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<v Speaker 2>represent the will of maybe a certain ethnic or civic identity,

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<v Speaker 2>it's understood as an executor of the law in act

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<v Speaker 2>acted by the people who are sovereign. So sovereignty, then

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<v Speaker 2>should also be understood as the ability of people who

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<v Speaker 2>consider themselves of that place to exercise control over a

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<v Speaker 2>territory and have a say in its future. Populist movements,

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<v Speaker 2>secessionist movements, and other movements that challenge a certain state

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<v Speaker 2>sometimes claim popular sovereignty, legitimizing their assertions with reference to

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<v Speaker 2>their historical legacy or continuity or indigenity, even in the

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<v Speaker 2>absence of a representative state, and Palestinians are one such group.

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<v Speaker 2>They've struggled not merely for the right to exist, but

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<v Speaker 2>also for political control in state institutions that represent and

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<v Speaker 2>uphold their national identity. And the legitimacy of their sovereignty

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<v Speaker 2>claim stems not only from their long ties to the territory,

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<v Speaker 2>but also from the fact that they have long conceived

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<v Speaker 2>themselves as a nation, a nation that has never ceded

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<v Speaker 2>its demand for a sovereign state with the promise of subjugation,

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<v Speaker 2>subsistence or integration into another state. So, to make this

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<v Speaker 2>very clear, Palestinians want the state that is sovereign. They

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<v Speaker 2>certainly don't mean self governance. And Palestinians, after thirty years

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<v Speaker 2>of OSLO that has only left them worse off, certainly

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<v Speaker 2>don't want to go back to trying the same process again.

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<v Speaker 2>So when these countries recognize Palestine as a state as

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<v Speaker 2>a way of pretending to pressure for the two state solution,

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<v Speaker 2>they're not saying anything about what happens to the territories

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<v Speaker 2>that are currently being wiped out, like literally all of

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<v Speaker 2>Gaza and even parts of the West Bank. They're not

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<v Speaker 2>saying anything about Israeli settlements, They're not saying anything about reparations.

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<v Speaker 2>And because of that, some Palestinians have argued that these

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<v Speaker 2>statehood recognition things are a cynical ploy to distract from

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<v Speaker 2>the inaction of these countries on addressing the genocide in Gaza,

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<v Speaker 2>basically pretending to act without actually doing any. Palestinian analyst

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<v Speaker 2>Mahin Robani said this to NPR recently. Quote In the end,

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<v Speaker 2>simply recognizing Palestinian statehood is a low cost option. It

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<v Speaker 2>may placate a domestic audience demanding action, while doing very

0:14:13.640 --> 0:14:17.000
<v Speaker 2>little to actually change the situation on the ground end quote.

0:14:17.920 --> 0:14:22.120
<v Speaker 2>Others have argued even further that not only are these

0:14:22.560 --> 0:14:27.480
<v Speaker 2>declarations of recognition a cynical ploy to distract, but they

0:14:27.520 --> 0:14:30.880
<v Speaker 2>may even be a sort of trap. Legal expert and

0:14:30.920 --> 0:14:35.480
<v Speaker 2>professor nuraa At and international lawyer and professor Shadhamuri wrote

0:14:35.480 --> 0:14:37.880
<v Speaker 2>for Jidelia on this, which I'll link in the show notes.

0:14:38.480 --> 0:14:40.840
<v Speaker 2>They argue effectively that the best thing to come out

0:14:40.880 --> 0:14:44.080
<v Speaker 2>of this is a challenge maybe to the US. Quote.

0:14:44.440 --> 0:14:48.560
<v Speaker 2>The greatest promise of this renewed statehood bid, the most

0:14:48.560 --> 0:14:51.520
<v Speaker 2>recent push being in twenty eleven twenty twelve, is a

0:14:51.640 --> 0:14:55.120
<v Speaker 2>united front to challenge US and transigent support for Israel

0:14:55.360 --> 0:15:00.520
<v Speaker 2>end quote. However, they also point out that quote states

0:15:00.560 --> 0:15:03.320
<v Speaker 2>do not need to recognize Palestine to end the occupation,

0:15:03.560 --> 0:15:07.080
<v Speaker 2>to end the genocide and advance Palestinian self determination. They

0:15:07.200 --> 0:15:12.200
<v Speaker 2>argue that states quote need decisive will to impose arms

0:15:12.200 --> 0:15:15.360
<v Speaker 2>and energy embargoes and trade with and investment in Israel

0:15:16.000 --> 0:15:19.880
<v Speaker 2>unseated from the un hold Israeli war criminals and complicit

0:15:19.920 --> 0:15:23.560
<v Speaker 2>corporations accountable in their national courts, and arrest Prime Minister

0:15:23.640 --> 0:15:37.160
<v Speaker 2>Benjamin Nataniehu in compliance with the ICC's arrest warrant end quote.

0:15:38.960 --> 0:15:43.000
<v Speaker 2>So the bit for statehood doesn't solve problems. It only

0:15:43.040 --> 0:15:46.760
<v Speaker 2>gives states the fig leaf to actually delay solving problems.

0:15:47.280 --> 0:15:50.920
<v Speaker 2>On top of that, it risks empowering illegitimate and corrupt

0:15:50.920 --> 0:15:55.520
<v Speaker 2>Palestinian leadership in any future negotiations. I'm talking a leadership

0:15:55.600 --> 0:15:59.120
<v Speaker 2>that includes Palestinian President Mahmud Abbas, who eighty percent of

0:15:59.120 --> 0:16:02.600
<v Speaker 2>Palestinian's poll said they want him to resign, and an

0:16:02.680 --> 0:16:06.760
<v Speaker 2>institution like the Palestinian Authority that only fifteen percent of

0:16:06.800 --> 0:16:10.320
<v Speaker 2>Palestinians are satisfied with according to the latest polling as

0:16:10.360 --> 0:16:14.240
<v Speaker 2>at that hamurin note quote. The terms of the High

0:16:14.320 --> 0:16:17.400
<v Speaker 2>Level International Conference for the Peaceful Settlement of the Question

0:16:17.480 --> 0:16:20.560
<v Speaker 2>of Palestine, convened in New York, led by France and

0:16:20.600 --> 0:16:24.320
<v Speaker 2>the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia confirm these risks. The Palestinian

0:16:24.360 --> 0:16:28.520
<v Speaker 2>Authority is glorified in at least seven clauses entrusted with

0:16:28.600 --> 0:16:32.480
<v Speaker 2>governing the state, effectively paving the way for a police

0:16:32.480 --> 0:16:37.880
<v Speaker 2>state alongside a settler colonial entity end quote. None of

0:16:37.920 --> 0:16:41.560
<v Speaker 2>the talk of recognizing Palestine amid all of these conditions

0:16:41.600 --> 0:16:45.560
<v Speaker 2>and stipulations ever say anything about the power imbalance between

0:16:45.560 --> 0:16:49.240
<v Speaker 2>the two parties or address the root causes of conflict. Now.

0:16:49.280 --> 0:16:52.600
<v Speaker 2>On the other hand, political scientist Paul Post, writing for

0:16:52.640 --> 0:16:56.880
<v Speaker 2>a World Politics Review, says, quote, recognition isn't just theater.

0:16:57.440 --> 0:17:01.120
<v Speaker 2>Recognition is a long standing legal institution that has the

0:17:01.160 --> 0:17:04.760
<v Speaker 2>important function of identifying major actors in the international system.

0:17:05.080 --> 0:17:08.760
<v Speaker 2>And for policymakers, recognition is the looseness in the rules

0:17:09.040 --> 0:17:12.160
<v Speaker 2>that allows them to use recognition not only to identify actors,

0:17:12.160 --> 0:17:15.240
<v Speaker 2>but also to express opinions about them or to secure

0:17:15.240 --> 0:17:20.000
<v Speaker 2>concessions from them. So, from his perspective, these declarations of

0:17:20.040 --> 0:17:25.080
<v Speaker 2>recognition are meaningful in some shape or form. Here's my take,

0:17:25.400 --> 0:17:30.200
<v Speaker 2>statehood recognition is not meaningless. In fact, it's probably dangerous

0:17:30.280 --> 0:17:32.840
<v Speaker 2>in this current moment, because what it's trying to do

0:17:33.560 --> 0:17:36.960
<v Speaker 2>is to cement the conflict in its place. These countries

0:17:37.000 --> 0:17:42.000
<v Speaker 2>recognizing Palestine want to hurry the current Palestinian leadership into

0:17:42.040 --> 0:17:45.160
<v Speaker 2>accepting a state and name only that is not sovereign.

0:17:45.520 --> 0:17:47.520
<v Speaker 2>They want to force the Israelis to the table to

0:17:47.560 --> 0:17:49.960
<v Speaker 2>do that, and they want these conditions to become the

0:17:50.000 --> 0:17:54.280
<v Speaker 2>precedent for future negotiations. And we see signs of this

0:17:54.440 --> 0:17:59.000
<v Speaker 2>in other ways. For example, the international community and regional

0:17:59.119 --> 0:18:03.880
<v Speaker 2>powers pressured Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbass into changing the rules

0:18:04.200 --> 0:18:07.760
<v Speaker 2>of the PLO's internal governance in order to appoint a

0:18:07.760 --> 0:18:10.280
<v Speaker 2>successor because they were afraid he was going to keel over,

0:18:10.880 --> 0:18:14.800
<v Speaker 2>and he appointed a very unpopular figure named senranchech As,

0:18:14.840 --> 0:18:18.040
<v Speaker 2>I wrote for The Guardian alongside palestiniancially an activist Pablo

0:18:18.080 --> 0:18:22.160
<v Speaker 2>of Abbufom in May of this year. Abbas also expanded

0:18:22.160 --> 0:18:25.320
<v Speaker 2>the Central Council of the PLO and appointed friendly people

0:18:25.320 --> 0:18:29.080
<v Speaker 2>to it. All of this shows that the international community,

0:18:29.320 --> 0:18:32.480
<v Speaker 2>in pressuring the Pasteinian leadership in these directions, has no

0:18:32.600 --> 0:18:36.840
<v Speaker 2>interest in democratic buy in, in actually getting the buy

0:18:36.880 --> 0:18:40.560
<v Speaker 2>in of the Palestinian people, really thinking that a legitimate

0:18:40.560 --> 0:18:46.040
<v Speaker 2>negotiation would ever be sustainable under these circumstances. This state

0:18:46.080 --> 0:18:50.480
<v Speaker 2>of affairs, these schemes where international powers try to ignore

0:18:50.520 --> 0:18:53.760
<v Speaker 2>what the Palestinian people want yet again, is the reason

0:18:53.800 --> 0:18:57.320
<v Speaker 2>Palestinians don't really have any hope in any solution. In

0:18:57.400 --> 0:19:03.280
<v Speaker 2>polling on Onesday Tuesday, et cetera. Forty seven percent prefer

0:19:03.359 --> 0:19:06.200
<v Speaker 2>the two state solution based on the nineteen sixty seven borders,

0:19:06.560 --> 0:19:10.360
<v Speaker 2>fifteen percent prefer confederation between the two states, and fourteen

0:19:10.400 --> 0:19:13.120
<v Speaker 2>percent of Palestinians prefer the establishment of a single state

0:19:13.160 --> 0:19:16.040
<v Speaker 2>with equality between the two sides. Twenty four percent of

0:19:16.040 --> 0:19:18.760
<v Speaker 2>Palestinians polled said that they did not know or did

0:19:18.760 --> 0:19:22.600
<v Speaker 2>not want to answer. Also, when asked about the public's

0:19:22.600 --> 0:19:25.760
<v Speaker 2>support or opposition to specific political measures to break the

0:19:25.840 --> 0:19:31.040
<v Speaker 2>current political deadlock, sixty eight percent of Palestinians supported joining

0:19:31.080 --> 0:19:35.560
<v Speaker 2>more international organizations, but still fifty percent supported resorting to

0:19:35.760 --> 0:19:39.399
<v Speaker 2>unarmed popular resistance. Forty six percent supported a return to

0:19:39.640 --> 0:19:43.000
<v Speaker 2>armed Intafaldo, and forty two percent supported the dissolution of

0:19:43.040 --> 0:19:46.479
<v Speaker 2>the Palestinian authority. Twenty six percent supported abandoning the two

0:19:46.520 --> 0:19:49.400
<v Speaker 2>state solution and demanding one state for Palstinians and Israelis.

0:19:50.160 --> 0:19:53.760
<v Speaker 2>What this sort of polling shows is that Palestinians now

0:19:53.840 --> 0:19:58.480
<v Speaker 2>understand very clearly that the international system is screwing them over,

0:19:59.000 --> 0:20:02.159
<v Speaker 2>international law hasn't been able to help them, and that

0:20:02.160 --> 0:20:05.359
<v Speaker 2>the solutions for a two state solution being proposed with

0:20:05.480 --> 0:20:08.360
<v Speaker 2>all of these conditions won't ever actually get to two

0:20:08.359 --> 0:20:12.440
<v Speaker 2>states and won't give them real sovereignty. The mass protests

0:20:12.440 --> 0:20:15.240
<v Speaker 2>and actions that took place in twenty twenty one Palestinian

0:20:15.240 --> 0:20:18.679
<v Speaker 2>activists called this the Unity Uprising or Intafalda, showed that

0:20:18.720 --> 0:20:22.160
<v Speaker 2>this has always been about sovereignty. In the Unity Intafalda

0:20:22.200 --> 0:20:25.600
<v Speaker 2>of twenty twenty one, Palstinian activists spoke of a shared

0:20:25.640 --> 0:20:31.000
<v Speaker 2>struggle against Israel's continued erasure of Palestinians. Palestinians living under

0:20:31.040 --> 0:20:34.720
<v Speaker 2>Israeli rule across the country, whether they had citizenship or

0:20:34.760 --> 0:20:38.360
<v Speaker 2>they didn't, rejected the old style of politics. They rejected

0:20:38.400 --> 0:20:41.879
<v Speaker 2>what they saw as artificial fragmentation and they insisted instead

0:20:41.960 --> 0:20:45.640
<v Speaker 2>on their national identity and shared struggle. As a result,

0:20:46.160 --> 0:20:49.160
<v Speaker 2>at that time we witnessed an extraordinary amount of organizing

0:20:49.400 --> 0:20:53.199
<v Speaker 2>across the Green line, so in the territories and in Israel,

0:20:53.240 --> 0:20:55.800
<v Speaker 2>with Palestinian citizens of Israel, and it was a way

0:20:55.840 --> 0:20:59.919
<v Speaker 2>of reclaiming Palestinian sovereignty. The same activists in groups involved

0:21:00.080 --> 0:21:03.880
<v Speaker 2>in the Jerusalem neighborhood of Shechharrah linked up with those

0:21:04.000 --> 0:21:07.520
<v Speaker 2>organizing in Heifa and Uml Fahm. They built on these

0:21:07.520 --> 0:21:11.080
<v Speaker 2>connections to launch campaigns over and over in Masafietta, the

0:21:11.119 --> 0:21:15.920
<v Speaker 2>Knockub and much more. Sovereignty has always been an animating

0:21:16.000 --> 0:21:19.880
<v Speaker 2>demand for Palestinians since before October seventh, and that's surely

0:21:20.040 --> 0:21:22.280
<v Speaker 2>on everyone's minds now that the war on Gaza has

0:21:22.280 --> 0:21:26.680
<v Speaker 2>extended this long. So the takeaway here is recognition isn't

0:21:26.680 --> 0:21:30.000
<v Speaker 2>the solution. Statehood may not even be the solution, at

0:21:30.080 --> 0:21:33.200
<v Speaker 2>least not in the terms they're offering. Sovereignty has always

0:21:33.240 --> 0:21:36.879
<v Speaker 2>been what the demand is, and these pushes for recognition

0:21:37.359 --> 0:21:41.200
<v Speaker 2>miss that point yet again. That's it for me. Thank

0:21:41.240 --> 0:21:44.040
<v Speaker 2>you for listening to another Palestine episode, and I'll be

0:21:44.119 --> 0:21:45.840
<v Speaker 2>back with more soon. Take care.

0:21:45.840 --> 0:21:51.560
<v Speaker 1>It Could Happen Here is a production of cool Zone Media.

0:21:51.640 --> 0:21:54.680
<v Speaker 1>For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website

0:21:54.760 --> 0:21:58.359
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<v Speaker 1>can now find sources for It Could Happen here, listed

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<v Speaker 1>directly in episode descriptions. Thanks for listening.