WEBVTT - The Briefing: "Get Me Regime Change In Iran"

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<v Speaker 1>This is Gavin Newsom, and this is Richard Haas. Richard,

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<v Speaker 1>thank you so much for taking the time to come on,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly at a remarkable time in world history, particularly in

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<v Speaker 1>history unfolding in the Middle East. Today. President Trump seemed

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<v Speaker 1>to have a day that he's been looking forward to

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<v Speaker 1>for years and years and years, pushing NATO to move

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<v Speaker 1>from two percent to five percent. What was your takeaway

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<v Speaker 1>from this NATO summit, at least the first day, and

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<v Speaker 1>just Trump deserve I think a lot of praise and

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<v Speaker 1>for an accomplishment here.

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<v Speaker 2>I would argue President Trump, well, first of all, Gavin,

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<v Speaker 2>good to be with you.

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<v Speaker 3>Thank you.

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<v Speaker 2>Look, I would argue President Trump deserves credit for spurring

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<v Speaker 2>the Europeans to do what they ought to have done

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<v Speaker 2>years before.

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<v Speaker 3>They ought to be.

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<v Speaker 2>Putting forward a larger share of the effort for what's

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<v Speaker 2>a common defense.

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<v Speaker 3>I was just as an aside.

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<v Speaker 2>I would say, much more important to me than whether

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<v Speaker 2>the Europeans spend three percent or two and a half

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<v Speaker 2>or four and a half is how they spend it.

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<v Speaker 3>And I'd actually say something you'd probably agree with.

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<v Speaker 2>In public policy, how you spend money is almost always

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<v Speaker 2>more important than how much you spend and The problem

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<v Speaker 2>with European defense is not just that they spend too little,

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<v Speaker 2>but each country pretty much determines how it spends its

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<v Speaker 2>defense euros, so the whole ends up being less than

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<v Speaker 2>the sum of its parts. So I would be pushing

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<v Speaker 2>if I were advising the president, I would say, yeah,

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<v Speaker 2>push them to do more, but secondly, also push them

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<v Speaker 2>in a sense to become more European, rather than country

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<v Speaker 2>by country by country, which is the way they often

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<v Speaker 2>go about it.

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<v Speaker 3>But I think that part is good. Less good is

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<v Speaker 3>I think he's introduced some.

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<v Speaker 2>Doubts into the reliability of the United States and what

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<v Speaker 2>you might call the automatic quality of Article five America's

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<v Speaker 2>willingness to go to bat for Europe. And obviously there's

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<v Speaker 2>also some fairly significant differences about how to handle the

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<v Speaker 2>most immediate threat, which is Russia and the war in Ukraine.

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<v Speaker 2>So I think it's a mixed bag. But yes, it's

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<v Speaker 2>good to see the Europeans essentially getting pushed to do more.

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<v Speaker 1>And it's interesting just as you unpack and I appreciate

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<v Speaker 1>how you spend and where you spend. It was interesting

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<v Speaker 1>just looking at some of the details that their direct

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<v Speaker 1>spend in support of Ukraine would be considered as part

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<v Speaker 1>of that contribution as it relates to that breakdown of

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<v Speaker 1>five percent. It was also, though interesting to see the

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<v Speaker 1>breakdown within the countries. Obviously Germany looking to move quicker

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<v Speaker 1>by twenty twenty nine with close to seventy percent increase

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<v Speaker 1>in their domestic defense spending, and then Spain, who was

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<v Speaker 1>called to help by the President today, looking not necessarily

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<v Speaker 1>to reach that numerica. Does that mean much to you

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<v Speaker 1>or is that just that's just noise?

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<v Speaker 2>Most interesting part of that is Germany less what Germany

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<v Speaker 2>is prepared to do in defense, though doing more as welcome,

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<v Speaker 2>but Germany has changed its laws and essentially now is

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<v Speaker 2>able to raise serious debt, which was something that modern

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<v Speaker 2>Germany had an allergy to because of the whole Weimar experience.

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<v Speaker 3>And the fact that.

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<v Speaker 2>Germany now can really go into the markets and raise

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<v Speaker 2>that gives them far more capacity to potentially grow their

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<v Speaker 2>economies as well as to contribute to national security. And

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<v Speaker 2>then even go so far as to say the most

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<v Speaker 2>interesting figure in Europe right now is the new Chancellor

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<v Speaker 2>of Germany. And even though he had a rough start

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<v Speaker 2>and getting confirmed and so forth by his parliament, I

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<v Speaker 2>actually think the Chancellor Mertz is in a position to

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<v Speaker 2>in some ways have Germany stake out the leadership position

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<v Speaker 2>in Europe, something that historically since World War Two Germany

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<v Speaker 2>has been reticent.

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<v Speaker 3>To do so.

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<v Speaker 2>Would I would watch that space, particularly since the French,

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<v Speaker 2>the British and others are so gridlocked domestically. I think

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<v Speaker 2>Germany now occup the critical position.

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<v Speaker 1>When you referenced the Article five sort of you know,

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<v Speaker 1>I think the president when he was flying over there

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<v Speaker 1>was some ambiguity once again sort of creating some doubt

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<v Speaker 1>and anxiety. He seemed to shift tone a little bit

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<v Speaker 1>when he landed, But that is just that on again,

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<v Speaker 1>off again relationship to the Article five. Is that what

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<v Speaker 1>you're referring to as sort of a lack of certainty

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<v Speaker 1>and confidence in the president?

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah.

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<v Speaker 2>For those who haven't read the NATO treaty recently, Article

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<v Speaker 2>five is the core of the agreement. We're essentially an

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<v Speaker 2>attack on one who is considered to be an attack

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<v Speaker 2>on all. Curiously, it's only been invoked once in NATO's

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<v Speaker 2>entire history, and that was on behalf of the United

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<v Speaker 2>States after.

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<v Speaker 3>Nine to eleven.

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<v Speaker 2>But alliances depend upon predictability and reliability and dependability and

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<v Speaker 2>I would argue that President Trump has introduced a significant

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<v Speaker 2>degree of uncertainty into that, which I think is counterproductive.

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<v Speaker 2>He would argue, perhaps it was necessary to get the

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<v Speaker 2>beans to do more. I would have said, well, probably

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<v Speaker 2>there's better ways to do that. But that's where we are,

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<v Speaker 2>and to the extent Russia sensus, there's uncertainty there putin

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<v Speaker 2>who as we've seen in Ukraine, can be risk frunt

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<v Speaker 2>it might be more likely to take risks. So I

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<v Speaker 2>always believe that the best way to deter is through certainty.

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<v Speaker 2>So your friends know you'll be there for them, and

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<v Speaker 2>just as important, your enemies know you'll be there for

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<v Speaker 2>your friends. So I would like for President Trump, as

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<v Speaker 2>the days and weeks and months unfold, to look for

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<v Speaker 2>opportunities to make clear that whatever our differences are with

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<v Speaker 2>Europe over their level of defense effort, we see it

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<v Speaker 2>as an our interest to be there with them.

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<v Speaker 3>You're here.

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<v Speaker 1>What in terms of the actual bombing itself, and I

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<v Speaker 1>think my most objective standards, it was a success. Whether

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<v Speaker 1>or not these sites were quote unquote obliterated, that's a

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<v Speaker 1>separate conversation. Is that your assessment that this was a success,

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<v Speaker 1>that in the spirit of what you just said. Around

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<v Speaker 1>some certain that the President wasn't bluffing in terms of

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<v Speaker 1>wanting to get diplomatic deal done. They appeared not to

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<v Speaker 1>want to move in that direction, so then he asserted

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<v Speaker 1>himself militarily.

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<v Speaker 3>I think it was the right thing to do.

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<v Speaker 2>For years, we've been playing this game with the Iranians

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<v Speaker 2>where they were enriching uranium far far, far beyond levels

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<v Speaker 2>anybody would need to generate electricity, so we all knew

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<v Speaker 2>what this was about to put into place. The were

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<v Speaker 2>prerequisites for a nuclear weapons program. I also understood we

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<v Speaker 2>couldn't allow Iron to get on the threshold, much less

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<v Speaker 2>have nuclear weapons. We made that mistake. I would argue

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<v Speaker 2>with North Korea, we don't want to have it now

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<v Speaker 2>in this part of the world, because if Iron ever

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<v Speaker 2>got nuclear weapons, not only would they act more aggressively

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<v Speaker 2>imposed potentially an existential threat to Israel. But you know,

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<v Speaker 2>and I know, the Saudis, the Egyptians, the Turks and

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<v Speaker 2>others would follow suits. And the only thing worse than

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<v Speaker 2>the Middle East we've known is the Middle East I

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<v Speaker 2>just described. So I think what Israel and then the

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<v Speaker 2>United States did was it was warrant it. We'll see

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<v Speaker 2>what the results are. Whatever the Iran, whatever happened, the

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<v Speaker 2>Iranian program was not obliterated. Elements of their program I

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<v Speaker 2>expect will have survived the attacks on the three sides.

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<v Speaker 3>More important, I don't know.

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<v Speaker 2>You don't know, probably the president doesn't know what amount

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<v Speaker 2>of uranium or number of centrifuges and so forth are

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<v Speaker 2>under some roof of some warehouse and some other part

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<v Speaker 2>of Iran. I actually think going forward, Devin, we have

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<v Speaker 2>got to assume just the opposite to the Iranian program

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<v Speaker 2>was not obliterating, but elements of that program exist. And

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<v Speaker 2>what's worrisome to me, I'll be honest with you. I

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<v Speaker 2>would think that a lot of Iranian leaders have said, Hey,

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<v Speaker 2>this never would have happened. Had we had nuclear weapons,

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<v Speaker 2>we could have deterred the Israelis in the Americas. So

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<v Speaker 2>I worry that going forward, I think their determination to

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<v Speaker 2>develop nuclear weapons might, if anything, be even greater.

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<v Speaker 1>Well, you know, I want to just pick up on

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<v Speaker 1>that point because that's an interesting observation and an important one.

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<v Speaker 1>And we'll get to North Korea as well in a second.

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<v Speaker 1>Because your reference goes back to the opportunity the United

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<v Speaker 1>States had under the Clinton administration to take out their

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<v Speaker 1>program before it proliferated. But I want to talk a

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<v Speaker 1>little bit about the Non Proliferation Treaty. People have brought

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<v Speaker 1>that up since the nineteen seventies. I think two hundred

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<v Speaker 1>countries were signatories to that, including Iran. There were a

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<v Speaker 1>number of countries that have developed nuclear programs that were

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<v Speaker 1>not original signers to that. Obviously Korea and Israel in

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<v Speaker 1>the extent they have a nuclear program quote unquote, but

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<v Speaker 1>certainly India and Pakistan. But those countries as a consequence,

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<v Speaker 1>would make the claim you just made that they've been

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<v Speaker 1>they've had that deterrent. Now Iran assumed that they would

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<v Speaker 1>not be bombed, I presume under the terms of the

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<v Speaker 1>Non Proliferation Treaty. Does that put it risk the entire

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<v Speaker 1>notion of the non Proliferation Treaty? What's just occurred.

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<v Speaker 3>So let me give you a slightly convoluted answered.

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<v Speaker 2>The Non Proliferation Treaty is only a small piece of

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<v Speaker 2>the effort against non proliferation. I don't think it's a

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<v Speaker 2>wildly successful piece in many ways because.

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<v Speaker 3>It really is a gentleman's agreement.

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<v Speaker 2>We declare what facilities we're doing, certain types of research

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<v Speaker 2>or engineering in and then the inspectors come look at them.

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<v Speaker 2>Inspectors can't look at places that are not known. So

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<v Speaker 2>the entire treaty in that sense is based upon a

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<v Speaker 2>degree of faith that I tend not to have. North

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<v Speaker 2>Korea withdrew from the treaty and there was no particular

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<v Speaker 2>penalty or anything for them having done so. It turns

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<v Speaker 2>out the most important non proliferation tool out there is

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<v Speaker 2>not the Treaty.

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<v Speaker 3>It's called America's alliances.

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<v Speaker 2>By giving countries the confidence that we are there for them,

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<v Speaker 2>they don't need to become self sufficient, and the biggest

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<v Speaker 2>way to accelerate proliferation will be, for example, the South

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<v Speaker 2>Koreans or others come to have doubts about their relationships

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<v Speaker 2>with US. So don't get me wrong, I'm not saying

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<v Speaker 2>the Non Proliferation Treaty doesn't have some utility, and I

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<v Speaker 2>think in particular the inspection provisions can be useful.

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<v Speaker 3>But we shouldn't exaggerate.

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<v Speaker 2>Uh, it's impact that Iran I would think was going

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<v Speaker 2>to do is going to do what it wants regardless

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<v Speaker 2>of its obligations under the street.

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<v Speaker 1>So back to what you were saying, I mean, so

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<v Speaker 1>just let's speculate what goes happens going forward. Obviously, this

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<v Speaker 1>notion of resim change, people sort of pull back a

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<v Speaker 1>little bit, or least it appears the President's pulled back.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't know if BB is pulled back on the

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<v Speaker 1>notion of regime change. But what won't change is their pursuit,

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<v Speaker 1>presumably of a nuclear weapon. As you note, we don't

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<v Speaker 1>know that the program was quote unquote obliterated. Even if

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<v Speaker 1>the physical sites may have been, we don't know where

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<v Speaker 1>this enriched uranium is and centrifugius you imagine. Now your

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<v Speaker 1>concern is now what that they accelerate that program with

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<v Speaker 1>the darkness, meaning without any international inspectors.

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<v Speaker 3>That's my concern.

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<v Speaker 2>It might not be their immediate priority, which I think

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<v Speaker 2>is to shore up the regime. But at some point

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<v Speaker 2>I do think reconstituting a program will become a priority,

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<v Speaker 2>which means, by the way, the day may come where Israel,

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<v Speaker 2>the United States needs to once again use military force

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<v Speaker 2>if we discover some activity going on in the Iranians

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<v Speaker 2>won't voluntarily give it up. It's not normal that problems

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<v Speaker 2>get solved. When I was the head of the Council

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<v Speaker 2>on Foreign Relations, I used to discourage the Fellows from

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<v Speaker 2>using the words solved or solution, because it's just the

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<v Speaker 2>way history works. So I don't believe whatever it is

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<v Speaker 2>we accomplished the other day, however much we accomplished, it

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<v Speaker 2>didn't solve the problem. It may have reduced it, it may

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<v Speaker 2>have set back the Iranian program, but that'll pop up again.

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<v Speaker 3>It's by the way you mentioned regime change.

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<v Speaker 2>It's one of the reasons that people, I think are

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<v Speaker 2>attracted to the idea. If you can't solve the Iranian

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<v Speaker 2>problem through military force or through diplomacy, then people say,

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<v Speaker 2>what's left, Well, let's get a benign government. And I

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<v Speaker 2>think that's why there's so much interest in regime change.

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<v Speaker 2>The problem is it's easier to talk about it than

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<v Speaker 2>bring it about. I don't see the prerequisites in place

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<v Speaker 2>for it, and in any case, you can't base your

0:12:12.200 --> 0:12:14.960
<v Speaker 2>policy on it. People don't like it when I say this,

0:12:15.080 --> 0:12:17.600
<v Speaker 2>but it's a wish more than a strategy. If it

0:12:17.640 --> 0:12:21.400
<v Speaker 2>were to happen. I think it brings problems but obvious

0:12:21.480 --> 0:12:23.880
<v Speaker 2>benefits with it. But we just can't count on it.

0:12:24.280 --> 0:12:27.800
<v Speaker 2>And no president can give the order to so to say,

0:12:28.040 --> 0:12:31.160
<v Speaker 2>Secretary of Defense or State and say, get me regime

0:12:31.240 --> 0:12:34.880
<v Speaker 2>change and Iran they wouldn't have then the tools to

0:12:34.960 --> 0:12:36.200
<v Speaker 2>necessarily carry.

0:12:36.000 --> 0:12:40.360
<v Speaker 1>It out when it comes to just issues of trust,

0:12:40.440 --> 0:12:42.840
<v Speaker 1>and you know, I think one of the questions that

0:12:42.880 --> 0:12:44.800
<v Speaker 1>I get and I ask myself all the time, I

0:12:44.800 --> 0:12:47.040
<v Speaker 1>feel like, for most of my adult life, I've been

0:12:47.040 --> 0:12:50.320
<v Speaker 1>hearing baby net Yao say they're just months away, a

0:12:50.400 --> 0:12:56.240
<v Speaker 1>year away from having weapons, great nuclear weapons, and you know,

0:12:56.280 --> 0:13:00.000
<v Speaker 1>a certain point you just stop believing it. But you're assessed,

0:13:00.400 --> 0:13:03.880
<v Speaker 1>you know, your own objective assessment. This time did appear

0:13:03.920 --> 0:13:07.520
<v Speaker 1>to be different, that they were getting closer and actually

0:13:08.080 --> 0:13:11.000
<v Speaker 1>appeared to be within a matter of months in a

0:13:11.000 --> 0:13:15.720
<v Speaker 1>position where potentially we had a weapons grade weapon coming

0:13:15.760 --> 0:13:17.080
<v Speaker 1>out of Iran? Is that accurate?

0:13:17.800 --> 0:13:20.800
<v Speaker 2>Pretty much? Look, this was a gathering threat. It wasn't

0:13:20.800 --> 0:13:23.360
<v Speaker 2>an imminent threat. It was a gathering threat. And the

0:13:23.440 --> 0:13:26.120
<v Speaker 2>question is how close Now we know they had done

0:13:26.120 --> 0:13:28.000
<v Speaker 2>most of the enrichment work they need to do to

0:13:28.040 --> 0:13:31.199
<v Speaker 2>get it uranium enriched a plus or minus sixty percent,

0:13:31.840 --> 0:13:34.160
<v Speaker 2>that's not just sixty percent of the effort, that's actually

0:13:34.160 --> 0:13:36.959
<v Speaker 2>closer than ninety percent of the effort. For reasons of

0:13:37.040 --> 0:13:40.000
<v Speaker 2>physics that I couldn't explain because I don't understand them

0:13:40.000 --> 0:13:44.080
<v Speaker 2>well enough, but I think I'm right there. Well, we

0:13:44.160 --> 0:13:46.400
<v Speaker 2>don't know is how close they were on some of

0:13:46.440 --> 0:13:49.720
<v Speaker 2>the other things, the actual fabrication of explosive devices, the

0:13:49.760 --> 0:13:53.040
<v Speaker 2>bomb and so forth. And there was the Israelis, believe

0:13:53.160 --> 0:13:56.840
<v Speaker 2>the economists published some very interesting stuff about it, that

0:13:56.920 --> 0:13:59.600
<v Speaker 2>they had made some breakthroughs, they had had some secret

0:13:59.600 --> 0:14:02.840
<v Speaker 2>program amas and so forth. And I think we have

0:14:02.920 --> 0:14:06.680
<v Speaker 2>to be tolerant, just like after nine to eleven we

0:14:06.679 --> 0:14:11.400
<v Speaker 2>were less willing to run certain risks, say about what

0:14:11.400 --> 0:14:13.600
<v Speaker 2>Iraq could do. And this is not a justification for

0:14:13.640 --> 0:14:16.200
<v Speaker 2>the Iraq war. I was against it, but just I

0:14:16.280 --> 0:14:20.359
<v Speaker 2>understand some of the thinking. I think Israel after October

0:14:20.360 --> 0:14:24.320
<v Speaker 2>seventh had less tolerance of running certain risks in their case.

0:14:24.640 --> 0:14:27.239
<v Speaker 2>So I just think the combination of a change mentality

0:14:27.240 --> 0:14:32.560
<v Speaker 2>in Israel, the evisceration of groups like Isbella, which couldn't

0:14:32.600 --> 0:14:37.880
<v Speaker 2>really attack Israel anymore, and this new intelligence would suggested, however,

0:14:37.920 --> 0:14:40.480
<v Speaker 2>far along the Iranians or they were farther along.

0:14:40.960 --> 0:14:41.640
<v Speaker 3>And I think for.

0:14:41.640 --> 0:14:45.960
<v Speaker 2>All those reasons, the Israelis decided to act and we

0:14:46.040 --> 0:14:46.720
<v Speaker 2>came in behind.

0:14:47.800 --> 0:14:50.720
<v Speaker 1>Does this keep BB in power for another extended period

0:14:50.720 --> 0:14:51.120
<v Speaker 1>of time.

0:14:51.480 --> 0:14:54.200
<v Speaker 2>Well, he's got roughly what sixteen seventeen months to run

0:14:54.320 --> 0:14:56.280
<v Speaker 2>before he has to. I think the elections are scheduled

0:14:56.280 --> 0:14:57.560
<v Speaker 2>for October of next year.

0:14:57.840 --> 0:14:58.680
<v Speaker 3>It certainly helps them.

0:14:59.400 --> 0:15:03.520
<v Speaker 2>Israel, as know, is deeply divided about issues on democracy, Gaza,

0:15:03.600 --> 0:15:07.720
<v Speaker 2>what have you, whether the religious can be drafted and

0:15:07.760 --> 0:15:12.200
<v Speaker 2>so forth. They are not divided on Iran left and right,

0:15:12.240 --> 0:15:14.480
<v Speaker 2>hawk and dove. There aren't a lot of doves in

0:15:14.520 --> 0:15:17.720
<v Speaker 2>Israel when it comes to rod. So it clearly helps BB.

0:15:18.880 --> 0:15:21.760
<v Speaker 2>It changes the conversation a little, but it brings Israel together.

0:15:21.840 --> 0:15:24.440
<v Speaker 2>It's seen as an accomplishment, and he has. He has

0:15:24.600 --> 0:15:30.600
<v Speaker 2>changed in many ways israel strategic reality, given the change

0:15:30.600 --> 0:15:33.560
<v Speaker 2>in Syria, is Bulah, the weakening of a mosqu Whatever

0:15:33.600 --> 0:15:36.800
<v Speaker 2>you think, however critical people watching this might be of

0:15:36.960 --> 0:15:39.080
<v Speaker 2>what Israel's done and how it's done it in Gaza,

0:15:39.560 --> 0:15:42.120
<v Speaker 2>the reality is that BB nets and Yahoo in the

0:15:42.200 --> 0:15:46.520
<v Speaker 2>last what eighteen months, has dramatically reduced the external threat

0:15:46.560 --> 0:15:47.040
<v Speaker 2>to Israel.