WEBVTT - Divided Supreme Court Curbs Pension Suits

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court has ruled that US Bank won't have

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<v Speaker 1>to face a lawsuit challenging steep losses to its pension

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<v Speaker 1>plan because the planned participants who filed suit have nothing

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<v Speaker 1>to gain or lose through the case. It was a

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<v Speaker 1>five to four decision along familiar ideological lines. My guest

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<v Speaker 1>is Robert Hockett, a professor at Cornell Law School. Bob

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<v Speaker 1>tell us about the issue behind this case. So the

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<v Speaker 1>issue here was whether a couple of pensioners who hold

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<v Speaker 1>stakes in the particular pension had standing to sue those

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<v Speaker 1>who were managing the pension for having lost a great

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<v Speaker 1>deal of money out of the pension right through excessively

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<v Speaker 1>reckless and or insufficiently careful investment activity. And normally, if

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<v Speaker 1>you were a shareholder in a particular fund such that

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<v Speaker 1>your own payout was a function of the value of

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<v Speaker 1>the fund itself, it would be very clear right that

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<v Speaker 1>you've lost money at the fund lost money, and that

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<v Speaker 1>you had gained money at the fund gained money. But

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<v Speaker 1>because these are pensioners who have basically fixed income rights

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<v Speaker 1>in the investment trust, their income is the same right

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<v Speaker 1>no matter what the value of the pension, at least

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<v Speaker 1>assuming that the pension kind of continues in existence and

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<v Speaker 1>has not gone bankrupt, right and in other ways, in

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<v Speaker 1>more or less ordinary times, quite irrespective of the value

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<v Speaker 1>of the fund, the pensioners have the same rights to

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<v Speaker 1>the same income because these are essentially debt liabilities that

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<v Speaker 1>the fund owes to the pensioners, right, rather than equity liabilities.

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<v Speaker 1>So the question really is whether the pensioners have standing

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<v Speaker 1>to sue UH in light of some loss of value

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<v Speaker 1>on the part of the fund, because legally speaking, the

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<v Speaker 1>obligations that are owed to the pensioners are not contingent

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<v Speaker 1>on the value of the fund. Right, strictly speaking, the

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<v Speaker 1>fund has to pay the fixed obligation, whether it be

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<v Speaker 1>worth five billion dollars or a hundred billion dollars. Right,

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<v Speaker 1>So again, in sort of strictly legal terms, nothing sort

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<v Speaker 1>of changes for the pensioners just cause the pension itself

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<v Speaker 1>might change in value. But you know, you of course

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<v Speaker 1>know by now, I mean the questions are almost never

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<v Speaker 1>strictly legal or strictly theoretical in cases like this, because

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<v Speaker 1>of course we're really dealing with the reality of which

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<v Speaker 1>risk matters. In other words, a pensioner's likelihood of actually

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<v Speaker 1>receiving what she is owed is not only a function

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<v Speaker 1>of the legal obligations of the fund manager. It's also

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<v Speaker 1>a function of the financial health of the fund. If

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<v Speaker 1>the fund, in other words, is in the vicinity of insolvency,

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<v Speaker 1>then the risk that the pensioners don't end up being

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<v Speaker 1>paid grows appreciably right if not indeed enormously in some cases.

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<v Speaker 1>And so what that means, in turn is that there

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<v Speaker 1>really is a particular danger to which the pensioners are

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<v Speaker 1>subject if the fund is mismanaged, and if it loses

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<v Speaker 1>value massively and thus endures a sort of significant rise

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<v Speaker 1>in the likelihood that it will ultimately fail and go

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<v Speaker 1>bankrupt and not be able to pay out its liabilities.

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<v Speaker 1>And how is the Supreme Court treating this issue of

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<v Speaker 1>standing in recent years when it comes to standing all

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<v Speaker 1>rights on some very curious developments in the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>over the last thirty years where standing doctrine is concerned. So,

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<v Speaker 1>by way of very very brief background, um, the way

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<v Speaker 1>we tend to operate under the Article three of our

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<v Speaker 1>Constitution is essentially just sort of treat our courts as

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<v Speaker 1>deciders of what we oftentimes call actual cases or controversies. Right.

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<v Speaker 1>In other words, some actual material state has to be

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<v Speaker 1>at stake in a lawsuit. We don't typically think of

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<v Speaker 1>our courts as entities that sort of just declare what

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<v Speaker 1>the law is, just as as if they were professors. Right. Um,

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<v Speaker 1>they don't simply uh answer theoretical questions or sort of

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<v Speaker 1>way in theoretical questions. Uh. They decide actual cases and controversies.

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<v Speaker 1>And so if you, June had a beef with with me, bob, um,

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<v Speaker 1>let's say, with respect to my theory of relative theory

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<v Speaker 1>of relativity, you and I have a just agreement or

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<v Speaker 1>the theory of relativity. Um, you know, this is not

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<v Speaker 1>an actual case or controversy between us. It's simply a

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<v Speaker 1>disagreement on the theory of relativity. So you wouldn't really

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<v Speaker 1>have standing to sue me, and you wouldn't have a

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<v Speaker 1>cause of action against me either in a case like that.

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<v Speaker 1>On the other hand, if I do something to sort

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<v Speaker 1>of deprive you of something to which you're entitled, if

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<v Speaker 1>I steal from you, for example, if I harm you

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<v Speaker 1>in any particular way, then of course you do have

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<v Speaker 1>standing to sue. We have an actual material dispute rather

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<v Speaker 1>than to say, theoretical dispute, and so the courts are

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<v Speaker 1>situated to decide it. Now, that's a pretty easy distinction

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<v Speaker 1>to draw, right that. The somewhat harder part sometimes can

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<v Speaker 1>be a circumstance in which the disagreement that we're talking

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<v Speaker 1>about is definitely over something concrete and real, it's not

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<v Speaker 1>really theoretical. However, in some cases, the concrete or real

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<v Speaker 1>thing might not be an actually occurred harm or actually

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<v Speaker 1>a current harm, but might be a substantial rise in

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<v Speaker 1>the likelihood of harm. Right. In other words, the sort

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<v Speaker 1>of risk of harm might rise significantly. And so the

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<v Speaker 1>question then for a court to sort of figure out

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<v Speaker 1>is do we think of a risk, right that sort

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<v Speaker 1>of increases the likelihood of a physical harms happening, or

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<v Speaker 1>at actual concrete harms occurring. Should we think about a

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<v Speaker 1>theoretical thing, kind of like the theory of relativity, or

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<v Speaker 1>should we think of it as itself a real thing?

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<v Speaker 1>Right that, basically, you know, risk is a real thing,

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<v Speaker 1>it's not just theoretical. And you know, historically we've tended

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<v Speaker 1>to answer that question in the affirmative that basically the

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<v Speaker 1>risk is a real thing. And so if I do

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<v Speaker 1>something that subjects you to significant risk, or that actually,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, lowers the expected value of some asset that

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<v Speaker 1>you hold, like the pension benefit, that's a concrete harm

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<v Speaker 1>as far as the law is concerned. And that's the

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<v Speaker 1>way it has typically been in our legal history. Starting

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<v Speaker 1>in the nineteen eighties and proceeding on to the nine

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<v Speaker 1>nineties right down to the present, the Supreme Court seems

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<v Speaker 1>to have been really kind of keen on limiting people's

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<v Speaker 1>access to the courts. And one way of doing that,

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<v Speaker 1>of course, is to shrink the number of things that

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<v Speaker 1>count as concrete or actual non theoretical harms. The more

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<v Speaker 1>such things they can remove from the class of actual

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<v Speaker 1>concrete harms, the harder it gets for you or me

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<v Speaker 1>to get into court, because the harder it gets for

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<v Speaker 1>you or me to establish that we have standing, that

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<v Speaker 1>we actually have an actual case or controversy that is

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<v Speaker 1>sort of amenable to judicial decision or adjudication. So, in

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<v Speaker 1>a sense, you can view this particular case, this particular

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<v Speaker 1>decision by the Supreme Court is simply the latest in

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<v Speaker 1>this rather distressing, from my point of view, long line

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<v Speaker 1>of decisions that have sort of progressively narrowed the doorway

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<v Speaker 1>for you and I to get access to justice in

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<v Speaker 1>the courts, basically simply by defining in a sense out

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<v Speaker 1>of existence certain harms that previously would have been treated

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<v Speaker 1>as actual harms and would have been defined as harms

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<v Speaker 1>and us would have qualified us to get into court

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<v Speaker 1>withstanding to sue. So in this particular case, you it's

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<v Speaker 1>it's quite transparent. In Kavanaugh's rather surprisingly school boyish opinion

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<v Speaker 1>for the majority, tell us more about Kavanaugh's opinion for

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<v Speaker 1>the Conservative majority in the case, he says, you know, look,

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<v Speaker 1>this is a fixed liability and the part of the

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<v Speaker 1>pension um that's owed to these pensioners um. That means that,

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<v Speaker 1>at least legally speaking, uh, they basically enjoy the same

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<v Speaker 1>benefit through the pension if they win this suit as

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<v Speaker 1>if they lose this suit. Right, the outcome of the suit,

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<v Speaker 1>in other words, doesn't change the liability that the pension

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<v Speaker 1>fund owes to the pensioners. Therefore, it makes no difference

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<v Speaker 1>whether they're in the suit or not, and therefore they

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<v Speaker 1>don't have standing. Right. But again, the problem with that

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<v Speaker 1>line of reasoning is it completely ignores the fact that

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<v Speaker 1>there are two determinants of harm here, right. One is

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<v Speaker 1>the legal obligation of the pension fund, which is admittedly

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<v Speaker 1>invariant as between the circumstance in which the plaint iss

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<v Speaker 1>win and the circumstances which they lose. But the other determinant,

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<v Speaker 1>again is the actual likelihood of being hey right, the

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<v Speaker 1>actual risk of the funds turning out not to be

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<v Speaker 1>able to pay what it oes and thus going bankrupt.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's just completely ignored. It's treated this so we're

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<v Speaker 1>just a non existent issue. It's almost as there were

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<v Speaker 1>there were sort of a blind spot where the color

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<v Speaker 1>orange and Justice Kavanaugh was wearing orange glasses and so

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<v Speaker 1>he just couldn't see it. It's just sort of not

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<v Speaker 1>there as far as he is concerned. And in that sense,

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<v Speaker 1>this is a sort of garden variety, you know, once

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<v Speaker 1>again narrowing the doorway standing determination by the Supreme Court.

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<v Speaker 1>So you know, if you I think what this means

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<v Speaker 1>really is there's sort of two reasons to bases on

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<v Speaker 1>which to be sort of really disturbed about this decision.

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<v Speaker 1>The first is what I just mentioned, that it is

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<v Speaker 1>just yet another one of these cases that sort of

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<v Speaker 1>narrows the doorway, makes it less and less possible for

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<v Speaker 1>you or me uh to get redress in the courts

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<v Speaker 1>of law, which are there to provide us with redress.

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<v Speaker 1>And secondly um it sort of carries on with this

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<v Speaker 1>tendency among some judges to treat risk as we're something

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<v Speaker 1>that's not real, as though it were as theoretical as

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<v Speaker 1>the theory of quantum mechanics or something, so that disputes

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<v Speaker 1>over risks are no different than disputes in Parisian cafes

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<v Speaker 1>over you know, the truth or falsehood of the theory

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<v Speaker 1>of quantum mechanics or the theory of relativity or what

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<v Speaker 1>have you. And risk is not like that, right. The

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<v Speaker 1>only proof you need of that is just to look

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<v Speaker 1>at our financial markets, right. I mean, basically, every price

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<v Speaker 1>associated with every asset in any financial market is itself

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<v Speaker 1>partly a function of the risk that attaches to that asset.

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<v Speaker 1>In other words, we deal not in value but in

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<v Speaker 1>expected value when we're talking about financial assets, and that

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<v Speaker 1>means we're treating risk as something real. We're treating risk,

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<v Speaker 1>in other words, as something with a dollar value. Right.

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<v Speaker 1>A riskier asset is something that all else being equal,

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<v Speaker 1>you pay less for, and a less risky asset, all

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<v Speaker 1>else being equally you pay more for right, it's dollar valued.

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<v Speaker 1>What could be more concrete or real than that in

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<v Speaker 1>a modern economy? Um, And so when Justice Kathina sort

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<v Speaker 1>of pretends like, well, the only things that are concrete

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<v Speaker 1>are this really primitive things like you know, clubs and

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<v Speaker 1>baseball bats and fists in your nose and stuff. But

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<v Speaker 1>but you know, risk is just not real. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>it's it's, first of all, again very primitive. It's a

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<v Speaker 1>very sort of pre modern way of thinking of the

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<v Speaker 1>world or thinking of things. But it's also completely obtuse

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<v Speaker 1>to pretty much everything that gets done in our economy,

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<v Speaker 1>pretty much every decision that stated in our economy, because

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<v Speaker 1>every decision made in our economy is at least partly

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<v Speaker 1>made on the basis of perceived or even measurable risks.

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<v Speaker 1>You look at this and you say, well, it's just

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<v Speaker 1>an issue of standing. Why is it a five to

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<v Speaker 1>four split along ideological lines? Give us another explanation of

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<v Speaker 1>why this split the justices along ideological lines? Sure? Yeah, so, Um.

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<v Speaker 1>The reason that this tends that that the standing question

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<v Speaker 1>tends to divide the court belonging at theological lines, and

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<v Speaker 1>tence sort of invites the five four type decisions that

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<v Speaker 1>we see so much of these days is precisely that

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<v Speaker 1>it's primarily political and judicial conservatives who have been sort

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<v Speaker 1>of who have been the primary drivers, you might say,

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<v Speaker 1>of this long term trend over the last thirty years

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<v Speaker 1>or so within the Supreme Court to narrow the gates

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<v Speaker 1>through which people can get um in order to get

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<v Speaker 1>access to justice. In other words, conservatives for the last

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<v Speaker 1>three years or so seemed to be really reluctant to

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<v Speaker 1>let people have access to the courts um. And so,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, the whole history of the conservative legal movement

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<v Speaker 1>over the last thirty years or so is in a

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<v Speaker 1>sense a sort of history of systematic, uh diminishment of

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<v Speaker 1>the grounds on the basis of which you can get

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<v Speaker 1>justice in a court of law. And if you think

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<v Speaker 1>about it, this kind of hangs together rather nicely, right

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<v Speaker 1>with the sentence, the way in which conservatives and political

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<v Speaker 1>campaigns and then their rhetoric in congression and legislatures and

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<v Speaker 1>so forth, are always demonizing the quote unquote the trial lawyers.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, they're always upset about lawyers, they seem to

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<v Speaker 1>and they're always on about unelectric judges, and you know,

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<v Speaker 1>there's that tendency for them to demonize the courts and

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<v Speaker 1>and and and the legal process and the law itself.

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<v Speaker 1>There's this kind of inherent suspicion that they seem to

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<v Speaker 1>have UM. And so I think, you know, if you

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<v Speaker 1>look at the way they've sort of changed standing doctrine

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<v Speaker 1>over the years, if you also look at the doctrine

0:12:24.320 --> 0:12:29.480
<v Speaker 1>surrounding the circumstances that determining the circumstances under which there

0:12:29.480 --> 0:12:32.400
<v Speaker 1>are private rights of action that individuals can bring into court,

0:12:32.480 --> 0:12:35.959
<v Speaker 1>you know, as distinguished from regulators uh sort of uh

0:12:36.160 --> 0:12:39.720
<v Speaker 1>initiating process in the court about UM. If you look

0:12:39.800 --> 0:12:45.040
<v Speaker 1>at UM, you know, the grounds on which people even

0:12:45.080 --> 0:12:48.720
<v Speaker 1>are deemed as having causes of action under particular bodies

0:12:48.760 --> 0:12:51.760
<v Speaker 1>of law, the regulatory law or other. The trend is

0:12:51.760 --> 0:12:53.960
<v Speaker 1>pretty much the same, you know, all of those different

0:12:53.960 --> 0:12:58.160
<v Speaker 1>realms UM when it comes to conservative the judges or

0:12:58.280 --> 0:13:02.479
<v Speaker 1>lawyers or legislators on the one hand, and non conservative

0:13:03.040 --> 0:13:06.640
<v Speaker 1>judges or lawyers or or or politicians on the other hand.

0:13:06.960 --> 0:13:10.000
<v Speaker 1>In general, those who are not conservative seem to be

0:13:10.080 --> 0:13:14.360
<v Speaker 1>more friendly to the idea of giving people access to justice,

0:13:14.480 --> 0:13:16.880
<v Speaker 1>making sure that people have access to the courts, making

0:13:16.880 --> 0:13:19.280
<v Speaker 1>sure that people can vindicate their rights and enforce their

0:13:19.360 --> 0:13:21.320
<v Speaker 1>rights in courts of law. That's what the courts are for,

0:13:21.440 --> 0:13:24.200
<v Speaker 1>after all. And then it seems that what the conservatives

0:13:24.200 --> 0:13:26.439
<v Speaker 1>are sort of all about is sort of progressively taking

0:13:26.480 --> 0:13:29.920
<v Speaker 1>all of that stuff away, sort of diminishing. So let

0:13:29.920 --> 0:13:32.959
<v Speaker 1>me ask you this. The circuit courts were split before

0:13:33.000 --> 0:13:36.720
<v Speaker 1>this decision. Does this mean that those courts will now

0:13:37.120 --> 0:13:41.040
<v Speaker 1>have to follow this decision? Yeah, the short answer is yes, um.

0:13:41.080 --> 0:13:45.760
<v Speaker 1>And the slightly longer answer is that mainly yes. So

0:13:45.760 --> 0:13:48.240
<v Speaker 1>so to explain, I mean, the reason that the short

0:13:48.240 --> 0:13:50.960
<v Speaker 1>answer is yes is that, yeah, that's that's typical ground

0:13:51.080 --> 0:13:53.960
<v Speaker 1>on which the Supreme Court to science to hear a case. Right,

0:13:54.000 --> 0:13:57.120
<v Speaker 1>it has discretion to not to hear cases or to

0:13:57.240 --> 0:13:59.120
<v Speaker 1>go ahead and hear them. And what are the principal

0:13:59.120 --> 0:14:03.000
<v Speaker 1>reasons are basically on which the Supreme Court will go ahead, um,

0:14:03.080 --> 0:14:06.040
<v Speaker 1>and grant the so called rite of sertuary and thus

0:14:06.080 --> 0:14:08.559
<v Speaker 1>hear a case and decide it is the so called

0:14:08.559 --> 0:14:11.560
<v Speaker 1>circuit split. Right, if there's a significant split between circuits

0:14:11.559 --> 0:14:14.160
<v Speaker 1>in the country, then to sort of resolve the ambiguity,

0:14:14.280 --> 0:14:16.160
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court will take the case and sort of

0:14:16.240 --> 0:14:18.320
<v Speaker 1>you know, weigh in and settle it once and for all.

0:14:18.720 --> 0:14:20.600
<v Speaker 1>And that's the way it's supposed to work, that theory,

0:14:20.640 --> 0:14:23.040
<v Speaker 1>and in general that's the reality as well. The one

0:14:23.120 --> 0:14:25.320
<v Speaker 1>sense in which you might hedge this, and hence the

0:14:25.640 --> 0:14:29.320
<v Speaker 1>slightly longer answer, um, is that you know, if this

0:14:29.400 --> 0:14:33.440
<v Speaker 1>decision is as controversial as it seems to me it

0:14:33.480 --> 0:14:36.920
<v Speaker 1>ought to be, um, and hence remains a kind of

0:14:37.040 --> 0:14:42.400
<v Speaker 1>contested territory for a while, then circuits that are that

0:14:42.520 --> 0:14:47.880
<v Speaker 1>do not find this opinion persuasive or congenial or consistent

0:14:47.920 --> 0:14:51.520
<v Speaker 1>with principles of justice will look for grounds on which,

0:14:51.560 --> 0:14:55.880
<v Speaker 1>to quote unquote, distinguish this decision from later cases that

0:14:55.960 --> 0:14:58.480
<v Speaker 1>might come up. Right. In other words, other cases might

0:14:58.480 --> 0:15:00.280
<v Speaker 1>come up that are similar to this one in some

0:15:00.440 --> 0:15:04.080
<v Speaker 1>respects while also differing from it in other respects. And

0:15:04.120 --> 0:15:07.120
<v Speaker 1>if it's plausible to sort of single out the differing

0:15:07.360 --> 0:15:11.240
<v Speaker 1>respects in any particular case as legally relevant or salient,

0:15:11.920 --> 0:15:14.880
<v Speaker 1>then you might, as a circuit court come come down

0:15:14.880 --> 0:15:17.600
<v Speaker 1>in a way that's not in a sense consistent with

0:15:18.120 --> 0:15:20.800
<v Speaker 1>this Supreme Court decision. But but on the other end,

0:15:21.120 --> 0:15:25.400
<v Speaker 1>kind it is right, um, because you can sort of say, well, look,

0:15:25.600 --> 0:15:29.200
<v Speaker 1>if this particular case before us were identical in every

0:15:29.240 --> 0:15:31.960
<v Speaker 1>relevant respect to the case that was before the Supreme Court.

0:15:32.040 --> 0:15:34.880
<v Speaker 1>In this decision, then yes, we would be bound by

0:15:35.040 --> 0:15:37.880
<v Speaker 1>that Supreme Court decision. But again, at this case before

0:15:37.920 --> 0:15:41.360
<v Speaker 1>us differs in some legally relevant respect or seemingly salient

0:15:41.520 --> 0:15:44.360
<v Speaker 1>or important respect from the case that was before the

0:15:44.400 --> 0:15:47.880
<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court, then we can plausibly argue that that Supreme

0:15:47.920 --> 0:15:50.520
<v Speaker 1>Court decision doesn't actually apply here. It's about a different

0:15:50.520 --> 0:15:54.000
<v Speaker 1>sort of issue than this issue, um, and therefore we

0:15:54.040 --> 0:15:57.280
<v Speaker 1>can come down differently, even if it's superficially looks like

0:15:57.320 --> 0:15:59.800
<v Speaker 1>it is a decision that is intentioned with that Supreme

0:15:59.800 --> 0:16:02.800
<v Speaker 1>Court decision, and whether that happens is pretty much just

0:16:02.840 --> 0:16:04.520
<v Speaker 1>a matter of, you know, just sort of what happens

0:16:04.520 --> 0:16:06.280
<v Speaker 1>out there in the world. That's the sort of function

0:16:06.360 --> 0:16:09.960
<v Speaker 1>of what sorts of disputes or cases or controversies arise

0:16:10.240 --> 0:16:13.040
<v Speaker 1>if anybody brings them to court, and then whether they

0:16:13.080 --> 0:16:15.600
<v Speaker 1>get past the disreport up to the circuit court in

0:16:15.240 --> 0:16:19.360
<v Speaker 1>the territory in question. Thanks Bob. That's Robert Hacket, a

0:16:19.360 --> 0:16:22.120
<v Speaker 1>professor at Cornell Law School. And that's it for the

0:16:22.280 --> 0:16:25.480
<v Speaker 1>edition of Bloomberg Law. I'm June Grosso. Thanks so much

0:16:25.480 --> 0:16:28.000
<v Speaker 1>for listening, and remember to tune to The Bloomberg Law

0:16:28.040 --> 0:16:31.120
<v Speaker 1>Show weeknights at ten pm Eastern, right here on Bloomberg Radio.