WEBVTT - What's Next for Roe v. Wade?

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to brain Stuff, a production of iHeart Radio, Hey

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<v Speaker 1>brain Stuff. Lauren Bogelbaum here. Nearly fifty years ago, the U. S.

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court made one of its most controversial rulings with

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<v Speaker 1>its landmark decision in Roe v. Wade. The ruling declared

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<v Speaker 1>that states criminalizing abortion violates a woman's right to due process,

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<v Speaker 1>meaning a woman has the right to choose whether to

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<v Speaker 1>terminate a pregnancy with limited government restrictions. Until that point,

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<v Speaker 1>nearly all fifty states outlawed abortion, except in cases to

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<v Speaker 1>save a woman's life or health, or in situations such

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<v Speaker 1>as rape, incest, or fetal anomaly. In the years since

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<v Speaker 1>that landmark decision, state legislators have made numerous attempts to

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<v Speaker 1>chip away at abortion rights through ballot measures and legislative moves,

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<v Speaker 1>and together have passed more than one thousand, three hundred

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<v Speaker 1>restrictions on abortion. Dozens more are currently making their way

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<v Speaker 1>through state legislatures, but the president set by Roe v.

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<v Speaker 1>Wade and its progeny case planned Parenthood v. Casey, remain intact. However,

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<v Speaker 1>a Mississippi case set to be reviewed this fall by

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court holds the potential to shake the very

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<v Speaker 1>foundation upon which these cases stand deep aftershocks of which

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<v Speaker 1>will either strengthen or reshape the future of abortion rights

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<v Speaker 1>in America. It began on January twenty second of nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>seventy three, when, by a vote of seven to two,

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court legalized abortion in the US under Roe v. Wade.

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<v Speaker 1>The Court's judgment was based on the decision that a

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<v Speaker 1>woman's right determinate a pregnancy fell under the freedom of

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<v Speaker 1>personal choice in family matters protected by the fourteenth Amendment

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<v Speaker 1>to the U. S Constitution. The case created the trimester system,

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<v Speaker 1>which says states cannot impose any restrictions on women choosing

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<v Speaker 1>to terminate their pregnancies during the first trimester, though it

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<v Speaker 1>does allow some government limits in the second trimester. The

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<v Speaker 1>states can restrict door ban abortions in the last trimester,

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<v Speaker 1>once the fetus becomes able to live outside the womb. However,

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<v Speaker 1>Roe v. Wade also established that in the final trimester,

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<v Speaker 1>a woman could obtain an abortion if doctors certify that

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<v Speaker 1>it is necessary to save the life or health of

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<v Speaker 1>the woman. In nineteen ninety two, the Supreme Court made

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<v Speaker 1>another landmark decision in Planned Parenthood v. Casey. In that case,

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<v Speaker 1>the Court upheld a woman's constitutional right to have an

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<v Speaker 1>abortion established by Rowe, but also applied the undue burden

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<v Speaker 1>standard for abortion restrictions, establishing that no laws should be

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<v Speaker 1>too burdensome or restrictive of one's fundamental rights. There have

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<v Speaker 1>been numerous challenges to Rowe and Casey through the years

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<v Speaker 1>that the Supreme Court has struck down, including a ban

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<v Speaker 1>after six weeks in North Dakota and a ban after

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<v Speaker 1>twelve weeks in Arkansas. The Court also struck down at

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<v Speaker 1>twenty sixteen Texas law that impeded in exibilities to perform abortions.

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<v Speaker 1>Earlier this year, however, Texas lawmakers found a way to

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<v Speaker 1>get around the Supreme Court, at least for now. At

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<v Speaker 1>midnight on September one, the nation's strictest abortion law went

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<v Speaker 1>into effect in the state, known as the Fetal Heartbeat

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<v Speaker 1>Bill or SP eight. The law bands abortions after six

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<v Speaker 1>weeks of pregnancy. That is, six weeks after a person's

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<v Speaker 1>last menstrual cycle, which is before most people know they're

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<v Speaker 1>pregnant and far earlier than legally provided by Roe v. Wade.

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<v Speaker 1>What makes Texas law different from others is that it's

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<v Speaker 1>enforceable only through private civil action. Essentially, that means that

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<v Speaker 1>the law empowers citizens to sue abortion providers or anyone

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<v Speaker 1>who helps another person get an abortion or even intends

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<v Speaker 1>to assist someone after a so called fetal heartbeat has

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<v Speaker 1>been detected, which the bill defines as cardiac activity, or

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<v Speaker 1>the steady and repetitive contraction of the fetal heart within

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<v Speaker 1>the gestational sec although biologically, the hard as we know

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<v Speaker 1>it has not developed by six weeks, so it's not

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<v Speaker 1>really a heartbeat, but rather the just coordinating effects of

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<v Speaker 1>a small group of cardiac cells. The person suing does

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<v Speaker 1>not have to be connected to the person considering the abortion,

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<v Speaker 1>or to a provider, or even live in the state

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<v Speaker 1>of Texas. If the accuser wins their case, the person

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<v Speaker 1>or entity being sued would have to pay the accuser

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<v Speaker 1>or accusers at least ten thousand dollars, as well as

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<v Speaker 1>costs for attorney's fees, according to the law. An independent

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<v Speaker 1>abortion provider in Texas called Whole Woman's Health then challenged

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<v Speaker 1>the law in an emergency application to the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>on the grounds of the six week ban was unconstitutional.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court remained mute on the subject until hours

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<v Speaker 1>before the law went into effect, issuing an unsigned opinion

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<v Speaker 1>consisting of a single long paragraph that stated the abortion

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<v Speaker 1>providers failed to make their case. Though Chief Justice John Roberts,

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<v Speaker 1>who was appointed by Republican President George W. Bush, and

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<v Speaker 1>left leaning Justices Stephen Bryer, Elena Kagan, and Sonya Soto

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<v Speaker 1>Mayor dissented for the article. This episode is based on

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<v Speaker 1>how Stuff Works. Spoke with Stephanie Lindquist, a Foundation Professor

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<v Speaker 1>of law and political science at Arizona State University and

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<v Speaker 1>a recognized expert on the Supreme Court. She explained that

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<v Speaker 1>the Texas law was able to skirt a Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>review at this juncture quote because it relies on private

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<v Speaker 1>actors to enforce the law, as opposed to state officials,

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<v Speaker 1>and no one yet has enforced it. The courts are

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<v Speaker 1>very reluctant to resolve cases that have not yet reached

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<v Speaker 1>a concrete dispute. However, the U. S Department of Justice

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<v Speaker 1>has a different source of standing, she explains. On September nine,

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<v Speaker 1>the Department of Justice sued Texas on behalf of US

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<v Speaker 1>citizens on the grounds that texas Is abortion law is

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<v Speaker 1>a violation of federal law. Attorney General Merrick Garland said

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<v Speaker 1>during a news conference quote the act is clearly unconstitutional

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<v Speaker 1>under longstanding Supreme Court president The Justice Department filed the

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<v Speaker 1>lawsuit in the Western District of Texas and seeks a

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<v Speaker 1>permanent injunction, but the case will likely eventually make its

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<v Speaker 1>way to the Supreme Court. When Rowe went into effect

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<v Speaker 1>in nineteen seventy three, the majority of the Court comprised

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<v Speaker 1>Republican appointed justices. Even Justice Harry Blackman, who wrote the

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<v Speaker 1>Roe v. Wade opinion, had been appointed by Republican President

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<v Speaker 1>Richard Nixon. Since then, Linquist said, the ideological orientation toward

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<v Speaker 1>abortion has changed. The Republican Party is now firmly entrenched

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<v Speaker 1>as the party that opposes abortion. Before President Donald Trump

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<v Speaker 1>took office in seventeen, he vowed to appoint justices to

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court to overturn Roe v. Wade. Justice Anthony

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<v Speaker 1>Kennedy's retirement in and Ruth Bader Ginsburg's death in September

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<v Speaker 1>allowed Trump to do so with conservative picks Sprint Kavanaugh

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<v Speaker 1>and Amy Coney Barrett. The Supreme Court now has a

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<v Speaker 1>six to three conservative majority, with all six having taken

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<v Speaker 1>hostile positions against abortion at one point or another. Since

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<v Speaker 1>Roe was decided, legislators in conservative states have pressed to

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<v Speaker 1>impose additional restrictions on abortion, but Linquist says they now

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<v Speaker 1>see a window of opportunity with the personnel changes at

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court quote, with the majority of justices being

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<v Speaker 1>Catholic and most of them being appointed by Republican presidents.

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<v Speaker 1>The assumption is that now is the time strike while

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<v Speaker 1>the iron is hot, legislation can finally get to the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court where Rowe could be challenged and struck down.

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<v Speaker 1>Another such opportunity to entice the Supreme Court to revisit

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<v Speaker 1>Roe v. Wade presented itself in Dobbs v. Jackson Women's

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<v Speaker 1>Health Organization. This case stems from a law passed by

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<v Speaker 1>the Mississippi legislature inan that banned abortions after the fifteenth

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<v Speaker 1>week of pregnancy. Jackson Women's Health Organization, the only licensed

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<v Speaker 1>abortion provider in Mississippi, challenged the law's constitutionality. After a U. S.

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<v Speaker 1>District Court and the U. S. District Court of Appeals

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<v Speaker 1>for the Fifth Circuit sided with the clinic, Mississippi took

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<v Speaker 1>the case to the Supreme Court. On May sevente the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court announced it would review the case this fall,

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<v Speaker 1>the outcome of which could impact the president's set by

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<v Speaker 1>both grow v. Wade and Planned Parenthood v. Casey. So

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<v Speaker 1>let's talk about precedents. They're considered as authority for deciding

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<v Speaker 1>subsequent cases involving similar facts or legal issues. The concept

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<v Speaker 1>called sterry decisive, which means let the decision stand in Latin,

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<v Speaker 1>provides stability and predictability and law. When a new president

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<v Speaker 1>is established or law is changed on an issue, it's

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<v Speaker 1>known as a landmark decision. O Linquist said, president is

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<v Speaker 1>one of the cornerstones of our judicial system. The system

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<v Speaker 1>of precedent provides that when courts make decisions in those

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<v Speaker 1>decisions become law, they will remain on the books until

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<v Speaker 1>that same court or an appellate court over rules those precedents.

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<v Speaker 1>Judges and justices often rely on precedents to make rulings

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<v Speaker 1>in other cases. For example, five justices relied on the

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<v Speaker 1>precedent set by Casey when striking down a Louisiana law

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<v Speaker 1>that would have required doctors performing abortions to have admissions

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<v Speaker 1>privileges at a state authorized hospital within thirty miles that's

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<v Speaker 1>forty eight kilometers of the clinic. The Supreme Court can

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<v Speaker 1>overturn an existing precedent with a majority vote, and this happens,

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps surprisingly more often than the general public realizes, about

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<v Speaker 1>two to three times a term. Linquist says, though these cases,

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<v Speaker 1>unlike Row, aren't ones that make the news. If Row

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<v Speaker 1>is ultimately upended, the aftershocks would be felt immediately. Eleven

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<v Speaker 1>states have trigger laws in place that would in stantly

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<v Speaker 1>ban abortions. Conversely, fourteen states plus Washington, d c. Have

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<v Speaker 1>laws in place to protect abortion access. Overturning Row would

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<v Speaker 1>also add strength to Texas sp eight law. Linquist says, However,

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<v Speaker 1>if Row is upheld quote, it will have major implications

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<v Speaker 1>for the Texas case, simply because it will reaffirm the

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<v Speaker 1>core right to abortion prior to viability. The Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>isn't likely to deliver a decision in the Mississippi case

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<v Speaker 1>until the spring or early summer. Of today's episode is

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<v Speaker 1>based on the article What's next for Roe v. Wade

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<v Speaker 1>in the Courts on how stuff Works dot Com, written

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<v Speaker 1>by Jennifer Walker. Journey brain Stuff is production by Heart

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<v Speaker 1>Radio in partnership with how Stuffworks dot Com and is

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<v Speaker 1>produced by Tyler Klang. Four more podcasts my Heart Radio

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<v Speaker 1>visit the I heart Radio app, Apple podcasts, or wherever

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<v Speaker 1>you listen to your favorite shows.