WEBVTT - Deep Background Presents: The Broken Constitution Ep.3

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<v Speaker 1>Pushkin. Welcome to episode three of my podcast on the

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<v Speaker 1>Broken Constitution, Lincoln, Slavery, and the Refounding of America. In

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<v Speaker 1>episode one, I talked about how the Constitution of seventeen

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<v Speaker 1>eighty seven and the way that it was a compromise

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<v Speaker 1>between slave states and free states in order to preserve

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<v Speaker 1>and enable the expansion of the Union. In episode two,

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<v Speaker 1>I brought us into the breaking of that Constitution by

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<v Speaker 1>the Confederacy and Abraham Lincoln's corresponding breaking of the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>as it was then understood, both by going to war

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<v Speaker 1>to coerce the Southern States back into the Union, and

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<v Speaker 1>then by suspending Habeas corpus unilaterally, even though that was

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<v Speaker 1>a power reserve to Congress, and through that becoming a

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<v Speaker 1>kind of a dictator, one who suspended the freedom of

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<v Speaker 1>expression in the United States through the duration of the war,

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<v Speaker 1>arresting ultimately many thousands of people and shutting down hundreds

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<v Speaker 1>of newspapers. In today's episode, I want to turn to

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<v Speaker 1>the most memorable, significant, and consequential breaking of the Constitution

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<v Speaker 1>that Abraham Lincoln achieved, the one that had the effect

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<v Speaker 1>of transforming not only the meaning of the Civil War,

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<v Speaker 1>but transforming the Constitution itself in the most fundamental way,

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<v Speaker 1>so much so that the Constitution of today is no

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<v Speaker 1>longer the Constitution of seventeen eighty seven, but something new

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<v Speaker 1>and different, the Constitution of Abraham Lincoln, and then ultimately

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution of the Reconstruction Amendments, the thirteenth, fourteenth, and

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<v Speaker 1>fifteenth Amendments. To do that, we have to begin with

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<v Speaker 1>a recognition of a fact that we've effectively supprest, and

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<v Speaker 1>that is that when the Civil War began, Abraham Lincoln

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<v Speaker 1>remained exactly as committed to the compromised Constitution and therefore

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<v Speaker 1>to the preservation of slavery as he had been through

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<v Speaker 1>the entirety of his political career up to that point.

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<v Speaker 1>The evidence that indicates the depth of this comes from

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<v Speaker 1>Abraham Lincoln's first inaugural address. Now you may be thinking

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<v Speaker 1>to yourself, well, wait a minute, what was Lincoln's first

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<v Speaker 1>inaugural address. His second inaugural address, which i'll talk about

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<v Speaker 1>a bit later in this podcast, is part of the

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<v Speaker 1>canon of American political and constitutional thought. When you visit

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<v Speaker 1>the Lincoln Memorial, it's right up there on one of

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<v Speaker 1>the walls, across from the Gettysburg Address. The other one

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<v Speaker 1>of Lincoln's most famous speeches, But the first Inaugural Address

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<v Speaker 1>is all but forgotten, and the reason for that is

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<v Speaker 1>that it began in its first full power graph by

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<v Speaker 1>quoting a statement that Lincoln had made in debating Stephen

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<v Speaker 1>Douglas when he ran for the Senate in eighteen fifty eight,

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<v Speaker 1>and in it Lincoln said, quote, I have no purpose,

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<v Speaker 1>directly or indirectly to interfere with the institution of slavery

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<v Speaker 1>in the states where it exists. I believe I have

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<v Speaker 1>no lawful right to do so, and I have no

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<v Speaker 1>inclination to do so. The reason for that was straightforward,

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<v Speaker 1>Southern secession needed to be reversed. Lincoln saw his goal

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<v Speaker 1>as recreating the Union. The Union had always existed on

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<v Speaker 1>the basis of a compromise over slavery, and he had

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<v Speaker 1>no idea of any possible mode of recreating the Union

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<v Speaker 1>without recreating the compromise over slavery. His promise in the

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<v Speaker 1>Inaugural Address to respect the institution of slavery was therefore

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<v Speaker 1>a crucial part of his vision of how to restore

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<v Speaker 1>the Union. This view continued through the first months of

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln's presidency. At the end of August of eighteen sixty one,

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<v Speaker 1>John C. Fremont, who had been the eighteen fifty six

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<v Speaker 1>Republican presidential candidate and whom Lincoln had made a general

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<v Speaker 1>in Missouri, announced that he was freeing the slaves of

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<v Speaker 1>all rebels found in his territory. This, in short, was

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<v Speaker 1>pretty fundamentally similar to what would be Lincoln's active emancipation.

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<v Speaker 1>More than a year later, Lincoln wrote to Fremont and

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<v Speaker 1>told him, no, you cannot do this. I am requesting

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<v Speaker 1>that you retract your emancipation order. Fremont said, I'm not

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<v Speaker 1>going to do that. If you want the order reversed,

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<v Speaker 1>you have to do it. So Lincoln fired Fremont and

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<v Speaker 1>reversed the order himself. In a letter that Lincoln wrote

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<v Speaker 1>to a friend just a few days later on September

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<v Speaker 1>twenty one, eighteen sixty seven, he stood behind his decision

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<v Speaker 1>regarding Fremont's emancipation order. The proclamation, he said, is and

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<v Speaker 1>I quote, simply dictatorship. It assumes that the general may

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<v Speaker 1>do anything he pleases, confiscate the lands, and free the

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<v Speaker 1>slaves of loyal people as well as disloyal ones. In

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<v Speaker 1>other words, Lincoln believed that for a general to use

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<v Speaker 1>his war powers to free slaves was an act of dictatorship,

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<v Speaker 1>and he was not using that term in the positive

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<v Speaker 1>sense of the word. For Lincoln, dictatorship was wrong, and

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution did not authorize him or therefore the General's

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<v Speaker 1>working for him to free slaves as a matter of

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<v Speaker 1>military necessity. It took Lincoln more than a year for

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<v Speaker 1>his views to evolve and change. In the book The

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<v Speaker 1>Broken Constitution, I take the reader day by day, just

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<v Speaker 1>about sometimes even minute by minute, through the process that

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln went through to shift his views from the view

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<v Speaker 1>that it would be an active dictatorship to free slaves

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<v Speaker 1>to the view that perhaps he ought to do so himself.

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<v Speaker 1>To summarize it here, I would say that there were

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<v Speaker 1>two major forces that push Lincoln in this direction. The

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<v Speaker 1>first was a circumstantial one. He gradually realized that it

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<v Speaker 1>would be difficult or impossible for him to win the

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<v Speaker 1>war by creating a sufficient incentive for the Southern States

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<v Speaker 1>to rejoin the Union voluntarily. As long as Lincoln thought

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<v Speaker 1>that the Southern States might voluntarily rejoin, it was necessary

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<v Speaker 1>to maintain the possibility of compromise, and that compromise, in

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<v Speaker 1>turn required preserving slavery. But if it turned out that

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<v Speaker 1>the Southern States were not going to compromise, We're not

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<v Speaker 1>going to return voluntarily, then what followed from that was

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<v Speaker 1>that it was at least possible to impose an outcome

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<v Speaker 1>to the war on them. If that solution were therefore

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<v Speaker 1>to be imposed by military force, Lincoln had the possibility

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<v Speaker 1>at least of changing the situation with respect to the

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<v Speaker 1>compromised Constitution as it existed before the war. The new

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<v Speaker 1>constitution that would then have to emerge would no longer

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<v Speaker 1>be based on a compromise. It would instead be based

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<v Speaker 1>on a principle, and indeed on a moral principle, namely

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<v Speaker 1>the moral principle of the end of slavery and the

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<v Speaker 1>equality of African Americans. Lincoln did not deceive himself into

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<v Speaker 1>thinking the Southern States would ever agree to this. This

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<v Speaker 1>was an outcome they would have to be imposed by

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<v Speaker 1>military force. The second element that contributed most fundamentally to

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln changing his views was the depth of his embrace

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<v Speaker 1>of the idea that, through military necessity, he was authorized

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<v Speaker 1>by the Constitution to do whatever it took to win

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<v Speaker 1>the war. Here, his suspension of habeas corpus and his

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<v Speaker 1>suspension of the free press were actually the groundwork for

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln's realization that if he could do that, he could

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<v Speaker 1>do anything, and anything included breaking the Constitution as he

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<v Speaker 1>had always understood it, and that included emancipating slaves. Remember that,

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<v Speaker 1>all the way back early in his career, in eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>thirty eight, in his Lyceum address which I mentioned in

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<v Speaker 1>Episode one, Lincoln had said that what made a dictator

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<v Speaker 1>a caesar or a Napoleon was the act of emancipating

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<v Speaker 1>slaves or enslaving freemen. Gradually he had come to the

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<v Speaker 1>view that that act, which was he said in eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>thirty eight, a fundamental violation of the principles of the Constitution,

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<v Speaker 1>was permissible to him in wartime, because in wartime, and

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<v Speaker 1>under the circumstance senses of the broken Constitution, he could

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<v Speaker 1>then further break the Constitution in order to win the war.

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln first introduced this idea to his colleagues in the

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<v Speaker 1>cabinet on July twenty second of eighteen sixty two, a

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<v Speaker 1>year and several months after he had assumed the presidency.

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<v Speaker 1>At the time, he still hoped that there would be

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<v Speaker 1>some way to introduce compensated emancipation money to be paid

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<v Speaker 1>to those people who were not disloyal and still had

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<v Speaker 1>their slaves taken. When he introduced the idea to his cabinet,

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<v Speaker 1>the cabinet was so shocked that it essentially reacted by

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<v Speaker 1>telling him that emancipation would be a terrible mistake. From this,

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln realized that he needed to do more to introduce

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<v Speaker 1>the idea of emancipation, not only to his cabinet, but

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<v Speaker 1>to the country, which he knew would hold similar views

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<v Speaker 1>to those of the cabinet. He spent the rest of

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<v Speaker 1>the summer and the fall of eighteen sixty two gradually

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<v Speaker 1>introducing ideas associated with emancipation into the public eye. The

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<v Speaker 1>way he did that, seen in our terms, is not

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<v Speaker 1>necessarily very appealing. Here, Lincoln the politician was not acting

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<v Speaker 1>as Lincoln the moralist. An exemplary and dramatic moment in

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln's efforts to acclimate the country to the possibility of

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<v Speaker 1>emancipation came in August of eighteen sixty two, when Lincoln

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<v Speaker 1>held a meeting with a five member delegation of African

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<v Speaker 1>Americans in the White House. The men he invited were

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<v Speaker 1>part of the city's educated black elite. One Edward Thomas,

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<v Speaker 1>the chairman of the delegation, was a member of one

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<v Speaker 1>of the city's black debating societies, a collector of fine

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<v Speaker 1>art and rare coins, and the proud owner of a

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<v Speaker 1>library of six hundred books, an enormous library for the time.

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<v Speaker 1>The others had similar elite status. Lincoln brought them into

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<v Speaker 1>the White House, and instead of asking them what their

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<v Speaker 1>views were about the possibility of emancipation, or how he

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<v Speaker 1>should do things going forward, or really listening to them

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<v Speaker 1>at all, Lincoln talked at them. And what he told

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<v Speaker 1>them was nothing short of astonishing to our ears. What

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln told them had two parts. The first was that

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<v Speaker 1>the long term solution to the problem of slavery was

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<v Speaker 1>not merely to free black people, but for black people

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<v Speaker 1>to voluntary leave the United States and be resettled somewhere else,

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<v Speaker 1>either in Africa or in Central America, in circumstances where

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<v Speaker 1>they would be far from white people and where the

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<v Speaker 1>hatred that subsisted between the two races, according to Lincoln,

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<v Speaker 1>would be resolved by effectively a kind of divorce. The

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<v Speaker 1>delegation of African Americans listened with a stony silence, like

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<v Speaker 1>essentially all African Americans, at the time and the overwhelming majority,

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<v Speaker 1>since they had no interest in leaving the United States,

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<v Speaker 1>they had no interest in participating in a plan to

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<v Speaker 1>go to Liberia or somewhere else. That view had been

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<v Speaker 1>a fantasy of white, anti slavery Americans of a certain

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<v Speaker 1>kind all the way since the beginning of the nineteenth century.

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<v Speaker 1>The idea, which was called colonization was the policy of

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<v Speaker 1>a group of people who formed the American Colonization Society,

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<v Speaker 1>a group of which James Monroe had been president and

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<v Speaker 1>of which Henry Clay, the Great wig compromiser and Lincoln's idol,

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<v Speaker 1>had been another leader. At no time was this view realistic,

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<v Speaker 1>and at no time that it enjoys support from any

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<v Speaker 1>number of African Americans. But certainly by eighteen sixty two

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<v Speaker 1>the view was nothing more than a preposterous and frankly

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<v Speaker 1>offensive fantasy. The reason Lincoln was talking to this group

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<v Speaker 1>of African Americans about colonization was not that he expected

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<v Speaker 1>them to listen to him. In fact, he wasn't really

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<v Speaker 1>talking to that group at all. Lincoln was talking to

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<v Speaker 1>white America, and he was trying to set up an

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<v Speaker 1>argument that even if emancipation should occur, there was no

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<v Speaker 1>need for white Americans to worry about any possibility of

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<v Speaker 1>integration or living alongside African Americans towards whom he knew

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<v Speaker 1>white people harbored intense racial prejudice. He was, in short,

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<v Speaker 1>suggesting that it would be possible to emancipate without creating

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<v Speaker 1>a race problem in the United States by sending all

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<v Speaker 1>black people out of the country. The other thing that

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln told the assembled group of African American dignitaries was

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<v Speaker 1>if it's possible. Even more shocking, here's what he said,

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<v Speaker 1>but for your race among us, there could not be war,

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<v Speaker 1>although many men engaged on either side do not care

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<v Speaker 1>for you one way or the other. Nevertheless, I repeat,

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<v Speaker 1>without the institution of slavery and the colored race as

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<v Speaker 1>a basis, the war could not have an existence. That

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<v Speaker 1>quotation is so astonishing that it may take a moment

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<v Speaker 1>to explain it. In essence, what Lincoln was telling the

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<v Speaker 1>black people in front of him was that the war

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<v Speaker 1>was their fault. Instead of blaming the war on southern slavery,

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<v Speaker 1>or Northern hypocrisy, or the inability of the compromise between

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<v Speaker 1>North and South over slavery to subsist, Lincoln was saying

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<v Speaker 1>that black people were themselves the but for cause of

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<v Speaker 1>the war, and were therefore in some sense responsible for it.

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<v Speaker 1>If you think that I'm making that up, listen to

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<v Speaker 1>what Frederick Douglas said when he heard the reports of

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<v Speaker 1>that conversation. Lincoln was showing all his inconsistencies, Douglas wrote,

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<v Speaker 1>his pride of race and blood, his contempt for negroes,

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<v Speaker 1>and his canting hypocrisy. How an honest man could creep

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<v Speaker 1>into such a character as that implied by this address,

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<v Speaker 1>we are not required to show. Douglas went on. He

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<v Speaker 1>said that Lincoln was like a horse thief or a

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<v Speaker 1>highway robber who was blaming his crime on the horse

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<v Speaker 1>or the traveler's purse. No, mister President, Douglas said, it

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<v Speaker 1>is not the innocent horse that makes the horse thief,

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<v Speaker 1>not the traveler's purse that makes the highway robber. And

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<v Speaker 1>it is not the presence of the negro that causes

0:15:44.916 --> 0:15:49.316
<v Speaker 1>this foul and unnatural war, but the cruel and brutal

0:15:49.396 --> 0:15:52.956
<v Speaker 1>cupidity of those who wish to possess horses, money, and

0:15:53.236 --> 0:15:58.316
<v Speaker 1>negroes by means of theft, robbery, and rebellion. What was

0:15:58.396 --> 0:16:03.596
<v Speaker 1>behind Lincoln's conversation with the African American delegation, however, was

0:16:03.716 --> 0:16:07.716
<v Speaker 1>not to make a reasonable point. He was instead again

0:16:08.076 --> 0:16:11.676
<v Speaker 1>trying to prepare the ground for the possibility of emancipation

0:16:12.276 --> 0:16:17.796
<v Speaker 1>by convincing white Americans that he had no particular solicitude

0:16:18.196 --> 0:16:22.996
<v Speaker 1>or care for black people. He was trying to make

0:16:22.996 --> 0:16:26.476
<v Speaker 1>the argument that the reason to end slavery was to

0:16:26.596 --> 0:16:30.436
<v Speaker 1>end the war and to end the controversy and conflict

0:16:30.636 --> 0:16:35.356
<v Speaker 1>between Northern whites and Southern whites about the question of race.

0:16:37.116 --> 0:16:41.516
<v Speaker 1>Did Lincoln mean everything he said? This is a question

0:16:41.636 --> 0:16:45.716
<v Speaker 1>that still engages historians, and one again that I discuss

0:16:45.796 --> 0:16:48.876
<v Speaker 1>in a great deal of detail in the book The

0:16:48.956 --> 0:16:53.836
<v Speaker 1>Broken Constitution. I would say that on the whole my

0:16:53.916 --> 0:16:58.716
<v Speaker 1>answer is yes. Listen to what Lincoln said in an

0:16:58.756 --> 0:17:01.796
<v Speaker 1>open letter to Horace Greeley, the editor of the New

0:17:01.876 --> 0:17:06.356
<v Speaker 1>York Tribune, just a week after he had spoken to

0:17:06.396 --> 0:17:10.356
<v Speaker 1>the group of African Americans in his office. My paramount

0:17:10.436 --> 0:17:14.436
<v Speaker 1>object in this struggle, Lincoln said, is to save the Union,

0:17:14.876 --> 0:17:19.356
<v Speaker 1>and is not either to save or destroy slavery. His

0:17:19.516 --> 0:17:22.996
<v Speaker 1>emphasis on those words, if I could save the Union

0:17:23.036 --> 0:17:26.916
<v Speaker 1>without freeing any slave, I would do it. And if

0:17:26.916 --> 0:17:29.716
<v Speaker 1>I could save it by freeing all the slaves, I

0:17:29.756 --> 0:17:31.436
<v Speaker 1>would do it. And if I could save it by

0:17:31.476 --> 0:17:34.596
<v Speaker 1>freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.

0:17:35.196 --> 0:17:37.956
<v Speaker 1>What I do about slavery and the colored race, I

0:17:38.076 --> 0:17:41.116
<v Speaker 1>do because I believe it helps to save the Union.

0:17:41.476 --> 0:17:44.836
<v Speaker 1>And what I forbear, I forbear because I do not

0:17:45.036 --> 0:17:49.516
<v Speaker 1>believe it would help to save the Union. There in

0:17:49.556 --> 0:17:54.756
<v Speaker 1>a nutshell was Lincoln's public position about emancipation. On his

0:17:54.836 --> 0:17:58.236
<v Speaker 1>way to September of eighteen sixty two, when he announced

0:17:58.276 --> 0:18:03.156
<v Speaker 1>a draft of the Emancipation Proclamation, Lincoln was saying, in

0:18:03.196 --> 0:18:07.476
<v Speaker 1>words too simple to mistake, that he did not want

0:18:07.556 --> 0:18:09.996
<v Speaker 1>to base the decision to a man incipate at that

0:18:10.076 --> 0:18:14.276
<v Speaker 1>moment on the immorality of slavery, but rather on the

0:18:14.316 --> 0:18:19.476
<v Speaker 1>necessity of saving the Union. No doubt, Lincoln felt it

0:18:19.556 --> 0:18:22.796
<v Speaker 1>necessary to speak this way in order to convince white

0:18:22.796 --> 0:18:28.596
<v Speaker 1>Americans of the plausibility of emancipation, and also because he

0:18:28.716 --> 0:18:32.156
<v Speaker 1>knew that he was breaking a constitutional compromise that had

0:18:32.196 --> 0:18:36.676
<v Speaker 1>always been based on slavery. Nevertheless, if Lincoln had wanted

0:18:36.796 --> 0:18:41.556
<v Speaker 1>to speak directly about the immorality of slavery itself as

0:18:41.636 --> 0:18:46.636
<v Speaker 1>part of his act of emancipation, he could have done so.

0:18:47.396 --> 0:18:51.836
<v Speaker 1>The Emancipation Proclamation evolved in the course of three versions

0:18:51.876 --> 0:18:54.676
<v Speaker 1>of the document. The first was the one that Lincoln

0:18:54.676 --> 0:18:58.396
<v Speaker 1>suggested to his cabinet in the summer of eighteen sixty two.

0:18:59.116 --> 0:19:02.756
<v Speaker 1>The second was the preliminary declaration that Lincoln made public

0:19:02.996 --> 0:19:07.196
<v Speaker 1>in September. The third and final one was the formal

0:19:07.276 --> 0:19:13.876
<v Speaker 1>Emancipation Proclamation, into effect on January first of eighteen sixty three.

0:19:14.596 --> 0:19:19.116
<v Speaker 1>In none of these did Lincoln expressly say that the

0:19:19.196 --> 0:19:24.236
<v Speaker 1>point of emancipation was to end a moral wrong. Indeed,

0:19:24.396 --> 0:19:29.636
<v Speaker 1>these documents were written in fairly legalistic tones. Karl Marx,

0:19:30.076 --> 0:19:33.836
<v Speaker 1>a contemporary of Lincoln's, as we sometimes forget, who watched

0:19:33.916 --> 0:19:37.556
<v Speaker 1>events in the United States with great interest, did consider

0:19:37.596 --> 0:19:41.316
<v Speaker 1>the Emancipation Proclamation to be quote, the most important document

0:19:41.436 --> 0:19:45.196
<v Speaker 1>in American history since the establishment of the Union, tantamount

0:19:45.276 --> 0:19:48.876
<v Speaker 1>to the tearing up of the old American Constitution. Yet

0:19:48.916 --> 0:19:52.876
<v Speaker 1>at the same time, Marx derided the language of the

0:19:52.916 --> 0:19:56.716
<v Speaker 1>proclamation as devoid of morality. He said it had been

0:19:56.756 --> 0:20:01.476
<v Speaker 1>intentionally drafted to sound like, quote, an ordinary summons sent

0:20:01.596 --> 0:20:05.476
<v Speaker 1>by one lawyer to another. That was true of the

0:20:05.516 --> 0:20:11.116
<v Speaker 1>body of the proclamation. The only place where Lincoln hinted, however,

0:20:11.156 --> 0:20:15.796
<v Speaker 1>in the emancipation Proclamation at some potential moral purpose was

0:20:15.876 --> 0:20:21.476
<v Speaker 1>in its final paragraph. There he wrote, and upon this act,

0:20:21.956 --> 0:20:25.876
<v Speaker 1>sincerely believed to be an act of justice warranted by

0:20:25.876 --> 0:20:31.156
<v Speaker 1>the Constitution, upon military necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment

0:20:31.196 --> 0:20:36.876
<v Speaker 1>of mankind and the gracious favor of Almighty God. This

0:20:36.916 --> 0:20:41.676
<v Speaker 1>paragraph did include a repetition of Lincoln's insistence that his

0:20:41.756 --> 0:20:45.796
<v Speaker 1>act was justified by the Constitution because of the military

0:20:45.836 --> 0:20:49.156
<v Speaker 1>necessity of doing so. In other words, that the reason

0:20:49.196 --> 0:20:52.636
<v Speaker 1>emancipation was permissible under the Constitution, despite it being a

0:20:52.676 --> 0:20:55.956
<v Speaker 1>breaking of the Constitution as it had always been understood before,

0:20:56.556 --> 0:20:59.756
<v Speaker 1>was that there was a military necessity to do so.

0:21:00.236 --> 0:21:03.556
<v Speaker 1>He needed to emancipate the slaves in order to win

0:21:03.636 --> 0:21:08.036
<v Speaker 1>the war. And yet if that were the only reason,

0:21:08.396 --> 0:21:11.716
<v Speaker 1>there would be no significant basis for Lincoln to invoke

0:21:11.836 --> 0:21:16.076
<v Speaker 1>the judgment of mankind, much less the gracious favor of God.

0:21:16.916 --> 0:21:19.916
<v Speaker 1>By thinking of the judgment of mankind, Lincoln was referring

0:21:19.956 --> 0:21:23.916
<v Speaker 1>back to the Declaration of Independence, which had also appealed

0:21:23.956 --> 0:21:27.876
<v Speaker 1>to the opinions of mankind and referred to a creator

0:21:28.076 --> 0:21:32.356
<v Speaker 1>who endowed men with inalienable rights, including the right to liberty.

0:21:33.036 --> 0:21:36.436
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln was suggesting to an international audience, not to the

0:21:36.516 --> 0:21:43.276
<v Speaker 1>US audience, that there was value in the freeing of slaves. Similarly,

0:21:43.316 --> 0:21:48.756
<v Speaker 1>by invoking God, Lincoln was hinting, but only hinting, that

0:21:48.876 --> 0:21:53.516
<v Speaker 1>in the eyes of the ultimate judge of morality, there

0:21:53.756 --> 0:22:01.676
<v Speaker 1>was good reason to free enslaved African Americans. By emancipating

0:22:01.716 --> 0:22:07.676
<v Speaker 1>African American slaves, Lincoln fundamentally changed the possible outcomes of

0:22:07.676 --> 0:22:11.996
<v Speaker 1>the war, and in the process, he fundamentally transformed the

0:22:12.036 --> 0:22:16.636
<v Speaker 1>meaning of the Constitution. That was because by doing so,

0:22:17.036 --> 0:22:21.636
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln blocked once and for all, any possibility of return

0:22:22.036 --> 0:22:26.836
<v Speaker 1>to a constitution based on compromise. The compromise constitution had

0:22:26.876 --> 0:22:31.236
<v Speaker 1>always been a compromise based on slavery. By announcing that

0:22:31.516 --> 0:22:34.956
<v Speaker 1>enslaved people in the South would not be returned to

0:22:34.956 --> 0:22:38.036
<v Speaker 1>their owners when the war was over, by announcing that

0:22:38.076 --> 0:22:40.436
<v Speaker 1>there would not be slavery in the South when the

0:22:40.436 --> 0:22:44.436
<v Speaker 1>war was over, Lincoln was guaranteeing that there would not

0:22:44.636 --> 0:22:48.676
<v Speaker 1>be the possibility of future compromise, at least if he

0:22:49.076 --> 0:22:52.756
<v Speaker 1>were re elected president. He knew that he might lose

0:22:52.836 --> 0:22:57.116
<v Speaker 1>the presidential election in eighteen sixty four, and if that happened,

0:22:57.156 --> 0:23:00.876
<v Speaker 1>He realized a new president might reoffer some version of

0:23:00.876 --> 0:23:03.676
<v Speaker 1>a compromise to the South, but as long as he

0:23:03.796 --> 0:23:06.956
<v Speaker 1>was president, he was insisting there would not be a

0:23:06.996 --> 0:23:13.476
<v Speaker 1>compromise by this Emancipation Act. Therefore, Lincoln broke any possibility

0:23:13.716 --> 0:23:17.316
<v Speaker 1>of return to the Constitution of seventeen eighty seven, as

0:23:17.356 --> 0:23:20.716
<v Speaker 1>it had been shored up and rebuilt by a series

0:23:20.716 --> 0:23:24.396
<v Speaker 1>of quasi constitutional compromises in the year before the war.

0:23:24.996 --> 0:23:29.796
<v Speaker 1>He was taking slavery off the table. In so doing,

0:23:30.076 --> 0:23:33.996
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln was also opening up a new possibility, one we

0:23:34.036 --> 0:23:37.556
<v Speaker 1>are familiar with today, but that had not existed before.

0:23:38.196 --> 0:23:42.356
<v Speaker 1>That was the idea of the Constitution as a constitution

0:23:42.596 --> 0:23:47.636
<v Speaker 1>genuinely in keeping with morality, a moral constitution that could

0:23:47.636 --> 0:23:53.316
<v Speaker 1>itself be considered a higher law. The Constitution had never

0:23:53.436 --> 0:23:56.796
<v Speaker 1>been considered a moral document in the years before the

0:23:56.836 --> 0:24:00.916
<v Speaker 1>Civil War because it entailed a compromise with slavery. Even

0:24:00.956 --> 0:24:03.516
<v Speaker 1>those who like Lincoln believed there was a moral duty

0:24:03.636 --> 0:24:07.276
<v Speaker 1>to follow the Constitution believed that that flowed from a

0:24:07.316 --> 0:24:10.556
<v Speaker 1>promise that had been made to follow it, not from

0:24:10.596 --> 0:24:14.276
<v Speaker 1>the morality of the Constitution itself, which was a compromise

0:24:14.436 --> 0:24:18.516
<v Speaker 1>with immorality. But if the Constitution would no longer be

0:24:18.556 --> 0:24:22.436
<v Speaker 1>a compromise over slavery. Then it could be a moral document.

0:24:22.956 --> 0:24:25.356
<v Speaker 1>It could be a moral document based on the principle

0:24:25.436 --> 0:24:29.356
<v Speaker 1>of liberty for all, and by implication, also based on

0:24:29.356 --> 0:24:34.796
<v Speaker 1>the principle of equality. Liberty and equality were moral concepts.

0:24:35.276 --> 0:24:38.556
<v Speaker 1>Compromise was a concept that was at best a moral

0:24:38.916 --> 0:24:42.476
<v Speaker 1>and at worst immoral to the extent it entailed an

0:24:42.516 --> 0:24:48.116
<v Speaker 1>agreement to preserve slavery. The Gettysburg Address is the archetypal

0:24:48.236 --> 0:24:52.436
<v Speaker 1>moment when Lincoln introduced this idea to the United States.

0:24:53.876 --> 0:24:57.436
<v Speaker 1>He gave it on November nineteenth, eighteen sixty three, and

0:24:57.516 --> 0:25:01.156
<v Speaker 1>already in its first sentence, Lincoln spoke of a new

0:25:01.236 --> 0:25:05.996
<v Speaker 1>nation conceived in liberty and dedicated to the proposition that

0:25:06.196 --> 0:25:10.916
<v Speaker 1>all men are created equal. The nation was new because

0:25:10.916 --> 0:25:14.956
<v Speaker 1>the Constitution of seventeen eighty seven was gone. This new

0:25:15.036 --> 0:25:18.716
<v Speaker 1>nation was conceived in liberty, which could never be said

0:25:19.036 --> 0:25:22.756
<v Speaker 1>of the Constitution of seventeen eighty seven because it entailed

0:25:22.756 --> 0:25:27.116
<v Speaker 1>a compromise over liberty by assuring the continuation of the

0:25:27.196 --> 0:25:31.716
<v Speaker 1>enslavement of African Americans and the core proposition that all

0:25:31.756 --> 0:25:35.836
<v Speaker 1>men are created equal, though it existed in the Declaration

0:25:35.836 --> 0:25:39.916
<v Speaker 1>of Independence, had not been morally present in the Constitution

0:25:40.316 --> 0:25:46.116
<v Speaker 1>because it had explicitly excluded people of color. In the

0:25:46.116 --> 0:25:50.116
<v Speaker 1>course of the Gettysburg Address, Lincoln's introduction of the idea

0:25:50.156 --> 0:25:55.196
<v Speaker 1>of morality started to take on biblical overtones. You can

0:25:55.276 --> 0:25:57.836
<v Speaker 1>hear that in some of the language of the address

0:25:58.276 --> 0:26:01.956
<v Speaker 1>four score and seven years ago a formulation hinting at

0:26:01.996 --> 0:26:06.076
<v Speaker 1>the Bible shall not perish from the earth more language

0:26:06.076 --> 0:26:11.036
<v Speaker 1>from the Bible. But Lincoln's religious description of the meaning

0:26:11.156 --> 0:26:14.796
<v Speaker 1>of the end of slavery came most famously in his

0:26:14.916 --> 0:26:18.916
<v Speaker 1>second inaugural address, which he gave on March fourth of

0:26:19.036 --> 0:26:24.876
<v Speaker 1>eighteen sixty five. In that famous address, Lincoln offered nothing

0:26:24.996 --> 0:26:28.876
<v Speaker 1>less than a theology of slavery and what it meant

0:26:29.036 --> 0:26:34.276
<v Speaker 1>in America. According to that theology, slavery was an offense

0:26:34.396 --> 0:26:40.236
<v Speaker 1>against God, an original sin, and that sin had been

0:26:40.796 --> 0:26:46.876
<v Speaker 1>purged or atoned only through the violence and bloodshed of

0:26:46.916 --> 0:26:50.876
<v Speaker 1>the Civil War. He said, if we shall suppose that

0:26:50.916 --> 0:26:54.436
<v Speaker 1>American slavery is one of those offenses which, in the

0:26:54.476 --> 0:26:58.796
<v Speaker 1>providence of God must needs come, but which having continued

0:26:58.836 --> 0:27:01.836
<v Speaker 1>through his appointed time, he now wills to remove, and

0:27:01.876 --> 0:27:04.396
<v Speaker 1>that he gives to both north and South. This terrible war,

0:27:04.756 --> 0:27:07.836
<v Speaker 1>as the woe due to those by whom the offense came,

0:27:08.516 --> 0:27:12.476
<v Speaker 1>shall we scern therein any departure from those divine attributes

0:27:12.516 --> 0:27:17.156
<v Speaker 1>which the believers in a living God always ascribed to him.

0:27:17.196 --> 0:27:22.116
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln was saying that the war had been inevitable, inevitable

0:27:22.276 --> 0:27:29.316
<v Speaker 1>because of the slavery compromise, which itself was a sin. Thus,

0:27:29.356 --> 0:27:32.156
<v Speaker 1>he said, the war might continue until all the wealth

0:27:32.276 --> 0:27:35.276
<v Speaker 1>piled by the bondman's two hundred and fifty years of

0:27:35.396 --> 0:27:38.876
<v Speaker 1>unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of

0:27:38.916 --> 0:27:41.876
<v Speaker 1>blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another

0:27:42.196 --> 0:27:46.236
<v Speaker 1>drawn with the sword. The blood of slavery would be

0:27:46.236 --> 0:27:51.156
<v Speaker 1>repaid by the blood of the Northern and Southern dead.

0:27:53.036 --> 0:27:56.876
<v Speaker 1>Through this atonement, an atonement that would have been familiar

0:27:56.916 --> 0:28:00.796
<v Speaker 1>to Americans of the time as the model of Christ's

0:28:00.876 --> 0:28:04.356
<v Speaker 1>sacrifice of his own blood to atone for original sin,

0:28:05.196 --> 0:28:09.436
<v Speaker 1>the United States could be healed. The result would be

0:28:09.516 --> 0:28:14.396
<v Speaker 1>a new Constitution that stood in relationship to the Old Constitution,

0:28:14.756 --> 0:28:18.916
<v Speaker 1>the way the New Testament stood in relationship to the Old.

0:28:20.996 --> 0:28:24.996
<v Speaker 1>Lots of scholars have talked about the difficulty that Lincoln

0:28:24.996 --> 0:28:28.396
<v Speaker 1>faced in his personal life. The death of his son

0:28:29.116 --> 0:28:33.996
<v Speaker 1>and as well the pain of seeing so many human

0:28:34.076 --> 0:28:37.956
<v Speaker 1>deaths on both sides of the war. But the truth

0:28:38.076 --> 0:28:41.556
<v Speaker 1>is that the most obvious explanation for Lincoln's turn to

0:28:41.636 --> 0:28:44.276
<v Speaker 1>religious language at the end of the war has to

0:28:44.316 --> 0:28:47.516
<v Speaker 1>do with his turn to the idea that the Constitution

0:28:47.596 --> 0:28:53.356
<v Speaker 1>could be remade into something newly moral. For nineteenth century Americans,

0:28:53.796 --> 0:28:59.356
<v Speaker 1>the fundamental language of morality was the language of religion. Thus,

0:28:59.556 --> 0:29:03.956
<v Speaker 1>by the emancipation of slaves, Lincoln changed the meaning of

0:29:03.996 --> 0:29:08.236
<v Speaker 1>the war itself from being a war for union to

0:29:08.436 --> 0:29:13.996
<v Speaker 1>being a war to end slavery. No longer would union

0:29:14.116 --> 0:29:18.436
<v Speaker 1>be grounded and compromised. Instead, union would be grounded in

0:29:18.476 --> 0:29:23.636
<v Speaker 1>a coercive military solution that ended slavery and assumed a

0:29:23.716 --> 0:29:30.156
<v Speaker 1>constitution that would ultimately be based on equality. Lincoln lived

0:29:30.196 --> 0:29:33.876
<v Speaker 1>to see the ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment, which ended slavery.

0:29:34.316 --> 0:29:36.436
<v Speaker 1>He did not live to see the ratification of the

0:29:36.476 --> 0:29:39.876
<v Speaker 1>Fourteenth Amendment, with its guarantee of equal protection, nor the

0:29:39.916 --> 0:29:44.756
<v Speaker 1>fifteenth with its enfranchisement of African Americans. But that did

0:29:44.796 --> 0:29:47.756
<v Speaker 1>not matter from the standpoint of the transformative effect that

0:29:47.836 --> 0:29:52.556
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln's actions had had on the Constitution. Once slavery was ended,

0:29:52.756 --> 0:29:55.876
<v Speaker 1>which Lincoln had done even without a constitutional amendment, at

0:29:55.916 --> 0:29:59.996
<v Speaker 1>least with respect to the South. He had fundamentally transformed

0:30:00.316 --> 0:30:06.876
<v Speaker 1>the constitutional order into something new. He had refounded America

0:30:06.996 --> 0:30:12.556
<v Speaker 1>on new principles, moral prin principles of freedom, and principles

0:30:12.596 --> 0:30:19.796
<v Speaker 1>of equality. His historical contribution would be permanent. Before I

0:30:19.956 --> 0:30:23.676
<v Speaker 1>end this episode, though, I want to point out that

0:30:23.796 --> 0:30:27.516
<v Speaker 1>although nothing could be neater than to end the story

0:30:27.636 --> 0:30:32.316
<v Speaker 1>of Lincoln and the Broken Constitution with its transformation into

0:30:32.356 --> 0:30:36.796
<v Speaker 1>a new moral constitution via the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth Amendments,

0:30:37.636 --> 0:30:42.116
<v Speaker 1>the sad truth is that the planned effort to remake

0:30:42.156 --> 0:30:46.836
<v Speaker 1>the Constitution into something moral did not ultimately go as

0:30:46.876 --> 0:30:50.436
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln had hoped, And indeed, some of the reason for

0:30:50.476 --> 0:30:52.996
<v Speaker 1>that may simply have to do with the fact that

0:30:53.036 --> 0:30:56.996
<v Speaker 1>neither Lincoln nor anyone else had a detailed vision of

0:30:57.276 --> 0:31:01.196
<v Speaker 1>how a constitution that was based on moral principles of

0:31:01.236 --> 0:31:06.236
<v Speaker 1>equality and freedom could actually work in practice. As you

0:31:06.276 --> 0:31:09.996
<v Speaker 1>may recall from Episode one, General Winfield's Scott had told

0:31:09.996 --> 0:31:13.356
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln before the war began that if the North did

0:31:13.436 --> 0:31:16.396
<v Speaker 1>manage to conquer the South, it would have to rule

0:31:16.716 --> 0:31:21.196
<v Speaker 1>the South the way an imperial power ruled unruly colonies.

0:31:21.636 --> 0:31:23.996
<v Speaker 1>It would have to have an army of occupation, and

0:31:24.036 --> 0:31:27.236
<v Speaker 1>it would have to force its own control and power

0:31:27.316 --> 0:31:30.436
<v Speaker 1>onto the South. When field Scott thought that would be

0:31:30.556 --> 0:31:34.756
<v Speaker 1>very difficult or impossible to do, as it happened, that

0:31:34.916 --> 0:31:37.476
<v Speaker 1>is exactly what the North had to do when the

0:31:37.516 --> 0:31:42.596
<v Speaker 1>war ended. Reconstruction is the name for the military occupation

0:31:43.076 --> 0:31:46.876
<v Speaker 1>and the effort of social transformation that was initially undertaken

0:31:47.076 --> 0:31:50.676
<v Speaker 1>by the North, and that was then co participated in

0:31:51.156 --> 0:31:55.196
<v Speaker 1>by freed African Americans in the South who nobly and

0:31:55.276 --> 0:32:00.516
<v Speaker 1>by their own efforts, undertook to enfranchise themselves, to participate

0:32:00.556 --> 0:32:04.156
<v Speaker 1>in politics and to remake the society in which they lived.

0:32:05.516 --> 0:32:10.476
<v Speaker 1>Andrew Johnson, Lincoln's vice president, was very skeptical of Reconstruction

0:32:10.476 --> 0:32:14.516
<v Speaker 1>from the start and tried hard not to implement its provisions. That,

0:32:14.596 --> 0:32:16.236
<v Speaker 1>in fact, was one of the reasons that he was

0:32:16.316 --> 0:32:21.396
<v Speaker 1>ultimately impeached, though not convicted by the Senate. Johnson, however,

0:32:21.836 --> 0:32:25.556
<v Speaker 1>was replaced ultimately by Ulysses S. Grant, and Grant did

0:32:25.676 --> 0:32:28.356
<v Speaker 1>much more than Johnson had done to work with the

0:32:28.396 --> 0:32:34.476
<v Speaker 1>Republican Congress to impose Reconstruction on the South. The South, however,

0:32:34.676 --> 0:32:37.756
<v Speaker 1>and by that I mean, the White South resisted with

0:32:37.996 --> 0:32:44.076
<v Speaker 1>everything that it had. It fought a military insurgency characterized

0:32:44.116 --> 0:32:49.436
<v Speaker 1>by paramilitary guerrilla groups like the Ku Klux Klan. White

0:32:49.476 --> 0:32:53.796
<v Speaker 1>Southerners fought hard to resist the idea of African American

0:32:53.836 --> 0:32:58.556
<v Speaker 1>equality and enfranchisement in the social sphere, in the economic sphere,

0:32:58.716 --> 0:33:03.196
<v Speaker 1>and in the political sphere, and ultimately, over the course

0:33:03.276 --> 0:33:06.956
<v Speaker 1>of the first half of the eighteen seventies, white Northerners

0:33:07.356 --> 0:33:14.196
<v Speaker 1>lost the political moment to keep reconstruction going. The analogies

0:33:14.236 --> 0:33:18.716
<v Speaker 1>to American wars in Afghanistan and Iraq are actually strong.

0:33:19.836 --> 0:33:22.916
<v Speaker 1>The United States may imagine that it can transform a

0:33:22.996 --> 0:33:26.876
<v Speaker 1>society entirely in the course of a military occupation, but

0:33:26.956 --> 0:33:30.836
<v Speaker 1>when it turns out to be difficult, expensive, and time consuming,

0:33:31.036 --> 0:33:34.556
<v Speaker 1>and when it turns out that many local people resist transformation,

0:33:35.156 --> 0:33:38.516
<v Speaker 1>eventually the United States is capable of running out of

0:33:38.556 --> 0:33:42.476
<v Speaker 1>steam on some level. That is the best account of

0:33:42.476 --> 0:33:47.316
<v Speaker 1>how Reconstruction ultimately failed. It wasn't that Southern African Americans

0:33:47.356 --> 0:33:50.156
<v Speaker 1>gave up their efforts to the contrary. They never stopped.

0:33:50.636 --> 0:33:55.196
<v Speaker 1>It was that white Northerners lost the political will and

0:33:55.316 --> 0:33:59.796
<v Speaker 1>the incentive to continue to try to impose social transformation,

0:34:00.156 --> 0:34:06.116
<v Speaker 1>economic transformation, and political transformation on white Southerners. The result

0:34:06.316 --> 0:34:10.516
<v Speaker 1>was the tragedy of what is sometimes called the Compromise

0:34:10.556 --> 0:34:14.956
<v Speaker 1>of eighteen seventy six or the Great Betrayal. This was

0:34:14.996 --> 0:34:18.396
<v Speaker 1>a process that emerged from the disputed eighteen seventy six

0:34:18.476 --> 0:34:23.156
<v Speaker 1>constitutional election, which produced a special commission and a set

0:34:23.196 --> 0:34:28.116
<v Speaker 1>of agreements that effectively embraced the reality of the collapse

0:34:28.196 --> 0:34:34.596
<v Speaker 1>of Reconstruction. To oversimplify significantly, the Republican Party, speaking on

0:34:34.636 --> 0:34:38.516
<v Speaker 1>behalf of northern whites, reached a compromise with the Democratic Party,

0:34:38.756 --> 0:34:44.556
<v Speaker 1>which incorporated southern whites, to end Reconstruction and to allow

0:34:44.836 --> 0:34:48.756
<v Speaker 1>the re emergence of a system of white domination in

0:34:48.836 --> 0:34:54.516
<v Speaker 1>the South, a system based on segregation and disenfranchisement. To

0:34:54.636 --> 0:34:57.996
<v Speaker 1>get there, the Supreme Court had to bless and validate

0:34:58.396 --> 0:35:06.676
<v Speaker 1>laws that effectively repudiated the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments. Segregation

0:35:07.116 --> 0:35:11.476
<v Speaker 1>the principle of separate but equal will violated the Fourteenth Amendment,

0:35:11.716 --> 0:35:15.476
<v Speaker 1>but the Supreme Court pretended otherwise in the tragically awful

0:35:15.516 --> 0:35:20.716
<v Speaker 1>case of Plessy v. Ferguson. Similarly, laws designed to block

0:35:20.836 --> 0:35:25.956
<v Speaker 1>African Americans from voting were systematically upheld by the Supreme Court.

0:35:27.636 --> 0:35:33.516
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln's promise of a moral Constitution was betrayed, because although

0:35:33.556 --> 0:35:37.996
<v Speaker 1>the Moral Constitution remained on paper, it was effectively a

0:35:38.076 --> 0:35:43.076
<v Speaker 1>dead letter until the Civil Rights movement and Brown against

0:35:43.116 --> 0:35:47.716
<v Speaker 1>the Board of Education. What happened after the Supreme Court

0:35:47.916 --> 0:35:51.836
<v Speaker 1>repudiated the idea of separate but equal in the Brown versus.

0:35:51.836 --> 0:35:55.396
<v Speaker 1>The Board decision in nineteen fifty four was the beginning

0:35:55.476 --> 0:36:02.116
<v Speaker 1>of a process of constitutional redemption. The redemption here was

0:36:02.236 --> 0:36:05.396
<v Speaker 1>not redemption of the original Constitution of seventeen eighty seven,

0:36:05.756 --> 0:36:10.036
<v Speaker 1>but of Lincoln's Moral Constitution, the constitution embodied in their

0:36:10.076 --> 0:36:14.676
<v Speaker 1>reconstruction amendments. The Supreme Court itself played a role an

0:36:14.676 --> 0:36:18.276
<v Speaker 1>important role by saying that separate could never be equal,

0:36:18.836 --> 0:36:22.396
<v Speaker 1>but the primary role was played by the Civil rights movement,

0:36:22.716 --> 0:36:26.316
<v Speaker 1>by African Americans, who, in the decade following Brown versus.

0:36:26.316 --> 0:36:31.956
<v Speaker 1>Board of Education, engaged in civil disobedience, in sit ins,

0:36:31.996 --> 0:36:37.396
<v Speaker 1>in nonviolent resistance, and in the whole series of dramatic

0:36:37.836 --> 0:36:42.276
<v Speaker 1>and heroic undertakings that ultimately led Congress to adopt the

0:36:42.356 --> 0:36:45.356
<v Speaker 1>Civil Rights Act of nineteen sixty four and the Voting

0:36:45.436 --> 0:36:50.076
<v Speaker 1>Rights Act of nineteen sixty five. In this process, Martin

0:36:50.156 --> 0:36:54.996
<v Speaker 1>Luther King Junior emerged as in a sense, the second Lincoln,

0:36:55.636 --> 0:36:58.796
<v Speaker 1>someone who stood from the moral Constitution, not from the

0:36:58.836 --> 0:37:01.796
<v Speaker 1>standpoint in this case of a government itself, but from

0:37:01.836 --> 0:37:06.556
<v Speaker 1>the standpoint of the people, and in particular of African Americans,

0:37:06.636 --> 0:37:11.716
<v Speaker 1>who had been oppressed. The institution of morality and equality

0:37:12.036 --> 0:37:16.076
<v Speaker 1>was therefore redeemed not by the conferral of a decision

0:37:16.196 --> 0:37:20.476
<v Speaker 1>from above, like Lincoln the dictator, but rather by the

0:37:20.516 --> 0:37:23.836
<v Speaker 1>actions of the people who were entitled to the very

0:37:23.956 --> 0:37:28.476
<v Speaker 1>rights that they were guaranteed under that constitutional order. It

0:37:28.596 --> 0:37:31.956
<v Speaker 1>was no coincidence that the iconic moment of Martin Luther

0:37:32.076 --> 0:37:35.996
<v Speaker 1>King's career took place at the March on Washington. Standing

0:37:36.396 --> 0:37:41.836
<v Speaker 1>in front of the Lincoln memorial. King was becoming a

0:37:41.956 --> 0:37:48.916
<v Speaker 1>second Lincoln, and because ultimately King was assassinated just as

0:37:48.996 --> 0:37:53.316
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln had been, the two men became linked as martyrs

0:37:53.676 --> 0:38:00.276
<v Speaker 1>of the new and moral Constitution. King's explicitly religious identity

0:38:00.796 --> 0:38:05.356
<v Speaker 1>as a minister played an important role in solidifying and

0:38:05.516 --> 0:38:10.636
<v Speaker 1>expanding Lincoln's theology of the Civil War. The blood of

0:38:10.676 --> 0:38:13.916
<v Speaker 1>the Civil War had atoned for original sin, but it

0:38:13.996 --> 0:38:18.116
<v Speaker 1>was the efforts of African Americans and King's own sacrifice

0:38:18.596 --> 0:38:23.436
<v Speaker 1>that redeemed Lincoln's Constitution from the betrayal it had undergone

0:38:23.956 --> 0:38:29.836
<v Speaker 1>in the years after the abandonment of reconstruction. Today, of course,

0:38:30.036 --> 0:38:35.476
<v Speaker 1>we know that that redeemed Constitution, with its moral principles

0:38:35.516 --> 0:38:41.316
<v Speaker 1>of equality and liberty, is not perfectly achieved. Everyone on

0:38:41.356 --> 0:38:46.396
<v Speaker 1>the American political spectrum today embraces in principle Lincoln's Constitution.

0:38:47.276 --> 0:38:50.556
<v Speaker 1>Everyone therefore should recognize today that we do not have

0:38:50.636 --> 0:38:54.116
<v Speaker 1>the Constitution of seventeen eighty seven, but we do have

0:38:54.556 --> 0:38:59.036
<v Speaker 1>the constitution that Abraham Lincoln brought into existence with emancipation

0:38:59.276 --> 0:39:03.396
<v Speaker 1>on January first, eighteen sixty three. At the same time,

0:39:03.956 --> 0:39:08.036
<v Speaker 1>we need to recognize that a written constitution embedding the

0:39:08.076 --> 0:39:11.556
<v Speaker 1>principles of a quality and liberty does not on its

0:39:11.636 --> 0:39:16.316
<v Speaker 1>own bring those moral principles into existence. We still have

0:39:16.476 --> 0:39:20.596
<v Speaker 1>persistent inequality in the United States, including inequality before the

0:39:20.676 --> 0:39:25.796
<v Speaker 1>law of the kind that the moral constitution prohibits. The

0:39:25.876 --> 0:39:30.876
<v Speaker 1>truth is that a moral constitution, like all constitutions, is

0:39:30.916 --> 0:39:35.156
<v Speaker 1>not an end state. It's a promise of an ongoing effort.

0:39:36.116 --> 0:39:40.396
<v Speaker 1>Through our moral constitution, we define our national project, but

0:39:40.836 --> 0:39:46.196
<v Speaker 1>we can never fully achieve it. Lincoln's ultimate legacy, then

0:39:46.396 --> 0:39:50.676
<v Speaker 1>is not the accomplishment of a genuinely moral constitution. It

0:39:50.796 --> 0:39:55.396
<v Speaker 1>is rather his act of breaking the compromise constitution and

0:39:55.516 --> 0:39:59.676
<v Speaker 1>the hope and the promise of a moral constitution that

0:39:59.796 --> 0:40:04.916
<v Speaker 1>will always be in the process of being redeemed. If

0:40:04.956 --> 0:40:09.436
<v Speaker 1>you enjoyed this episode of The Broken Constitution podcast, I

0:40:09.476 --> 0:40:12.076
<v Speaker 1>can tell you with a great deal of certainty that

0:40:12.196 --> 0:40:19.516
<v Speaker 1>you're also going to enjoy the book itself, The Broken Constitution, Lincoln,

0:40:19.676 --> 0:40:23.436
<v Speaker 1>Slavery and the Refounding of America, will be out now.

0:40:24.196 --> 0:40:28.196
<v Speaker 1>Please enjoy reading it, and if you have thoughts or ideas,

0:40:28.596 --> 0:40:31.676
<v Speaker 1>I hope you will write to me about what you think.

0:40:32.436 --> 0:40:34.756
<v Speaker 1>The point of this book is to create a conversation,

0:40:35.436 --> 0:40:38.716
<v Speaker 1>and you, the listener of this podcast, are one of

0:40:38.716 --> 0:40:43.236
<v Speaker 1>the people from whom I wish to hear. The Broken

0:40:43.276 --> 0:40:47.516
<v Speaker 1>Constitution was produced by Nathan Sims and Quick and Dirty Tips,

0:40:47.716 --> 0:40:50.916
<v Speaker 1>a proud part of McMillan Publishers Home far Oar Straus

0:40:51.076 --> 0:40:54.356
<v Speaker 1>and Drew, who are publishing my book