WEBVTT - Police Reform in the Biden Administration

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brussel from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>Jury selection is scheduled to begin next Monday in the

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<v Speaker 1>trial of the former Minneapolis police officer accused of killing

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<v Speaker 1>George Floyd. At the same time, the Biden administration is

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<v Speaker 1>backing a police reform bill in the House that would,

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<v Speaker 1>among other things, banned show coles and no knock warrants.

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<v Speaker 1>Its name the George Floyd Justice and Policing Act. Joining

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<v Speaker 1>me is Jeffrey Fagan, a professor at Columbia Law School,

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<v Speaker 1>tell us a little bit about the Act. Well, the

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<v Speaker 1>Act is about several things UM. One in particular is

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<v Speaker 1>racial profiling and UM. It specifies measures to eliminate racially policing,

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<v Speaker 1>particularly racially racial profiling UM and sets forth the standard

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<v Speaker 1>of UH disparate impact on particular populations minority populations UM

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<v Speaker 1>as the measure of looking in to see whether jurisdiction

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<v Speaker 1>is violating the prohibition on profiling UM. I think, though,

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<v Speaker 1>the most important things to me are the police misconduct

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<v Speaker 1>measures UM. Profiling is a form of misconduct with the

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<v Speaker 1>but the measures to try and UM identify officers who

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<v Speaker 1>are repeat offenders. With respect to who misconduct or excessive

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<v Speaker 1>force or perhaps lethal force, the creation of a registry

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<v Speaker 1>to monitor misconduct across the country, the de certification procedures,

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<v Speaker 1>which I think are extremely important to stop officers from

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<v Speaker 1>pinging around from one department to the other after they

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<v Speaker 1>get in trouble. Um data collections really is built in,

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<v Speaker 1>and it's quite important. We have very little in the

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<v Speaker 1>way of national data on the kinds of issues that

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<v Speaker 1>are the target of the George Floyd Act again, excessive force,

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<v Speaker 1>racial profiling, repeat this conduct, and z on. So I

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<v Speaker 1>think it's a very wide ranging act. I think it

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<v Speaker 1>at least at the federal level, it should have some impacts.

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<v Speaker 1>Now most of the issues that that they try and

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<v Speaker 1>get at are actually state in the city level issues

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<v Speaker 1>are local municipalities. So um, at the very least, it

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<v Speaker 1>sets this this lights of path I think for a

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<v Speaker 1>fairly uniform response across the US with respect to improving

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<v Speaker 1>policing and reducing UH policing equities and the police misconduct

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<v Speaker 1>and ensure your accountability of police to both citizens into

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<v Speaker 1>their local governments. How does the Act handle racial profiling?

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<v Speaker 1>Because isn't sometimes racial profiling something that goes on in

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<v Speaker 1>the officer's head well, you know, it's at the individual level.

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<v Speaker 1>It's you could say that, yeah, it doesn't go on

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<v Speaker 1>in the officer's head. He could perceive where she could

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<v Speaker 1>perceive that a particularly individual is dangerous or up to

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<v Speaker 1>some kind of criminal activity. That's based on perception, and

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<v Speaker 1>those perceptions can be biased, and I think that's one

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<v Speaker 1>of the issues that they try and get at UM.

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<v Speaker 1>I think though, when you think about UM, the way

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<v Speaker 1>the language is set forth in UM Section three one

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<v Speaker 1>two of the Act, they talk about really a pattern,

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<v Speaker 1>and they talk about activities of law enforcement agents and

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<v Speaker 1>a jurisdiction that have had a disparate impact on individuals

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<v Speaker 1>with a particular characteristic, and the characteristic is a racial

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<v Speaker 1>razor gender, but particularly recent ethnicity. So implicitly they're arguing

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<v Speaker 1>for a pattern and practice model, which means some kind

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<v Speaker 1>of statistical analysis overall of the actions of police officers

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<v Speaker 1>with respect to the citizens. Now I've done that. I

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<v Speaker 1>was participately in the David Floyd trial in New York

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<v Speaker 1>on stopping frisk um, and I've been involved in other

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<v Speaker 1>UM racial selective we call selective enforcement cases. And it's

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<v Speaker 1>hard to prove. There's two issues here. One is disparate impact,

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<v Speaker 1>which is a different standard than for example, selective enforcement

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<v Speaker 1>or disparate treatment. And I think there'll be a little

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<v Speaker 1>bit of m conscientiousness in when there are efforts to

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<v Speaker 1>prove disparate impact. It's proven to be in the empirical

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<v Speaker 1>literature by police scholars to be kind of hard to

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<v Speaker 1>pin down. It's one of those things where I think

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<v Speaker 1>everybody knows it's there, but to to say it and

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<v Speaker 1>to find that race UH, net of all other factors

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<v Speaker 1>is driving the patterns that are observed, that's tricky. We

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<v Speaker 1>all may be may sense it. It may be the

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<v Speaker 1>only logical explanation. I think that was one of the

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<v Speaker 1>conclusions we reached in New York. Apart from the statistical conclusion.

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<v Speaker 1>We said, well, if it's not race, what else could

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<v Speaker 1>it be? And I think that the access to the

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<v Speaker 1>standard that UH will lead to some contentious um fights

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<v Speaker 1>once we get to litigation and allegations of violation to

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<v Speaker 1>the Act. Having said all that, I think that the

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<v Speaker 1>acts of a baseline that would lead to I think

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<v Speaker 1>rigorous and and and sweeping empirical research to show and

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<v Speaker 1>identify the patterns and local jurisdictions as well as across

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<v Speaker 1>the federal agencies mentioned sort of tracking police officers to

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<v Speaker 1>see if they repeat conduct. I don't think they they

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think they Act specifies tracking particular officers. I

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<v Speaker 1>think the Act specifies recording incidents of misconduct by officers,

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<v Speaker 1>and then jurisdictions can identify within the data which officers

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<v Speaker 1>are engaging in misconduct repeatedly and which officers may only

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<v Speaker 1>be doing it incidentally, and then ideally the data collection system,

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<v Speaker 1>the archive, would be able to look at the responses

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<v Speaker 1>to those by particular departments to see if they're being

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<v Speaker 1>held accountable. I don't think it's a system to register

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<v Speaker 1>all police and follow their their uh their behavior over

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<v Speaker 1>time and record their misconduct. I think it's an incident

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<v Speaker 1>based system to look at particular incidents to see if

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<v Speaker 1>there are patterns in there. So my question is don't

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<v Speaker 1>police departments across the country already keep track of those officers.

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<v Speaker 1>It's wildly uneven um and for for several reasons. One

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<v Speaker 1>is just simply the preference of the police departments to

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<v Speaker 1>invest their resources in keeping track of officer misconduct to

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of misconduct depends on reporting by civilians to

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<v Speaker 1>either directly that the police are to a civilian oversight board,

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<v Speaker 1>and um uh, some civilians may not want to report.

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<v Speaker 1>I think there's a legitimate fear of retaliation by police

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<v Speaker 1>officers if somebody reports an officer for having engaged in

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<v Speaker 1>excessive forests or or abusive language, or false arrested and

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<v Speaker 1>things like that. So, um, there's a good interesting example

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<v Speaker 1>in Chicago. The police department in Chicago does receive complaints.

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<v Speaker 1>They record a fairly large volume of complaints. But there's

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<v Speaker 1>also a private organization called the Invisible Institute, and they

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<v Speaker 1>received complaints as well. And the private organization Invisible Institute,

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<v Speaker 1>they received nearly twice as many complaints by civilians about

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<v Speaker 1>misconduct by the Chicago Police as do the Chicago Police.

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<v Speaker 1>So I think that tells us something about the sensitivity

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<v Speaker 1>of these archives to willingness of citizens to report to

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<v Speaker 1>an agency that they may have some distrust towards. When

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<v Speaker 1>you look at news articles on this act, the first

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<v Speaker 1>thing you see is that it bans all chokeholds. Are

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<v Speaker 1>there still police stations around the country where choke holds

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<v Speaker 1>are allowed. There's a few they allow chokeholds under particular

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<v Speaker 1>circumstances what they call exiting circumstances, but for the most

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<v Speaker 1>part they're banned. Now the bands um are of question

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<v Speaker 1>will affectiveness and UM. If an officer violated the ban

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<v Speaker 1>in a particular department, whether that officer is sanctioned for

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<v Speaker 1>violating the band depends very much on the discipline systems

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<v Speaker 1>in place in that department, and often the departments will

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<v Speaker 1>look at the particular circumstances in which the officer used

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<v Speaker 1>the chokehold and decide, well, perhaps that officer really didn't

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<v Speaker 1>have a choice. Now, that's hard to prove one more

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<v Speaker 1>or the other, um, but in general I think officers

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<v Speaker 1>do have a choice. There are many ways to simping

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<v Speaker 1>with aspect other than risking their life by cutting off

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<v Speaker 1>their oxygen supply. So um, it's it's a The ban

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<v Speaker 1>is is well stated. I think it has strong expressive

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<v Speaker 1>value to condemn a particular police tactic. Um. Its enforceability

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<v Speaker 1>will vary from place to place, depending on the the

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<v Speaker 1>urgency that police leadership feels towards this and their willingness

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<v Speaker 1>to make their officers angry by curtailing their activities. So

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<v Speaker 1>there's again, many of these provisions are complicated by the

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<v Speaker 1>realities of policing, but they're all pointing in the right

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<v Speaker 1>direction to increase accountability. Does the Act just stop all

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<v Speaker 1>no knock warrants? I believe the intent is to ban

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<v Speaker 1>all no knock warrants. Are there certain instances where no

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<v Speaker 1>knock warrant is needed? You know, it's an interesting question,

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<v Speaker 1>and I think, well, let's put it this way. It

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<v Speaker 1>does band no knock warrants. I would guess that that

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<v Speaker 1>somewhere uh north of se perhaps closer to eight of

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<v Speaker 1>warrants can be served without a no knock provision. Um,

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<v Speaker 1>it's possible that it could be as high as as

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<v Speaker 1>as ninety five or ninety eight or UM. We don't

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<v Speaker 1>have enough research on this question to answer um your

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<v Speaker 1>question and the criticisms of police that you do need

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<v Speaker 1>to keep that possibility. And again it's one of the

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<v Speaker 1>things that that has strong expressive value. But UM, I

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<v Speaker 1>think we need This is an area where we really

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<v Speaker 1>need some research to say to say just how far

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<v Speaker 1>should the band go so qualified immunity just explain what

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<v Speaker 1>qualified immunity is and what this bill would provide. According

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<v Speaker 1>to the Act, very little of it will survive as

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<v Speaker 1>any qualified immunity essentially is UM relieves officers of liability

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<v Speaker 1>for having engaged in um misconduct as simple as that,

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<v Speaker 1>if they engage in excessive force, if they engage in

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<v Speaker 1>false arrest, if they engage in some kind of racial

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<v Speaker 1>profiling for example, that leads to some harm when an

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<v Speaker 1>officer is found, When an officer is found who have

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<v Speaker 1>violated the law, whether civil or criminal, they are quality

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<v Speaker 1>the qualified and meanoring and provisions reliefs of any responsibility

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<v Speaker 1>for the acts that they took, that they engaged in,

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<v Speaker 1>and that includes relief of monetary damages and in some

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<v Speaker 1>instances relief from criminal prosecution. So this would eliminate qualified immunity,

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<v Speaker 1>that's right, It would hold officers feet to the fire.

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<v Speaker 1>This is a federal federal bill, so I mean, how

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<v Speaker 1>much of this will be enforceable at the state level. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>this is an interesting question because some states have their

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<v Speaker 1>own statutes and qualified immunity and there didn't UM. Not surprisingly,

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<v Speaker 1>a number of court cases on qualified immunity in the

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<v Speaker 1>last couple of years, and there's a very very strong,

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<v Speaker 1>well thought out appellate court opinions on this with respect

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<v Speaker 1>to the actions of individual officers. But but there most

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<v Speaker 1>of those cases involve allegations of violations of federal law.

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<v Speaker 1>If there's a case which involves violation of state law,

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<v Speaker 1>that's going to lead to a different um possibly different

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<v Speaker 1>uh standard in the courts to determine where they're qualified

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<v Speaker 1>immunity applies. It depends on how the state statutes wriated.

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<v Speaker 1>But there is federal case law that that's that sustains

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<v Speaker 1>qualified immunity depending on the depending on the statute in

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<v Speaker 1>the circumstances. To give an example, you know, we don't

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<v Speaker 1>we don't really know the parameter that the courts haven't

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<v Speaker 1>really settled on the parameters of it. There was just

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<v Speaker 1>a case in um I believe was in Texas of

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<v Speaker 1>a negligent correctional officer who allowed a person to suffer

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<v Speaker 1>illness um and um some beatings at the hands of

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<v Speaker 1>garden inmates um in well confined, and the courts, the

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<v Speaker 1>lower courts there's um found um the officer gave the

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<v Speaker 1>officer to qualified immunity for any damages. The appellate court

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<v Speaker 1>didn't and um uh they were going to They essentially

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<v Speaker 1>they said there are limits to qualified immunity. And it

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<v Speaker 1>was an interesting opinion in the courts, but it did

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<v Speaker 1>say that you know, there are boundaries on it. The

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<v Speaker 1>boundaries are a little bit porous, and the boundaries are

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<v Speaker 1>really hard to see as a clear um categorical line,

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<v Speaker 1>but there are boundaries on it. But for the most part,

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<v Speaker 1>I think this is going to make it much more

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<v Speaker 1>difficult for officers to claim qualified immunity for the courts

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<v Speaker 1>they granted to them and as far as the rest

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<v Speaker 1>of the act. So if it passes, it would be

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<v Speaker 1>against federal law to let's say, use a choke cold,

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<v Speaker 1>so the officer would have to be charged in the

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<v Speaker 1>federal court. That would put the federal government in in

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<v Speaker 1>the position of doing a lot of policing of the police.

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<v Speaker 1>Well I do would now, I mean the Department of

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<v Speaker 1>Justice has mechanisms by which they can order police departments, um,

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<v Speaker 1>following a civil rights investigation to undertake particular activities to

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<v Speaker 1>remedy acts of civil rights violations. Music call consent degrees.

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<v Speaker 1>In there, they were dormant for the most part unto

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<v Speaker 1>the Trunk administration. They were fairly common um under the

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<v Speaker 1>Obama administration. Um less so under the Bush administration, but

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<v Speaker 1>but probably more so than any other administration during the

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<v Speaker 1>Obama years. And I'm quite sure that given the nominees

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<v Speaker 1>for UM Civil Rights Division, Department of Justice, this this

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<v Speaker 1>activity will be revived. So I think there is a

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<v Speaker 1>mechanism that is going to be reinvigorated, strengthened in the

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Department to pursue these kinds of investigations. So, yes,

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<v Speaker 1>there is some elements, there's some aspects of of federal

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<v Speaker 1>oversecon police departments, and they will be I think expanded

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<v Speaker 1>somewhat under these They would be expanded with or without

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<v Speaker 1>the George Floyd Act, make me clear about that. But

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<v Speaker 1>the George Flight Act gives kind of a foundation and

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<v Speaker 1>a sort of a normative or political political rationale to

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<v Speaker 1>more aggressively overseeing the police activity. A version of the

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<v Speaker 1>bill passed the House last year along partisan lines, but

0:14:20.640 --> 0:14:23.280
<v Speaker 1>it went nowhere in the Senate, which was then controlled

0:14:23.320 --> 0:14:26.360
<v Speaker 1>by Republicans. What do you think it's chances are in

0:14:26.400 --> 0:14:29.680
<v Speaker 1>the Senate this time around. Well, I think we can

0:14:29.720 --> 0:14:32.520
<v Speaker 1>probably count noses in this case, and I my guess

0:14:32.560 --> 0:14:34.760
<v Speaker 1>is that for the most part, there may be some

0:14:34.840 --> 0:14:38.080
<v Speaker 1>tinkering with the act in the Senate version of the Act,

0:14:39.280 --> 0:14:42.600
<v Speaker 1>and that tinkering would be around the margins of police accountability,

0:14:43.680 --> 0:14:48.560
<v Speaker 1>and it might lead to some concessions by some Democratic senators.

0:14:48.600 --> 0:14:52.560
<v Speaker 1>I can imagine Senator Mansion, for example, coming from a

0:14:52.600 --> 0:15:00.080
<v Speaker 1>more conservative state, perhaps Senator Cinema from from Arizona me

0:15:00.160 --> 0:15:03.200
<v Speaker 1>from a more conservative state, having a few qualms about

0:15:03.200 --> 0:15:05.480
<v Speaker 1>certain provisions of the bill. So there might be some

0:15:05.560 --> 0:15:08.880
<v Speaker 1>figuring around the markets. But I think the main thrust

0:15:09.000 --> 0:15:12.800
<v Speaker 1>of the legislation will pass. Now that's a prediction, and

0:15:12.840 --> 0:15:16.520
<v Speaker 1>I'm very bad. I'm a very bad gambler. We appreciate

0:15:16.560 --> 0:15:19.400
<v Speaker 1>the prediction anyway, Thanks so much for being on the show.

0:15:19.800 --> 0:15:24.560
<v Speaker 1>That's Professor Jeffrey Fagan of Columbia Law School. A federal

0:15:24.640 --> 0:15:28.760
<v Speaker 1>judge in Texas extended in order blocking President Joe Biden's

0:15:28.800 --> 0:15:33.600
<v Speaker 1>plan to hall deportations of undocumented immigrants for one hundred days.

0:15:33.920 --> 0:15:38.360
<v Speaker 1>Federal Judge Drew Tipton, a Trump appointee, granted Texas's motion

0:15:38.440 --> 0:15:42.000
<v Speaker 1>for an injunction blocking the plan freeze on removals until

0:15:42.040 --> 0:15:45.240
<v Speaker 1>the case is resolved, which could take months or even years.

0:15:45.480 --> 0:15:48.160
<v Speaker 1>Joining me is Leon Fresco, a partner at Hollandon Knight.

0:15:48.480 --> 0:15:52.200
<v Speaker 1>Leon the judge road a one five page order. What

0:15:52.280 --> 0:15:55.360
<v Speaker 1>was his reasoning here? Well, in the end, what this

0:15:55.440 --> 0:16:01.320
<v Speaker 1>judge was saying, is that, just like other programmatic changes

0:16:01.400 --> 0:16:04.040
<v Speaker 1>that have occurred that have been enjoyed by the courts,

0:16:04.360 --> 0:16:08.120
<v Speaker 1>that here this memo that was then by the Biden

0:16:08.200 --> 0:16:12.680
<v Speaker 1>administration that was specifically instructing I not to engage in

0:16:12.800 --> 0:16:16.240
<v Speaker 1>certain removal operations in order to remove people from the

0:16:16.280 --> 0:16:19.600
<v Speaker 1>United States was a programmatic change that needed to occur

0:16:19.760 --> 0:16:23.840
<v Speaker 1>to the notice and comment process, and so violated the

0:16:23.920 --> 0:16:27.040
<v Speaker 1>I and A. And also that it violated different agreements

0:16:27.120 --> 0:16:30.400
<v Speaker 1>that have been in place with different states about how

0:16:30.520 --> 0:16:34.800
<v Speaker 1>the enforcement of immigration law could occur, and also violated

0:16:34.960 --> 0:16:39.440
<v Speaker 1>the requirements that the president actually enforced the laws. And

0:16:39.600 --> 0:16:45.480
<v Speaker 1>so with all of those results, the court enjoined this memorandum,

0:16:45.520 --> 0:16:48.640
<v Speaker 1>which actually has some cookie results, but in the end

0:16:49.160 --> 0:16:53.960
<v Speaker 1>just says that this memorandum itself can actually be enforced.

0:16:54.160 --> 0:16:58.080
<v Speaker 1>So not going through the comment procedures is something that

0:16:58.240 --> 0:17:01.640
<v Speaker 1>was often used against the Trump administration. So is this

0:17:01.720 --> 0:17:04.720
<v Speaker 1>judge using the same kind of reasoning here? The doctor

0:17:04.760 --> 0:17:07.960
<v Speaker 1>in itself upon which the decision was based upon is

0:17:08.000 --> 0:17:10.640
<v Speaker 1>the typical doctor that you would use to overturn one

0:17:10.640 --> 0:17:14.320
<v Speaker 1>of these prigot edge of the memorandum. The key here, however,

0:17:14.920 --> 0:17:18.000
<v Speaker 1>is that in the end, this is a memorandum about

0:17:18.080 --> 0:17:22.200
<v Speaker 1>how the president is going to enforce immigration law. And

0:17:22.280 --> 0:17:26.800
<v Speaker 1>so even if this particular memo is stricken, it doesn't

0:17:26.880 --> 0:17:30.200
<v Speaker 1>really change the fact that on a case by case basis,

0:17:30.800 --> 0:17:35.280
<v Speaker 1>ICE can't be forced to deport specific people. There's no

0:17:35.400 --> 0:17:37.399
<v Speaker 1>lawsuits that anybody is going to be able to file.

0:17:37.520 --> 0:17:40.800
<v Speaker 1>It's going to say you must import every single person

0:17:40.880 --> 0:17:45.320
<v Speaker 1>you encounter. That's the president's discretion. That's literally in the

0:17:45.400 --> 0:17:48.919
<v Speaker 1>statutes that nobody can do to take away that discretion.

0:17:49.200 --> 0:17:52.480
<v Speaker 1>And so all this does is just eliminate the memo

0:17:53.240 --> 0:17:57.800
<v Speaker 1>as a basis for governing how this ICE discretionary process works,

0:17:58.000 --> 0:18:01.159
<v Speaker 1>which is why the Biden administrations of siquickly issued another

0:18:01.200 --> 0:18:04.960
<v Speaker 1>memo had said if you're going to engage in operations

0:18:05.000 --> 0:18:07.920
<v Speaker 1>against people other than serious criminals, you have to get

0:18:08.040 --> 0:18:13.600
<v Speaker 1>many layers of approval, which basically procedurally accomplishes the same

0:18:13.640 --> 0:18:18.520
<v Speaker 1>objective as saying don't remove people. The Texas A g

0:18:19.000 --> 0:18:24.720
<v Speaker 1>was tweeting victory, etcetera. So the victory maybe the legal victory,

0:18:24.800 --> 0:18:29.280
<v Speaker 1>but on the ground it doesn't make that much difference. Correct,

0:18:29.400 --> 0:18:32.800
<v Speaker 1>It's a victory in paper only, but not in substance.

0:18:32.920 --> 0:18:37.639
<v Speaker 1>Because the paper itself, the memo itself is gone, so

0:18:37.880 --> 0:18:40.159
<v Speaker 1>that no one can site to that memo as a

0:18:40.240 --> 0:18:44.720
<v Speaker 1>basis for why a removal shouldn't occur. But if an

0:18:44.760 --> 0:18:47.680
<v Speaker 1>ICE agent has to go through many layers of review

0:18:47.760 --> 0:18:50.920
<v Speaker 1>in order to engage in an ICE operation, what will

0:18:50.960 --> 0:18:55.680
<v Speaker 1>inevitably occur is that those context that the memo does

0:18:55.760 --> 0:18:59.840
<v Speaker 1>permit or doesn't permit for removal will be inculcated in

0:18:59.840 --> 0:19:02.880
<v Speaker 1>the agency such that whatever somebody tries to go through

0:19:02.920 --> 0:19:05.639
<v Speaker 1>those layers of review, they will be told this is

0:19:05.680 --> 0:19:09.960
<v Speaker 1>not an acceptable operation for a removal and that goal

0:19:10.000 --> 0:19:13.040
<v Speaker 1>will have been accomplished in the same manner. So that

0:19:13.119 --> 0:19:16.520
<v Speaker 1>may be the reason why the Biden administration hasn't said

0:19:16.560 --> 0:19:19.840
<v Speaker 1>that they're going to appeal this decision to the Fifth Circuit.

0:19:20.960 --> 0:19:24.240
<v Speaker 1>Right in the end, it's really much to do about nothing,

0:19:24.920 --> 0:19:31.800
<v Speaker 1>because if you are organizing a prosecutorial discretion regime, that

0:19:31.960 --> 0:19:34.600
<v Speaker 1>regime can be done without needing a memo like this.

0:19:34.880 --> 0:19:37.960
<v Speaker 1>The point of what memo was because on day one

0:19:38.560 --> 0:19:41.920
<v Speaker 1>of the Biden administration, you needed a very broad memo

0:19:42.040 --> 0:19:45.680
<v Speaker 1>like that which essentially said don't support anyone because there

0:19:45.720 --> 0:19:50.440
<v Speaker 1>was no one there at these agencies. Yet he inculcate

0:19:50.600 --> 0:19:54.639
<v Speaker 1>the officers about what the new enforcement priorities were. Now,

0:19:54.680 --> 0:19:58.359
<v Speaker 1>people are slowly being installed. Alle Majorchis has been confirmed

0:19:58.400 --> 0:20:02.000
<v Speaker 1>as the DHS secretary. There are political appointments that are

0:20:02.040 --> 0:20:05.400
<v Speaker 1>moving into these agencies that do not require cetic conformation,

0:20:06.000 --> 0:20:10.359
<v Speaker 1>and those individuals can begin to say to the people,

0:20:10.400 --> 0:20:13.760
<v Speaker 1>and I here are our priorities, and so you should

0:20:13.800 --> 0:20:16.560
<v Speaker 1>not approve a removal as this or this or this,

0:20:17.200 --> 0:20:20.560
<v Speaker 1>and that doesn't need a memo that says don't enforce

0:20:20.640 --> 0:20:22.840
<v Speaker 1>the immigration law, which was sort of the day one

0:20:22.880 --> 0:20:26.200
<v Speaker 1>memo just to stop any removals that were imminent at

0:20:26.200 --> 0:20:29.679
<v Speaker 1>that time. And the judges opinion didn't touch on the

0:20:29.720 --> 0:20:34.840
<v Speaker 1>agreement that the Trump administration made with Texas and some

0:20:35.000 --> 0:20:39.239
<v Speaker 1>other states. Well, in the end, the agreements were not

0:20:39.400 --> 0:20:44.600
<v Speaker 1>necessary to invalidate this decision because what was ultimately necessary

0:20:44.760 --> 0:20:47.560
<v Speaker 1>was just this issue that this was a programmatic change

0:20:47.600 --> 0:20:50.720
<v Speaker 1>that needed to go through the formal rulemaking process, that

0:20:50.800 --> 0:20:54.600
<v Speaker 1>it was going to be implemented. And they don't in

0:20:54.640 --> 0:20:58.360
<v Speaker 1>the end half standings to say that the federal government

0:20:58.400 --> 0:21:01.720
<v Speaker 1>should deport at person that just is not a thing

0:21:01.920 --> 0:21:06.000
<v Speaker 1>in the US law. And so from that perspective, that

0:21:06.160 --> 0:21:08.359
<v Speaker 1>wasn't something that was going to be able to survive

0:21:08.760 --> 0:21:11.800
<v Speaker 1>the Fifth Circuit or Supreme Court review. And so that's

0:21:11.800 --> 0:21:14.640
<v Speaker 1>why I think you don't see the imphasis there. Lean

0:21:14.760 --> 0:21:18.640
<v Speaker 1>you said that the judge's action will have some cookie results.

0:21:19.160 --> 0:21:23.320
<v Speaker 1>Tell us about them. There results in some very unique consequences,

0:21:23.320 --> 0:21:26.280
<v Speaker 1>which is just that this memo itself can't be imforced.

0:21:26.960 --> 0:21:32.159
<v Speaker 1>So you can't say to people, don't deport anyone they

0:21:32.240 --> 0:21:35.600
<v Speaker 1>on the basis of this memo. But there's nothing about

0:21:35.720 --> 0:21:38.679
<v Speaker 1>this case being victorious for the State of Texas that

0:21:38.840 --> 0:21:41.679
<v Speaker 1>is likely to lead to even a single additional person

0:21:41.760 --> 0:21:46.120
<v Speaker 1>being removed or maintained, because the processes that the agency

0:21:46.119 --> 0:21:49.639
<v Speaker 1>has put in place now have made it clear that

0:21:50.280 --> 0:21:53.320
<v Speaker 1>here are the kinds of approval you need in order

0:21:53.359 --> 0:21:57.200
<v Speaker 1>to begin a removal action or to finalize the removal action,

0:21:57.720 --> 0:22:02.280
<v Speaker 1>and when those approve sources are procured, you're not going

0:22:02.320 --> 0:22:05.879
<v Speaker 1>to get that approval unless it's a serious criminal or

0:22:06.040 --> 0:22:09.600
<v Speaker 1>national security case. Let's turn to what's happening now. Because

0:22:09.960 --> 0:22:13.280
<v Speaker 1>there are ports that there have been thousands of unaccompanied

0:22:13.480 --> 0:22:19.000
<v Speaker 1>miners coming through the border. Border patrol agents are apprehending

0:22:19.040 --> 0:22:21.560
<v Speaker 1>an average of more than two hundred children crossing the

0:22:21.600 --> 0:22:26.280
<v Speaker 1>border without a parent every day, but nearly all beds

0:22:26.280 --> 0:22:29.040
<v Speaker 1>for immigrant children maintained by the Department of Health and

0:22:29.119 --> 0:22:32.479
<v Speaker 1>Human Services are full. So what's happening at the border.

0:22:33.240 --> 0:22:35.760
<v Speaker 1>So there are multiple issues that are happening at the

0:22:35.760 --> 0:22:39.080
<v Speaker 1>southern border. One is with regard to asylum speakers, and

0:22:39.160 --> 0:22:43.840
<v Speaker 1>one is with regard to unaccompanied children. So for unaccompanied children,

0:22:43.960 --> 0:22:46.800
<v Speaker 1>the Trump administration, at the final days of the Trump

0:22:46.840 --> 0:22:51.400
<v Speaker 1>administration have actually won a decision that said that what's

0:22:51.440 --> 0:22:54.359
<v Speaker 1>called Title forty two of the Code, which is the

0:22:54.400 --> 0:22:58.280
<v Speaker 1>code having to do with the CDC and disease exclusion,

0:22:58.840 --> 0:23:03.960
<v Speaker 1>permitted the Trump administration to exclude young people on a

0:23:04.040 --> 0:23:08.240
<v Speaker 1>companied miners from the United States because of COVID and

0:23:08.320 --> 0:23:12.040
<v Speaker 1>the COVID crisis. The Biden administration decided that it would

0:23:12.119 --> 0:23:15.639
<v Speaker 1>not use this COVID authority to exclude on a company

0:23:15.720 --> 0:23:20.000
<v Speaker 1>miners and would instead process on accompany miners the way

0:23:20.080 --> 0:23:24.000
<v Speaker 1>they had traditionally been processed under the Flora Settlement Agreement,

0:23:24.000 --> 0:23:26.720
<v Speaker 1>which is that an unaccompanied minor gets to come into

0:23:26.760 --> 0:23:30.159
<v Speaker 1>the United States and make a claim for either asylum

0:23:30.240 --> 0:23:34.680
<v Speaker 1>relief or trafficking relief or what is called special immigrants

0:23:34.720 --> 0:23:39.240
<v Speaker 1>juvenile static. The complication is that when on a company

0:23:39.280 --> 0:23:42.040
<v Speaker 1>miner comes into the United States, they need to be

0:23:42.119 --> 0:23:44.719
<v Speaker 1>housed in a shelter that is run by the Office

0:23:44.760 --> 0:23:48.600
<v Speaker 1>of Refugee Resettlement until the Office of Refugee Resettlement can

0:23:48.640 --> 0:23:51.840
<v Speaker 1>determine that the adult that something to pick up that

0:23:52.000 --> 0:23:56.879
<v Speaker 1>minor isn't some human trafficker or smuggler or terrible individual,

0:23:56.960 --> 0:24:00.159
<v Speaker 1>but it is instead a committed scare stags. And so

0:24:00.359 --> 0:24:04.840
<v Speaker 1>the facilities that are usually over expended for this purpose

0:24:05.200 --> 0:24:08.280
<v Speaker 1>here not only are overexpended, but haves to be out

0:24:08.320 --> 0:24:12.680
<v Speaker 1>about capacity due to the COVID prices. And so this

0:24:12.720 --> 0:24:15.280
<v Speaker 1>is why you're seeing all of these new facilities opening up,

0:24:15.320 --> 0:24:19.080
<v Speaker 1>including this one in Carrizo Springs, Texas, is because they're

0:24:19.119 --> 0:24:23.600
<v Speaker 1>gonna need to be increased capacity if the unaccompanied miners

0:24:23.640 --> 0:24:25.720
<v Speaker 1>are actually going to be allowed into the United States

0:24:25.760 --> 0:24:31.160
<v Speaker 1>as opposed to be excluded using the CDC COVID Exclusion Authority.

0:24:31.640 --> 0:24:35.320
<v Speaker 1>So are more people coming in since since Biden has

0:24:35.359 --> 0:24:40.160
<v Speaker 1>been president, So the numbers are on an uptick. They're

0:24:40.200 --> 0:24:43.040
<v Speaker 1>not yet at the crisis levels that we've seen in

0:24:43.080 --> 0:24:46.359
<v Speaker 1>the past, but there is some concerns that the Department

0:24:46.359 --> 0:24:49.400
<v Speaker 1>of home brand security of citing that those numbers by

0:24:49.440 --> 0:24:53.240
<v Speaker 1>May or June could get up to those levels. And

0:24:53.280 --> 0:24:55.480
<v Speaker 1>the question is, if they get up to those levels,

0:24:55.960 --> 0:24:59.119
<v Speaker 1>will the Biden administration change course and use this title

0:24:59.240 --> 0:25:02.359
<v Speaker 1>forty to afford ready again to exclude people from the

0:25:02.440 --> 0:25:05.200
<v Speaker 1>United States. That's going to be very interesting to see.

0:25:05.560 --> 0:25:09.080
<v Speaker 1>And the other change that was made was ending what

0:25:09.240 --> 0:25:11.920
<v Speaker 1>is known as the Remain in Mexico or the Migrant

0:25:11.960 --> 0:25:16.000
<v Speaker 1>Protection Protocol program, which was a program that required anybody

0:25:16.080 --> 0:25:20.560
<v Speaker 1>seeking asylum too entertain their claims from Mexico and not

0:25:20.720 --> 0:25:24.160
<v Speaker 1>from inside the United States. The Biden administration has said

0:25:24.200 --> 0:25:27.040
<v Speaker 1>that people, not new people, but people who were previously

0:25:27.080 --> 0:25:30.080
<v Speaker 1>waiting in line, can come in on a controlled basis

0:25:30.160 --> 0:25:32.879
<v Speaker 1>of a few hundred people per day to come in

0:25:32.920 --> 0:25:36.200
<v Speaker 1>and make their claims from inside the United States. And

0:25:36.280 --> 0:25:40.840
<v Speaker 1>so the worry is that if enough people misinterpret that action,

0:25:41.040 --> 0:25:43.800
<v Speaker 1>meaning they think it does apply to the people or

0:25:43.880 --> 0:25:47.200
<v Speaker 1>it will apply to new people, that more people will

0:25:47.200 --> 0:25:50.200
<v Speaker 1>try to come in through the border. Are people coming

0:25:50.240 --> 0:25:54.160
<v Speaker 1>in now? Are they going through an immigration hearing and

0:25:54.200 --> 0:25:57.360
<v Speaker 1>then released until what you know used to be called

0:25:57.400 --> 0:25:59.960
<v Speaker 1>catch and release and then released until a court day.

0:26:00.119 --> 0:26:03.760
<v Speaker 1>How is it being done. Well. What's happening is the

0:26:03.920 --> 0:26:07.919
<v Speaker 1>queue that had been created for this migration Protection Protocol

0:26:08.440 --> 0:26:13.040
<v Speaker 1>of several thousand individuals waiting for hearings inside of Mexico

0:26:13.200 --> 0:26:15.920
<v Speaker 1>instead of inside the United States. They're going through that

0:26:16.200 --> 0:26:20.840
<v Speaker 1>queue and they're assessing who has serious, legitimate claims, and

0:26:20.920 --> 0:26:23.240
<v Speaker 1>a few hundreds of those individuals are being led into

0:26:23.320 --> 0:26:26.760
<v Speaker 1>the United States. They're being quarantined for a specific period

0:26:26.760 --> 0:26:30.520
<v Speaker 1>of time and facility that are being implemented for this quarantine,

0:26:30.880 --> 0:26:33.200
<v Speaker 1>and then yes, they are being released into the United

0:26:33.240 --> 0:26:35.840
<v Speaker 1>States to make their claim. And so this is why

0:26:35.880 --> 0:26:39.960
<v Speaker 1>you see the protestations from former President Trump about this,

0:26:40.160 --> 0:26:42.399
<v Speaker 1>because he did not want them to occur. And the

0:26:42.440 --> 0:26:47.240
<v Speaker 1>Biden administration said, but the humanitarian nightmare that was happening

0:26:47.240 --> 0:26:51.879
<v Speaker 1>on the Mexican border cannot be justified under asylum law principles.

0:26:51.960 --> 0:26:54.640
<v Speaker 1>And so this is why this needed to be accomplished.

0:26:54.920 --> 0:26:57.639
<v Speaker 1>And so you just have two completely different philosophies on

0:26:57.720 --> 0:27:01.399
<v Speaker 1>this issue of processing a sylum speakers on the border.

0:27:01.880 --> 0:27:05.560
<v Speaker 1>The immigration bill that's been proposed in the House is

0:27:05.600 --> 0:27:08.520
<v Speaker 1>that Biden's immigration bill. Does that have what Biden wants

0:27:08.520 --> 0:27:11.600
<v Speaker 1>in it? Correct? That was the bill that by then

0:27:11.640 --> 0:27:15.800
<v Speaker 1>actually wrote with the administration and consultation with Senator Menendez

0:27:15.880 --> 0:27:19.240
<v Speaker 1>and and congress Women Linda Fanja in the Senator in

0:27:19.320 --> 0:27:23.280
<v Speaker 1>the House, respectively, and that bill is what I would say.

0:27:23.320 --> 0:27:26.160
<v Speaker 1>There are two parts to the usual comprehensive bill. There's

0:27:26.160 --> 0:27:30.320
<v Speaker 1>the bill that fixes the legal immigration system and provides

0:27:30.400 --> 0:27:34.240
<v Speaker 1>benefits for people here without status, and that's usually coupled

0:27:34.280 --> 0:27:38.240
<v Speaker 1>with significant increases in enforcement to prevent future waves of

0:27:38.280 --> 0:27:42.560
<v Speaker 1>illegal immigration. And so this package only has the first

0:27:42.560 --> 0:27:44.520
<v Speaker 1>part of it. It doesn't have the second part of it.

0:27:45.040 --> 0:27:48.560
<v Speaker 1>Because the idea is, well, if Republicans want to negotiate,

0:27:48.920 --> 0:27:51.359
<v Speaker 1>then they can. They can say what they want the

0:27:51.400 --> 0:27:54.800
<v Speaker 1>second part of this bill to be, but that strategically

0:27:54.800 --> 0:27:58.840
<v Speaker 1>wouldn't make sense for Democrats to insert whatever language they

0:27:58.880 --> 0:28:01.840
<v Speaker 1>think is good on it, for given that whatever they

0:28:01.880 --> 0:28:05.440
<v Speaker 1>do may not be deemed acceptable to Republicans anyway. So

0:28:05.760 --> 0:28:08.800
<v Speaker 1>the idea is, you get what the Democrats want in

0:28:08.840 --> 0:28:11.320
<v Speaker 1>the bill out there, and you see if there are

0:28:11.400 --> 0:28:15.080
<v Speaker 1>Republicans who are willing to engage and say I will

0:28:15.119 --> 0:28:19.000
<v Speaker 1>accept this and you give me these changes. The focus

0:28:19.040 --> 0:28:22.600
<v Speaker 1>has been on the dreamers, what's their path under this

0:28:22.640 --> 0:28:26.119
<v Speaker 1>immigration bill? Well, I think you'll see in the middle

0:28:26.160 --> 0:28:29.040
<v Speaker 1>of mark the House vote on a number of provisions.

0:28:29.040 --> 0:28:31.080
<v Speaker 1>They'll see if they can vote on this bigger bill,

0:28:31.560 --> 0:28:33.920
<v Speaker 1>but the laws of vote on a bill for Dreamers,

0:28:33.960 --> 0:28:35.679
<v Speaker 1>on a bill for people who have been here for

0:28:35.720 --> 0:28:40.440
<v Speaker 1>decades with temporary prospective status to give them lawful permanent residents,

0:28:40.640 --> 0:28:42.760
<v Speaker 1>and a bill to help farm workers who have been

0:28:42.760 --> 0:28:46.360
<v Speaker 1>here for several years with our documented status to give

0:28:46.440 --> 0:28:49.800
<v Speaker 1>them legal status as well. And then that will shift

0:28:49.840 --> 0:28:53.160
<v Speaker 1>over to that is going to lead a process to

0:28:53.280 --> 0:28:57.000
<v Speaker 1>determine are their ten Republicans who will agree to any

0:28:57.080 --> 0:29:01.240
<v Speaker 1>immigration changes for anybody for any reason. And that's gonna

0:29:01.280 --> 0:29:04.440
<v Speaker 1>be where the action really is is what can you

0:29:04.520 --> 0:29:08.479
<v Speaker 1>get Republican senators to vote for an immigration if there's anything.

0:29:09.520 --> 0:29:14.160
<v Speaker 1>Trump had several immigration cases before the court. Have all

0:29:14.200 --> 0:29:18.480
<v Speaker 1>those cases been taken off the track by Biden's administration

0:29:18.800 --> 0:29:22.560
<v Speaker 1>or not? Yes, Almost the vast majority of those cases

0:29:22.560 --> 0:29:25.400
<v Speaker 1>have either been staved or have been dismissed, such as

0:29:25.400 --> 0:29:28.920
<v Speaker 1>the border wall case and the public charge case, because

0:29:28.960 --> 0:29:31.480
<v Speaker 1>those cases are you know, the Trump of the Biden

0:29:31.480 --> 0:29:34.680
<v Speaker 1>administration is saying they're taking a different direction than the

0:29:34.880 --> 0:29:37.719
<v Speaker 1>one that the people in the lawsuit were suing about.

0:29:38.040 --> 0:29:39.719
<v Speaker 1>For that, there would be no need for the Supreme

0:29:39.760 --> 0:29:42.440
<v Speaker 1>Courts to come in. There is one case of very

0:29:42.480 --> 0:29:46.240
<v Speaker 1>interesting about whether people on temporary protective status can actually

0:29:46.280 --> 0:29:48.800
<v Speaker 1>get green cards, where it looks like that case will

0:29:48.840 --> 0:29:51.840
<v Speaker 1>go forward and the Biden administrator may adopt these same

0:29:52.320 --> 0:29:55.240
<v Speaker 1>decision that the Trump administrations have adopted that people on

0:29:55.360 --> 0:29:59.560
<v Speaker 1>semporary protective status shouldn't be able to get green cards.

0:29:59.600 --> 0:30:02.920
<v Speaker 1>But we'll wait and we'll see on that one. Thanks

0:30:02.920 --> 0:30:05.640
<v Speaker 1>for being on the show. Leon, that's Leon Fresco, a

0:30:05.720 --> 0:30:08.760
<v Speaker 1>partner at Hollanden Night And that's it for the edition

0:30:08.760 --> 0:30:11.440
<v Speaker 1>of the Bloomberg Law Show. Remember you can always get

0:30:11.440 --> 0:30:14.160
<v Speaker 1>the latest legal news on our Bloomberg Lawn podcast. You

0:30:14.200 --> 0:30:18.560
<v Speaker 1>can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, or at www

0:30:18.680 --> 0:30:23.400
<v Speaker 1>dot bloomberg dot com slash podcast Slash Law. I'm Judent Grosso.

0:30:23.560 --> 0:30:25.720
<v Speaker 1>Thanks so much for listening, and please tune into The

0:30:25.720 --> 0:30:28.840
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Law Show every weeknight at ten pm Eastern right

0:30:28.840 --> 0:30:30.080
<v Speaker 1>here on Bloomberg Radio.