WEBVTT - The Election Day Massacre: 3 Part Special Series Promo 

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<v Speaker 1>We're running a special series about the worst incident of

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<v Speaker 1>election violence in American history, an event that is almost

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<v Speaker 1>forgotten today. It happened a century ago on Election Day

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen twenty and the town of a Kohe, Florida. The

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<v Speaker 1>victims were hundreds of black residents. The perpetrators were their

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<v Speaker 1>white neighbors. And the reason was that black citizens had

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<v Speaker 1>gone to the polls and tried to vote. One hundred

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<v Speaker 1>years ago in the center of Florida, just a few

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<v Speaker 1>miles from where Disney World stands today, there was an exodus.

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<v Speaker 1>Hundreds of black families piled their children into wagons. They

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<v Speaker 1>trudged all night along roads and railroad tracks and through

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<v Speaker 1>sugarcane fields. They barely escaped with their lives. Dozens of

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<v Speaker 1>their loved ones did not. They were lynched, shot, burned

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<v Speaker 1>to death in the wreckage of their own homes. Today,

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<v Speaker 1>this is forgotten, largely missing from history books, handed down

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<v Speaker 1>only as a secret memory between generations of the families

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<v Speaker 1>who escaped. But in nine November nine, the town of Okoe, Florida,

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<v Speaker 1>wasn't a secret. It made headlines around the world. There

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<v Speaker 1>was a grand jury investigation, even a hearing before Congress

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<v Speaker 1>and Americans black and white, knew exactly why it had happened.

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<v Speaker 1>They knew what it meant. This exodus was a warning

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<v Speaker 1>danny black citizen who dared to try to vote. I'm

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<v Speaker 1>Eugene S. Robinson and this is the election day massacre

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<v Speaker 1>from Ozzie Media. In two thousand and twelve, Randolph Bracy

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<v Speaker 1>became the first representative from a new state House district

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<v Speaker 1>in central Florida. Less than one sixth of the members

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<v Speaker 1>of the Florida House were black. I I was looking

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<v Speaker 1>for office space after I won my election, and I

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<v Speaker 1>had recently moved to Koe, and I decided to put

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<v Speaker 1>my office in Oh Koe Koe. It's just a dozen

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<v Speaker 1>miles from Disney World, but it still has the feel

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<v Speaker 1>of a small town. It's a pretty lake, splash park

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<v Speaker 1>for the kids, but beloved ice cream stand, the perfect

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<v Speaker 1>place to live and work. And I remember it was

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<v Speaker 1>an African American woman, older woman, and she almost lost

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<v Speaker 1>it when I thought I was moving my office to Koe.

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<v Speaker 1>But she was from the age where she the era

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<v Speaker 1>where she remembered that it was a sundown town where

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<v Speaker 1>you couldn't be Oh Koe unless you had some business

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<v Speaker 1>and you had to be going before dark. Bracy now,

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<v Speaker 1>a Florida State Senator, was shocked, but many people who

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<v Speaker 1>live in the area longer are not. Historian Marvin Dunn

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<v Speaker 1>is professor emeritus at Florida International University. He grew up

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<v Speaker 1>in Central Florida. My father told us told me and

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<v Speaker 1>my brothers about picking oranges in in Okoe. When they

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<v Speaker 1>would leave to come back to the land. If the

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<v Speaker 1>driver of the white drivit lanage until almost dark, they

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<v Speaker 1>would walk out of Okoe rather than be cought after dark.

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<v Speaker 1>Koe is a diverse community today, and it had a

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<v Speaker 1>thriving black population long ago, but for half a century

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<v Speaker 1>of Coe had almost no black residents. But this was

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<v Speaker 1>in the ninety late nineties, and they told me, please,

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<v Speaker 1>don't tell anyone now you're coming here, that we've invited

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<v Speaker 1>you here, that we're showing you where the black communities

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<v Speaker 1>used to be. Paul Ortiz is a professor of history

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<v Speaker 1>at the University of Florida. Don't tell anyone because it

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<v Speaker 1>could put your life in jeopardy. It could put in jeopardy.

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<v Speaker 1>There were good reasons why no black person wanted to

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<v Speaker 1>live there for so many years. A Koe resident and

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<v Speaker 1>community historian Pamela Grady. You can see that's what happened there.

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<v Speaker 1>You can feel that energy there. It's still it's still

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<v Speaker 1>alive and well. What happened in a Koe year century

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<v Speaker 1>ago remains the worst incident of election day of violence

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<v Speaker 1>in US history. What happened in the Koe was not

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<v Speaker 1>an altercation. It was more than a lynching or shooting

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<v Speaker 1>or riot. What happened in the Koe was a massacre.

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<v Speaker 1>And what happened is all too relevant today. Florida is

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<v Speaker 1>still actively involved in vota suppression. I didn't even get

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<v Speaker 1>why she was so scared for me, and then I

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<v Speaker 1>kind of learned the history, and I think it's so

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<v Speaker 1>appropriate to talk about it and this year election because

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<v Speaker 1>it is still to the state of bloody. It's day

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<v Speaker 1>in American political history have an on a presidential election.

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<v Speaker 1>One hundred years ago, African Americans in Florida were preparing

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<v Speaker 1>for an historic election. Soldiers had come home after serving

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<v Speaker 1>their country in World War One, the local economy was booming,

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<v Speaker 1>women had earned the right to vote. The promise of

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<v Speaker 1>America seemed closer than ever before. And then, in a

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<v Speaker 1>night of unspeakable violence, everything changed. There was no question

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<v Speaker 1>who was in charge in central Florida a century ago.

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<v Speaker 1>Often at the time, many of law enforcement and local

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<v Speaker 1>politicians here were also members of the goog Lux client.

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<v Speaker 1>Pamela Schwartz is the chief curator of the Orange County

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<v Speaker 1>Regional History Center in Orlando, Florida. One prominent white citizen

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<v Speaker 1>at the time estimated at about nine of law enforcement officers, judges,

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<v Speaker 1>and lawyers and their Coe area were clan members. There's

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<v Speaker 1>a new rise in the Ku Klux Klan um. There's

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<v Speaker 1>a resurgence of white supremacy. Uh, there's an active movement

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<v Speaker 1>for white supremacists to try to disenfranchise black voters. In

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<v Speaker 1>the days leading up to the election in November nineteen twenty,

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<v Speaker 1>the k k k was especially active. There are marches

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<v Speaker 1>throughout the state of Florida, Jacksonville, Daytona, Orlando of Ku

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<v Speaker 1>Klux Klan sending that same message of do you not

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<v Speaker 1>get out to vote if you're black or else. In Orlando,

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<v Speaker 1>around five hundred hooded men paraded behind three figures on horseback.

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<v Speaker 1>They used megaphones to get their message out. Paul Ortiz

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<v Speaker 1>is the author of Emancipation Betrayed The Hidden History of

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<v Speaker 1>black organizing and white violence in Florida from reconstruction to

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<v Speaker 1>the bloody election of nineteen twenty. In Daytona of the

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<v Speaker 1>night before election, they marched through Mary mccloyd Bethun's campus,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, and the municipal authority um controlling the electricity

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<v Speaker 1>actually kind of electricity, you know, to Daytona industrial world school,

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<v Speaker 1>so that the clan could march through with their torches

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<v Speaker 1>and terror tactics and and accurately scary. It's just all

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<v Speaker 1>of this stuff is boiling and boiling, and the events

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<v Speaker 1>of November second and third send it over the top.

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<v Speaker 1>This was an event hundreds of years in the making,

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<v Speaker 1>from the first enslavement here up through black holes and

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<v Speaker 1>Jim Crow laws and the suppression of of women, the

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<v Speaker 1>suppression of black voters, the suppression in all these different

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<v Speaker 1>ways leading up to something like this event erupting. Five

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<v Speaker 1>years ago, Florida was under Spanish rule. It was a

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<v Speaker 1>sanctuary if the slaves were able to escape the British colonies.

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<v Speaker 1>But after Florida came outo the control of the United

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<v Speaker 1>States in eighteen nineteen, President Thomas Jefferson sent American troops

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<v Speaker 1>to help capture former slaves and returned them to their chains.

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<v Speaker 1>Slavery ended with the Civil War, but segregation and ideas

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<v Speaker 1>of white supremacy remained strong. Center Florida was especially attractive

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<v Speaker 1>to former Confederates. Marvin Dunn is the author of a

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<v Speaker 1>History of Florida through Black Eyes. Center Florida was a

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<v Speaker 1>was a magnet for people who had lost the Civil

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<v Speaker 1>War because Keith and Florida was untouched by the war.

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<v Speaker 1>Uh and Center Florida the cattle that said, the Confederate army.

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<v Speaker 1>So businessman in Center Florida made money during the war

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<v Speaker 1>while other parts of the South are being destimated by

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<v Speaker 1>the war. By nineteen twenty, Florida's economy was booming. The

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<v Speaker 1>citrus industry was exploding, so a lot of black people

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<v Speaker 1>were chanted into Center Florida for that reason to work.

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<v Speaker 1>The town of a Koe, with its lush orange groves

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<v Speaker 1>and farms nestled along Stark Lake, was especially attractive a

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<v Speaker 1>number of black people, black men in particular, had managed

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<v Speaker 1>to get property orange grose on their own. There's a

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<v Speaker 1>man by the name of Moses Norman. Now Moses Norman

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<v Speaker 1>had lived in this community for some thirty years. He

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<v Speaker 1>was not just some you know, young guy. He was

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<v Speaker 1>a well established individual, well known in town. He had

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<v Speaker 1>his own car. He was known to be a labor broker.

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<v Speaker 1>Most Norman at the time was driving around in a

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<v Speaker 1>car that was worth about seventy five to a hund

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<v Speaker 1>thousand dollars. Pamela Grady is the executive director of the

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<v Speaker 1>July Perry Foundation. That's a Mercedes, that's a Jaguar, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>that's what he was driving around. And at a time

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<v Speaker 1>when nobody even had cars. There was only maybe one

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<v Speaker 1>or two other cars in the whole town of a Koe,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, And here's this black guy driving through the town,

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<v Speaker 1>this nice car. You know. They had to infuriate him.

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<v Speaker 1>The foundation is named for Mose Norman's good friend, another

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<v Speaker 1>prominent black Cystan of a Koe, Julius July Perry. Nothing

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<v Speaker 1>really happened in ol Koe without him. Florida State Senator

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<v Speaker 1>Randolph Bracy. He was kind of like a broker or

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<v Speaker 1>even white businessman who wanted to come in and do

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<v Speaker 1>some farming transaction of what have you. He ran the town.

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<v Speaker 1>July Perry and most Norman were pillars of the Kohe community.

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<v Speaker 1>Historian Paul Artis they were successful individuals. They're very hard workers,

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<v Speaker 1>they were they're very good family men. Um they were

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<v Speaker 1>highly respected. And the reason I mentioned the term highly respected,

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<v Speaker 1>and this is the most important element I think about

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<v Speaker 1>Most Norman and July Perry and why why they represent

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<v Speaker 1>such a threat to white supremacy, Because these two exceptionally

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<v Speaker 1>respected men were involved in an exceptionally threatening activity helping

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<v Speaker 1>black citizens vote. In the wake at World War One,

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<v Speaker 1>black Floridians had organized a remarkable statewide voter registration movement,

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<v Speaker 1>and the movement really prested and built momentum as African

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<v Speaker 1>American soldiers returned from from Europe. A lot of black

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<v Speaker 1>pressions came back to the South and the third in Europe,

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<v Speaker 1>and they were not going into a commodate themselves to

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<v Speaker 1>the racism that was in there in that community, and

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<v Speaker 1>most Norman and Gelatter in particularly were among those who

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<v Speaker 1>came back with that attitude. The two veterans joined hundreds

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<v Speaker 1>of other Floridians who were mobilizing to combat white supremacy.

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<v Speaker 1>In nineteen twenty, there is a shoot black voter registration

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<v Speaker 1>drive that's supported not only by the black community, but

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<v Speaker 1>also by white Republicans. Not all of them, most of them.

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<v Speaker 1>This was at a time when most African Americans were

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<v Speaker 1>members of Abraham Lincoln's Republican Party. In many places in

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<v Speaker 1>the South, blacks could not even join the Democratic Party,

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<v Speaker 1>and thanks to the Nineteenth Amendment, women would be voting

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<v Speaker 1>for president for the first time in nineteen twenty. This

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<v Speaker 1>is a whole new voting block and that includes black women.

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<v Speaker 1>And what it's doing is it's causing a lot of tension.

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<v Speaker 1>People don't always accept change, and so with this you

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<v Speaker 1>also see sort of a resurgence and an ongoing rise

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<v Speaker 1>with white supremacy in the Kuklux Klan clan members were

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<v Speaker 1>not the only white supremacists trying to hold back the

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<v Speaker 1>new wave of black voters. Once the white you know,

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<v Speaker 1>white white elites and white media and white leaders realize

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<v Speaker 1>this is happening, they use their op ed space, their

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<v Speaker 1>their banner headlines. White women, it's up to you to

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<v Speaker 1>save the republic. This is the greatest crisis in our

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<v Speaker 1>nation's history. And a typical op ed will say, h

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<v Speaker 1>white ladies, do you want your Negro washer women to

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<v Speaker 1>lord over you, to take control? Do you want that

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<v Speaker 1>Negro custodian to marry your daughter. The threats heated up

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<v Speaker 1>as the election of approached. White supremacies in a crisis.

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<v Speaker 1>They're much more honest in races today because they're very

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<v Speaker 1>blunt about it. They're like, white supremacy is our way

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<v Speaker 1>of life as an American. Some white Republicans in Orlando,

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<v Speaker 1>including a local judge named John Cheney, helped July Perry

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<v Speaker 1>and most Norman organized black voters. About a month before

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<v Speaker 1>the Echoen massacre, they receive a letter from the Florida

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<v Speaker 1>ku Klux Klan signed by the ku Klux Klan that

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<v Speaker 1>basically says, stop or else, sir, while stopping in your

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<v Speaker 1>beautiful little city this week, I was informed that you

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<v Speaker 1>are in the habit of going out among the Negroes

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<v Speaker 1>of Orlando and delivering lectures explaining to them how to

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<v Speaker 1>assert their rights. The grand master of the Florida ku

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<v Speaker 1>Klux Klan reminded them what happened when white people tried

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<v Speaker 1>to help black voters during reconstruction. You will remember that

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<v Speaker 1>these things forced the loyal citizens of the South to

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<v Speaker 1>organize clans of determined men who pledge themselves to maintain

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<v Speaker 1>white supremacy and to safeguard our women and children. We

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<v Speaker 1>shall always enjoy white supremacy in this country, and he

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<v Speaker 1>who interferes must face the consequences. So there is a threat,

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<v Speaker 1>there is and this is this is a primary starts.

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<v Speaker 1>We have the original in our museum collection that that

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<v Speaker 1>that states this. Just days before the Echoe massacre, there

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<v Speaker 1>are marches throughout the state of Florida. If you ask

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<v Speaker 1>a black person to register about Florida, you're asking them

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<v Speaker 1>to take the risk. They're asking them to risk their lives.

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<v Speaker 1>You're asking them to risk their livelihoods, You're asking them

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<v Speaker 1>to risk their physical safety. On the morning of November,

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<v Speaker 1>two black citizens of a Koe, Florida made a heroic decision.

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<v Speaker 1>They ignored the clan marches, the torches, the letters, and

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<v Speaker 1>the threats. They prepared to exercise their most fundamental democratic

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<v Speaker 1>right to vote. They knew it would be challenging, but

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<v Speaker 1>they had no idea of the horrors that awaited them.

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<v Speaker 1>You can hear the election Day massacre miniseries just search

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<v Speaker 1>for flashback wherever you find your podcasts.