WEBVTT - Court Takes Case That Could Enhance Religious Rights

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court has accepted a case that could change

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<v Speaker 1>the landscape for religious rights and strength and First Amendment protections.

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<v Speaker 1>The Court is being asked to overturn boundaries established thirty

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<v Speaker 1>years ago. In a landmark decision, the justices will disside

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<v Speaker 1>whether Catholic Social Services can be excluded from Philadelphia's foster

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<v Speaker 1>care system because the group won't place children with same

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<v Speaker 1>sex couples. My guest is Richard Garnett, a professor at

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<v Speaker 1>Notre Dame Law School. Why is this case important enough

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<v Speaker 1>for the Supreme Court to have taken it? Yeah, well,

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<v Speaker 1>that's that's always the big question in these issues. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>the standard line is that they don't take cases just

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<v Speaker 1>to pat the lower courts on the heads. Often it

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<v Speaker 1>means to something about the decision that's caught their attention.

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<v Speaker 1>I think the most straight forward answer is that there's

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<v Speaker 1>a disagreement among the federal courts of appeals regarding a

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<v Speaker 1>fairly technical question of First him in doctrine. You have

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<v Speaker 1>the lower court in this case agreeing with the Ninth

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<v Speaker 1>Circuit out West on one way to interpret some of

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme courts precedents, and then you have several other

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<v Speaker 1>courts of appeals that have lined up on the other side.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's one of the sort of standard situations when

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<v Speaker 1>the Justices will weigh in when they need to clear

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<v Speaker 1>up a disagreement among the lower courts. So I think

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<v Speaker 1>that's the most straightforward possibility. A second possibility is intriguingly

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<v Speaker 1>presented by another one of the questions presented in the briefs,

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<v Speaker 1>and that is whether the Supreme Court should take another

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<v Speaker 1>look at this thirty year old decision called Employment Division

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<v Speaker 1>versus Smith, which is kind of the basic foundational Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court precedent when it comes to exemptions for religious exercise.

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<v Speaker 1>And you know, scholars have been criticizing the Smith decision

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<v Speaker 1>ever since the day it was announced, and at least

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<v Speaker 1>thirty years ago, there was agreement among many scholars on

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<v Speaker 1>the political right and the political left, although some of

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<v Speaker 1>those views have kind of migrated over time. But if

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<v Speaker 1>they want to, the Justices could use this case as

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<v Speaker 1>an opportunity to to revisit that old decision. I suppose

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<v Speaker 1>one one standard line about Chief Justice John Roberts and

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<v Speaker 1>his court is that he often prefers to take the

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<v Speaker 1>narrower approach to a question rather than the broad sweeping one.

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<v Speaker 1>And if that's true here, then they might decide that

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<v Speaker 1>it's enough for this case simply to resolve the disagreement,

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<v Speaker 1>but among the lower courts, rather than you know, reopening

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<v Speaker 1>this thirty year old case. But I imagine you'll see

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<v Speaker 1>a whole lot of commentary and amicus briefs from religious

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<v Speaker 1>liberty scholars talking about the possibility of of a substantial

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<v Speaker 1>change in this area. Before we get into the weeds,

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<v Speaker 1>tell us what the issue is in the case. The

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<v Speaker 1>basic issue, well, the issue is whether a Catholic foster

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<v Speaker 1>care agency, Catholic Social Services, may be excluded by the

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<v Speaker 1>City of Philadelphia from certifying and placing kids in foster

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<v Speaker 1>care because the Catholic Social Services has a policy of

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<v Speaker 1>not referring for same sex couple and so the City

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<v Speaker 1>of Philadelphia, when they learned that Catholic Social Services had

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<v Speaker 1>this policy, they moved in various ways. And one of

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<v Speaker 1>the disputes in this case is the various ways that

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<v Speaker 1>Philadelphia did try to do this. But they moved to

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<v Speaker 1>say that if Catholic Social Services had this policy, this

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<v Speaker 1>religion based policy, that they could no longer be involved

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<v Speaker 1>in foster care placements. And so there are some some

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<v Speaker 1>foster parents who have worked with Catholic Social Services in

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<v Speaker 1>the past, you know, longtime foster parents who are challenging

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<v Speaker 1>Philadelphia's actions, and one of the things they're saying is

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<v Speaker 1>that it's unconstitutional for Philadelphia to target Catholic Social Services

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<v Speaker 1>for exclusion like this simply because they dislike or disagree

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<v Speaker 1>with the religious position that Catholic Social Services has, which

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<v Speaker 1>is that they want to place kids in opposite sex

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<v Speaker 1>couple situations. But aren't there rules in Philadelphia rules against

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<v Speaker 1>discrimination in Philadelphia, and the Catholic foster agency are not

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<v Speaker 1>giving foster kids to gay couples. Is a violation of

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<v Speaker 1>those rules. Yeah, so there's two layers here. The first

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<v Speaker 1>layer is it's actually not clear that the relevant rules

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<v Speaker 1>and regulations in Philadelphia actually did prohibit this kind of

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<v Speaker 1>selectivity on the part of foster care agencies. That's kind

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<v Speaker 1>of business in the weeds, and we probably don't want

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<v Speaker 1>to go into it. But Philadelphia invoked sort of four

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<v Speaker 1>different successive reasons why CSS Catholic Social Services needed to

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<v Speaker 1>be excluded. There is a question really of whether Catholic

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<v Speaker 1>Social Service was actually violating the rules in the first place.

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<v Speaker 1>But if they were, or if they are in violation

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<v Speaker 1>of a general rule against any kind of discrimination in

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<v Speaker 1>terms of placement, then cathol Social Services is asking the

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<v Speaker 1>court to say, well, that's fine, Philadelphia can have that rule,

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<v Speaker 1>but if that rule imposes a substantial burden on religious exercise,

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<v Speaker 1>then they're entitled to an exemption from that rule. Now

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<v Speaker 1>to get to that point, you'd have to overrule the

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<v Speaker 1>court's decision in Smith. The third point, I know, I

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<v Speaker 1>said they were only two, but I like a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of professis the third is that Catholic Social Services is

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<v Speaker 1>arguing that Philadelphia doesn't really enforce this alleged rule against nondiscrimination, equally,

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<v Speaker 1>that they do allow various foster care placement agencies to

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<v Speaker 1>make exceptions to make referrals, because Catholic Social Services position

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<v Speaker 1>is that they'll always refer people like the same sex

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<v Speaker 1>couple who wanted to get involved in foster care, they

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<v Speaker 1>always refer them to another agency, so there wouldn't be

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<v Speaker 1>a question of preventing the same sex couples from being

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<v Speaker 1>able to participate. And what CSS is saying is, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>Philadelphia is not really enforcing this equally against all foster

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<v Speaker 1>care agencies. They're singling us out, and therefore that violates

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<v Speaker 1>the First Amendment. So that's the position. And as I

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<v Speaker 1>said a second ago, the Court could kind of take

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<v Speaker 1>a broad view and say, look, Philadelphia rules, if they

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<v Speaker 1>burden religious exercise, they have to satisfy a very demanding

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<v Speaker 1>standard we call strict scrutiny. Or they could take a

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<v Speaker 1>more narrow approach and say, the First Amendment doesn't allow

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<v Speaker 1>Philadelphia to kind of thing allowed Catholic Social Services for

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<v Speaker 1>this kind of special exclusion just because they disapprove of

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<v Speaker 1>their policy. I've been talking to Richard Garnett, a professor

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<v Speaker 1>at Notre Dame Law School, about the Supreme Court accepting

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<v Speaker 1>a major new religious rights case, agreeing to decide whether

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<v Speaker 1>Catholic Social Services can be excluded from Philadelphia's foster care

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<v Speaker 1>system because the group won't place children with same sex couples. Rick,

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<v Speaker 1>I want to get back to the case of Employment

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<v Speaker 1>Division versus Smith, decided by conservative Icon Justice and in

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<v Speaker 1>Scalia last year. The courts foremost conservative members, Justices Clarence Thomas,

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<v Speaker 1>Samuel Alito, Neil Gorsuch, and Brett Kavanaugh, signal they were

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<v Speaker 1>open to reconsidering that decision. Yeah, this is an area

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<v Speaker 1>where sometimes the kind of conservative and liberal labels that

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<v Speaker 1>we use aren't particularly helpful. So in the Smith case,

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<v Speaker 1>you're right, it was authored by Justice Scalia, and that

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<v Speaker 1>was a decision that said, look, the government's allowed to

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<v Speaker 1>apply neutral, generally applicable rules across the board as long

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<v Speaker 1>as it's not discriminating against religion. You don't have a

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional right to an exemption. But he was joined in

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<v Speaker 1>that opinion by quote unquote liberal icon John Paul Stevens.

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<v Speaker 1>And you know, on the other side, you had conservatives,

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<v Speaker 1>say Sandra Day O'Connor, but you also had liberal justices,

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<v Speaker 1>And there's been historically kind of agreement across ideological lines

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<v Speaker 1>that in order to protect religious freedom, you do sometimes

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<v Speaker 1>need to give religious believers exemptions from general laws, whether

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<v Speaker 1>those laws or things like imagine a rule that requires

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<v Speaker 1>you to have a bare head in your driver's license photo. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>what if somebody has a religious obligation to cover his

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<v Speaker 1>or her head. It makes sense most people think to

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<v Speaker 1>provide an exemption in that case. But of course you

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<v Speaker 1>can't give exemptions to everybody who wants them, because then,

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<v Speaker 1>as Justice Lea said, you might well have chaos. It's

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<v Speaker 1>very hard to administer the rule of law when everybody

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<v Speaker 1>gets to decide whether or not they're going to follow it.

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<v Speaker 1>But that's kind of a in a way, a straw man.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, the courts have for years now been working

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<v Speaker 1>with statutes like the Religious Freedom Restoration Act. What laws

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<v Speaker 1>like that do is they ask courts to basically balance

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<v Speaker 1>the needs of the government on the one hand, against

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<v Speaker 1>the needs of the religious dissenter on the other, and

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<v Speaker 1>to try to find again a balance a way to

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<v Speaker 1>advance both the government's important interests and to protect religious freedom. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>it does appear, as you mentioned, that some of the

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<v Speaker 1>current conservative justices have over the course of years, come

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<v Speaker 1>to think that Justice lee As opinion and Smith was

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<v Speaker 1>incorrect and could be interesting. If they've come to think that,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, you might think, well, they'll they'll join the

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<v Speaker 1>liberals and there'll be a decision overturning Smith that's like

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<v Speaker 1>eight to one. But because there's been some evolution in

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<v Speaker 1>the liberal justices thinking about religious freedom too, you might

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<v Speaker 1>end up, perhaps ironically, with kind of a switch on

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<v Speaker 1>this question. We will see. It seems as if the

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<v Speaker 1>likelihood is either that the court is going to overrule

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<v Speaker 1>Smith or rule in favor of the Catholic foster care agencies.

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<v Speaker 1>Is there any possibility that the rule against the Catholic

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<v Speaker 1>foster care agencies. Well, so, just to clare if I

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<v Speaker 1>on uh, they could rule for the Catholic Social Services

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<v Speaker 1>Agency on a number of different grounds, and some would

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<v Speaker 1>be more narrow than the others. If if they overruled Smith,

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<v Speaker 1>I think that would mean they probably would say that

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<v Speaker 1>the Catholic foster Care Agency has a right to an exemption.

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<v Speaker 1>But certainly they could decide, look, Smith has been the

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<v Speaker 1>law for thirty years, and under Smith, the Catholic Social

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<v Speaker 1>Services foster care program loses. They could say Philadelphia does

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<v Speaker 1>have a general rule. That rule does apply to this context,

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<v Speaker 1>the foster care context. They could say there hasn't been

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<v Speaker 1>any kind of targeting or discrimination against Catholic Social Services

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<v Speaker 1>because of their religious views and because of the government's

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<v Speaker 1>disagreement with those views, and therefore they lose. But I

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<v Speaker 1>think most court watchers expect that. You know, again, they

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<v Speaker 1>wouldn't have taken the case if they had that view, because,

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<v Speaker 1>after all, the Catholic Social Services had already lost below,

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<v Speaker 1>there really wouldn't be any need to take the ace

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<v Speaker 1>if they were just going to agree that they should lose.

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<v Speaker 1>So that's why I think there's going to be a

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<v Speaker 1>whole lot of interest in this case across the political spectrum,

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<v Speaker 1>because there are academics who believe that Smith was wrongly

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<v Speaker 1>decided and who think anti discrimination law should apply forcefully

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<v Speaker 1>in contexts like this. Um, so there'll be there'll be

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of interest. This seems to be another case

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<v Speaker 1>of religion versus gay rights, and I suspect that many

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<v Speaker 1>in the LGBTQ community see it as religion discriminating against them. Yeah. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>it's certainly true that these days a number of our

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<v Speaker 1>religious freedom conflicts do involve at tension between the kind

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<v Speaker 1>of religious commitments of some more traditional groups and believers

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<v Speaker 1>on the one hand, and non discrimination law that applies

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<v Speaker 1>on the basis of sexual orientation on the other. So

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<v Speaker 1>that's the fact we saw that Masterpiece cake shop, We've

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<v Speaker 1>seen it in a lot of other cases around the country.

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<v Speaker 1>Doesn't appear that that conflict is gonna go away anytime soon.

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<v Speaker 1>At the same time, this issue is a lot bigger

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<v Speaker 1>than that tension, and I think it's really important to

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<v Speaker 1>underscore that there's a tendency in some newspaper coverage to

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<v Speaker 1>act as though the only religious exemptions cases that are

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<v Speaker 1>out there are cases involving gay rights and same sex

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<v Speaker 1>marriage and so on, and in fact, such cases are

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<v Speaker 1>a very small percentage of the number of exemption cases

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<v Speaker 1>that actually come up. It's much more common to have

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<v Speaker 1>exemptions cases involving someone who needs to wear religious headcovering,

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<v Speaker 1>or perhaps need to have a special accommodation to be

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<v Speaker 1>able to comply with a religious dietary obligation, or needs

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<v Speaker 1>to have a foot washing station in a public university

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<v Speaker 1>because of a religious need. Again, it's it's a really

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<v Speaker 1>small subset of religious exemptions cases that involve gay rights,

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<v Speaker 1>and I worry that the focus on these cases can

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<v Speaker 1>cause some people to miss the underlying issue, which I

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<v Speaker 1>think is important and which matters again the people across

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<v Speaker 1>the political spectrum, and that is, in a complicated regulatory

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<v Speaker 1>society like the one we have that also has religious pluralism,

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<v Speaker 1>has religious disagreement, that has religious minorities, the only way

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<v Speaker 1>that we can be sure that the majority doesn't just

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<v Speaker 1>disregard the religious needs and the religious freedom of the

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<v Speaker 1>minority is to sometimes allow exemptions and accommodations. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>religious freedom doesn't only belong to people with whom we agree.

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<v Speaker 1>Religious freedom belongs to people whom we disagree. If we

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<v Speaker 1>agreed with them, these issues wouldn't come up. And so

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's important to kind of step back and

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<v Speaker 1>be sure we keep in view the broader question of

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<v Speaker 1>a diverse society. How do you provide adequate protection to

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<v Speaker 1>people whose religious beliefs might strike us as strange or

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<v Speaker 1>outdated or what have you. You mentioned Masterpiece cake Shop.

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<v Speaker 1>If the Supreme Court hadn't sort of decided not to

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<v Speaker 1>decide the major issue there, the real issue there, would

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<v Speaker 1>we still be having all these cases? I mean, could

0:12:50.600 --> 0:12:54.680
<v Speaker 1>the Court have set forth a definitive standard there? Well,

0:12:55.360 --> 0:13:00.040
<v Speaker 1>so yes, they probably could have. And um, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the composition of the court has changed a bit since then,

0:13:04.320 --> 0:13:09.000
<v Speaker 1>but Matterpiece had some dimensions that are we're kind of

0:13:09.040 --> 0:13:11.320
<v Speaker 1>particular to it. If you if you remember in the

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<v Speaker 1>cake Shop case, um, the cake artist was not only

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<v Speaker 1>making a freedom of religion claim, he was also making

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<v Speaker 1>a free speech claim, arguing that, you know, to require

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<v Speaker 1>somebody to use their creative skills to endorse a message

0:13:31.640 --> 0:13:35.160
<v Speaker 1>with which they disagree that that violates the freedom of speech.

0:13:36.080 --> 0:13:38.840
<v Speaker 1>And you know, again, not all of these religious exemptions

0:13:38.880 --> 0:13:43.520
<v Speaker 1>cases have that that speech dimensions. So in a sense,

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<v Speaker 1>the new case from Philadelphia has the potential, I think too,

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<v Speaker 1>to sweep a little more broadly and to deal with

0:13:51.679 --> 0:13:56.240
<v Speaker 1>a wider range of distinctly religious claims than perhaps Cake

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<v Speaker 1>Shop did. And finally, could this case East lead to

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<v Speaker 1>a major shift, a major change in church state laws. Well,

0:14:05.640 --> 0:14:07.559
<v Speaker 1>it certainly could. I mean, if the court were to

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<v Speaker 1>reverse employment Division versus Smith. You know, that's putting aside

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<v Speaker 1>what's been the law for for thirty years. And now

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<v Speaker 1>it could be that that change would be relatively minor

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<v Speaker 1>in the sense that they would tweak Smith, but not

0:14:17.960 --> 0:14:20.080
<v Speaker 1>completely abandon it. But then there's also the potential that

0:14:20.080 --> 0:14:23.400
<v Speaker 1>they would, just as I said, clarify this disagreement between

0:14:23.400 --> 0:14:26.080
<v Speaker 1>the lower courts, and then the impact of the ruling

0:14:26.080 --> 0:14:28.960
<v Speaker 1>would be less sweeping. Although you know, from a lawyer's perspective,

0:14:29.000 --> 0:14:31.920
<v Speaker 1>it's it's always nice when you have clarity rather than uncertainty.

0:14:31.960 --> 0:14:34.320
<v Speaker 1>So I'm sure that lawyers would welcome that too. Thanks

0:14:34.360 --> 0:14:37.360
<v Speaker 1>so much for being on Bloomberg Law. Rick. That's Richard Garnett,

0:14:37.440 --> 0:14:40.560
<v Speaker 1>professor at Notre Dame Law School. I'm June Wilso, and

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<v Speaker 1>this is Bloomberg.