WEBVTT - Power and Nations: Francis Fukuyama 

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<v Speaker 1>Pushkin from Pushkin Industries. This is Deep Background to show

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<v Speaker 1>where we explore the stories behind the stories in the news.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Noah Feldman. This week we're in the middle of

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<v Speaker 1>a Deep Background mini series on international power and the

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<v Speaker 1>people who shape it. In this episode, we're fortunate to

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<v Speaker 1>have one of the world's best known public intellectuals to

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<v Speaker 1>help us explore important aspects of these questions. Francis Fukuiyama

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<v Speaker 1>is a scholar based at Stanford University, where he's a

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<v Speaker 1>professor of political science and a Senior Fellow at the

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<v Speaker 1>Spoli Institute for International Studies. For thirty years now, he's

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<v Speaker 1>been writing fascinating, influential books about democracy, political order, how

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<v Speaker 1>it devel ellops, how it changes, and how it can decay.

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<v Speaker 1>He first came to global attention with an essay and book,

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<v Speaker 1>The End of History and the Last Man, published just

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<v Speaker 1>at the point that the Cold War was beginning to

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<v Speaker 1>come to an end. Since then, he's published, among other things,

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<v Speaker 1>two massive six hundred and fifty page books on the

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<v Speaker 1>nature of political order from pre human times to the

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<v Speaker 1>French Revolution, and then on political order and political decay

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<v Speaker 1>from the Industrial Revolution to the globalization of democracy. Most

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<v Speaker 1>recently he published a fascinating book on identity and contemporary politics. Today,

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<v Speaker 1>we're going to delve deep into the question of what

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<v Speaker 1>decay is, whether the United States is entering a period

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<v Speaker 1>of decay that is going to effect its global standing,

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<v Speaker 1>its relationship with other countries in the world, and particularly China.

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<v Speaker 1>Sometimes controversial, always provocative, and frequently extraordinarily deep, Frank Fukuyama

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<v Speaker 1>is the perfect person with whom to discuss the trajectory

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<v Speaker 1>of democracy in the world and in the United States today. Frank,

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<v Speaker 1>thank you so much for being here. Frank, even before

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<v Speaker 1>Donald Trump was elected, in fact, a good deal before,

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<v Speaker 1>you published one of your big books called Political Order

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<v Speaker 1>and Political Decay, in which you introduced the idea of

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<v Speaker 1>a form of democratic decay and suggested that in a

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<v Speaker 1>range of ways, the United States was starting to enter

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<v Speaker 1>a period of such democratic decay, although not perhaps in

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<v Speaker 1>every way. I wonder if we could begin with the

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<v Speaker 1>concept of decay, and if we start with some definitions,

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<v Speaker 1>we might be able to jump start a deeper conversation

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<v Speaker 1>about what is and is not happening with respect to

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<v Speaker 1>decay in the United States and of democracy in other

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<v Speaker 1>democratic countries. Sure so, my teacher in graduate school. With

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<v Speaker 1>Sam Huntington and his famous nineteen sixty eight book Political

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<v Speaker 1>Order and Changing Societies, talked about the process of political

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<v Speaker 1>decay where society has developed faster than political institutions. People's

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<v Speaker 1>expectations rose, the political system didn't meet those expectations, and

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<v Speaker 1>that led to instability. My concept is based on that.

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<v Speaker 1>It's similar, but it goes off in a couple of

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<v Speaker 1>different directions. So I do think that the ability of

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<v Speaker 1>a political system to meet expectations is critical for stability.

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<v Speaker 1>But the reason that they don't meet expectations oftentimes has

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<v Speaker 1>to do with two factors. One of them is just

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<v Speaker 1>the excessive rigidity of the system. It's too hard to reform,

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<v Speaker 1>so that even though elites may recognize that the system

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<v Speaker 1>is not keeping up with the demands placed on it,

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<v Speaker 1>they can't do anything to fix it. But the other one,

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<v Speaker 1>which wasn't really similar Sam's framework, was this idea of

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<v Speaker 1>political capture by elites use their wealth and power to

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<v Speaker 1>basically grab hold of parts of the state and to

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<v Speaker 1>brend those parts to their own self interest. Both of

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<v Speaker 1>these things were things I saw happening in the United States.

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<v Speaker 1>We had obvious problems with our democracy that made it

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<v Speaker 1>less responsive to popular demands, but we couldn't change it

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<v Speaker 1>because we have a very rigid constitutional system that is

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<v Speaker 1>extremely hard to change. But we also had this process

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<v Speaker 1>by which very powerful organized interest groups were ensconcing themselves

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<v Speaker 1>in different parts of the state and burnding it to

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<v Speaker 1>their own wishes. And I think in many ways that

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<v Speaker 1>was one of the conditions that led to this upsurge

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<v Speaker 1>of populism represented by Donald Trump, that ordinary people felt

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<v Speaker 1>the system wasn't serving them. So those are the senses

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<v Speaker 1>in which I thought the system was. Hey, Frank, building

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<v Speaker 1>on what you just said about populist authoritarianism, which in

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<v Speaker 1>the US we had Donald Trump as our version, but

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<v Speaker 1>we got him out after one term. So in global terms,

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<v Speaker 1>that's actually a win in response to populist authoritarianism. If

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<v Speaker 1>you compare that to places like Hungry or Poland, where

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<v Speaker 1>populist authoritarians have so far been more durable, or certainly Russia.

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<v Speaker 1>Do you see populist authoritarianism then as just a symptom

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<v Speaker 1>of decay that's actually caused by capture by elites, that is,

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<v Speaker 1>the public. A lot of members of the public feel

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<v Speaker 1>like they can't get access and so they give you,

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<v Speaker 1>in turn trump or a victor orbon or. Is it also,

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<v Speaker 1>that is to say, not just a symptom of the

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<v Speaker 1>other causes of decay, but also a contributor to the decay,

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<v Speaker 1>because at least in ordinary terms of the word decay,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, you have someone who's an authoritarian, they will

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<v Speaker 1>undercut democratic institutions even further and make them seem illegitimate

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<v Speaker 1>and even less responsive to popular demand. Well, yeah, it's

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<v Speaker 1>all of those things. So, first of all, the particular

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<v Speaker 1>form that decay took after twenty sixteen, with the rise

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<v Speaker 1>of populist nationalists, was not simply the result of rigid

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<v Speaker 1>political systems. I mean, Japan has a very rigid political system,

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<v Speaker 1>but I don't think it's really suffering from the kind

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<v Speaker 1>of decay that we're experiencing. So there was something else

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<v Speaker 1>going on in society, which, when combined with the rigidities

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<v Speaker 1>of the system, I think produced this populist upsurge. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>those changes in society I think had to do with

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<v Speaker 1>economics and society. The society was splintering into at least

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<v Speaker 1>two very distinct cultural groups, one of which was very

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<v Speaker 1>well educated, open to a cosmopolitan, globalized world doing quite well,

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<v Speaker 1>and the other part tended to live in smaller towns

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<v Speaker 1>and cities or in the countryside, felt disconnected from all

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<v Speaker 1>of the big socioeconomic and technological changes that had been happening.

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<v Speaker 1>And that explains the particular resentments that emerged. That meant

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<v Speaker 1>that the populace backlash when it came, wasn't just about economics.

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<v Speaker 1>It was also about culture. It was about people feeling

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<v Speaker 1>that the elites in the country had stolen the national identity,

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<v Speaker 1>transformed it into something that they weren't comfortable with. That

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<v Speaker 1>involved the downplaying of patriotism, of religion, of a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of traditional social values. And so I think it required

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<v Speaker 1>those sorts of social transformations mixed together with the rigidities

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<v Speaker 1>of the system and the elite capture that led to

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<v Speaker 1>our current situation. As your question about which way the

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<v Speaker 1>causality moves, I think, you know, as in many phenomena,

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<v Speaker 1>it moves in both directions. So I think the external

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<v Speaker 1>changes in the economy and technology promoted this kind of

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<v Speaker 1>social fracturing. But once the society fractured, it fed back

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<v Speaker 1>into the decay because you know, people felt that they

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<v Speaker 1>were trapped in this unreformable system. I want to go

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<v Speaker 1>deeper into the polarization component of what you're describing. Before

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<v Speaker 1>we do, let me just ask a further follow up

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<v Speaker 1>question about this broader picture of decay. The causes of

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<v Speaker 1>decay that you're describing are pretty country specific. Rigidity in

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<v Speaker 1>a system could vary from country to country, Capture by

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<v Speaker 1>elites could vary from country to country. Even polarization might

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<v Speaker 1>be different depending on where you are. Yet, the decay

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<v Speaker 1>of democracies constitutional democracies broadly speaking, is a phenomenon we're

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<v Speaker 1>seeing in lots of different countries with pretty different circumstances

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<v Speaker 1>over the last decade or so. Why this convergence among

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<v Speaker 1>countries that are pretty different from each other if the

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<v Speaker 1>core causes of decay are basically specific to the country, Well,

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<v Speaker 1>first of all, just a kind of social scientific caution.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think we should overgeneralize, because you know, what's

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<v Speaker 1>going on in Russia is very different from India, is

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<v Speaker 1>different from Hungary, is different from the United States, and

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<v Speaker 1>so there are very specific characteristics. But I would say

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<v Speaker 1>that what's common is that sociological cleavage that I just

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<v Speaker 1>described that almost everywhere you look, people that vote for

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<v Speaker 1>liberal politicians tend to live in big cities or urban

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<v Speaker 1>agglomerations that are well connected to the global economy. The

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<v Speaker 1>people that vote for populous politicians tend to live in

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<v Speaker 1>second and third tier cities, towns, villages, or in the countryside.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's very true almost universally. That's true in Hungary,

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<v Speaker 1>it's true in Turkey, it's true in Russia's true in

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<v Speaker 1>the United States, it's true in Britain. And so I

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<v Speaker 1>do think that there is a common sociology that connects

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<v Speaker 1>all of the new forms of populism with one another.

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<v Speaker 1>And probably the single biggest, you know cleavage there really

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<v Speaker 1>has to do with education, because education has pushed people.

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<v Speaker 1>First of all, it's affected very much their economic prospects,

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<v Speaker 1>but it's also pushed them in very cultural directions. And

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<v Speaker 1>so that's constant. But I think then you get into

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<v Speaker 1>country specific differences. So in India, the populism has taken

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<v Speaker 1>the form of religion rather than nationalism. I mean, the

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<v Speaker 1>two overlap, you know, considerably, but there's a very specific

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<v Speaker 1>desire to return India to its religious, you know, Hindu

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<v Speaker 1>religious roots. There are other countries that, you know, in

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<v Speaker 1>a way I've been able to mitigate the populism like Italy,

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<v Speaker 1>that you don't have this red blue cleavage that we

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<v Speaker 1>have in the United States, because you know, our winner

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<v Speaker 1>take all, first past the post electoral system really rewards

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<v Speaker 1>that kind of biarification into a two party system, whereas

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<v Speaker 1>Italy's system is always rewarded much greater splintering, and in

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<v Speaker 1>a way that's been a good thing because that's protected

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<v Speaker 1>them from a populous takeover. So I guess one further

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<v Speaker 1>thing to say is that we in the United States,

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<v Speaker 1>I think, have a particularly unhappy historical legacy, which is

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<v Speaker 1>a legacy of race. I do think that in the

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<v Speaker 1>United States that racial history is particularly important in explaining

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of the depth of the effective polarization, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the emotional part of the polarization that we're experiencing, which

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<v Speaker 1>I think is much weaker in most European countries. That's

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<v Speaker 1>a fascinating point. I tend to agree with you that

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<v Speaker 1>there are very few powers in Europe to the kind

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<v Speaker 1>of systemic racism in the United States that emerged from

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<v Speaker 1>the history of slavery and then segregation in law, and

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<v Speaker 1>then subsequently segregation to some degree in practice. That said,

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<v Speaker 1>I do think if you look at a place like

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<v Speaker 1>France with a colonial legacy, at a large population of

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<v Speaker 1>people who are descendants of people who lived in colonies,

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<v Speaker 1>specifically in North Africa. There are certainly tendencies towards, let's say,

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<v Speaker 1>differential policing of different communities based on race, different economic

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<v Speaker 1>opportunities based on race. It's just that the French pretend

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<v Speaker 1>they can make that disappear by saying we don't see race.

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<v Speaker 1>So I hear the point. I think it's a very

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<v Speaker 1>interesting one. Let me ask about the identity issue that

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<v Speaker 1>you're pointing two now, and you address that in another

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<v Speaker 1>book on identity that was published a couple of years ago.

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<v Speaker 1>I want to begin by asking about the right left

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<v Speaker 1>politics around identity. You know, there was a long period

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<v Speaker 1>of time in which the left in the US was

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<v Speaker 1>gradually embracing the idea of identity politics, and the right

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<v Speaker 1>was pretty skeptical of it and was arguing against identity politics.

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<v Speaker 1>And yet, as you note in the book, one consequence

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<v Speaker 1>of the rise of Trump has been the emergence of

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<v Speaker 1>identity politics on the right. So how does it change

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<v Speaker 1>things that everyone, as it were, on the political spectrum

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<v Speaker 1>thinks that identity is crucial to human self expression. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>for for someone like me, who's basically an old fashioned liberal,

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<v Speaker 1>it makes liberal democracy extremely difficult. Let me just get

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<v Speaker 1>a couple of definitional things. Clear, identity is a very

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<v Speaker 1>broad concept, and it can be used for good purposes

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<v Speaker 1>and bad purposes. And you know, I argued in that

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<v Speaker 1>book Identity, that we actually need national identity. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>we need a common set of historical references narratives that

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<v Speaker 1>bind us together as Americans. And each one of us

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<v Speaker 1>is carrying around multiple identities in our professional lives, in

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<v Speaker 1>our families, and our religion, you know, and so forth.

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<v Speaker 1>The kind of identity that's really toxic for a democracy

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<v Speaker 1>are those that are related to fixed characteristics. But even

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<v Speaker 1>that is not so terrible, because you know, if you're female,

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<v Speaker 1>if you're African American, if you're gay, you know, you

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<v Speaker 1>have specific experiences that bind you to other people in

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<v Speaker 1>that category that make you different from others. But I

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<v Speaker 1>think that where identity politics becomes dangerous for democracy is

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<v Speaker 1>when people begin to regard those kinds of fixed identities

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<v Speaker 1>as essential to the way that they define themselves, such

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<v Speaker 1>that they trump you know, other economic interests or opinions

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<v Speaker 1>or things of that sort. And I think that's the

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<v Speaker 1>situation that unfortunately the country has slid into, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the in the Halcyon nineteen eighties, we would argue over

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<v Speaker 1>policy issues like should taxes be higher or lower, or

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<v Speaker 1>should we have more or less you know, social welfare spending,

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<v Speaker 1>and those, you know, are ultimately issues that can be compromised.

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<v Speaker 1>But when you get into some of the extremes of

0:15:34.996 --> 0:15:40.236
<v Speaker 1>the identity debate today, you have people saying, well, you know,

0:15:40.356 --> 0:15:43.476
<v Speaker 1>on the extreme right, this is essentially a white, you know,

0:15:43.596 --> 0:15:47.796
<v Speaker 1>European country, and you have people on the left saying,

0:15:48.396 --> 0:15:51.516
<v Speaker 1>you know, this is a racist country of white patriarchy

0:15:51.636 --> 0:15:55.716
<v Speaker 1>that's also never going to change. And those kinds of

0:15:55.756 --> 0:16:01.276
<v Speaker 1>positions are really not negotiable, you know, in any meaningful way.

0:16:01.596 --> 0:16:06.036
<v Speaker 1>And that also prevents people experiencing kind of a common

0:16:06.076 --> 0:16:09.396
<v Speaker 1>sense of identity, which then allows them to compromise, wise,

0:16:09.516 --> 0:16:14.836
<v Speaker 1>to deliberate, to argue about things, but ultimately to believe

0:16:14.876 --> 0:16:19.036
<v Speaker 1>that they're part of a common political system in which

0:16:19.276 --> 0:16:21.716
<v Speaker 1>they don't get everything they want. But you know, because

0:16:21.716 --> 0:16:27.116
<v Speaker 1>it's basically a liberal democratic one, they also are represented

0:16:27.196 --> 0:16:31.316
<v Speaker 1>and their voices are heard in a perverse way, though

0:16:31.356 --> 0:16:35.156
<v Speaker 1>there's some overlap between the views of people who intensely

0:16:35.316 --> 0:16:37.836
<v Speaker 1>disagree with each other. There, I mean to the extent

0:16:37.916 --> 0:16:40.116
<v Speaker 1>that a kind of Afro pessimist view would say that

0:16:40.316 --> 0:16:42.516
<v Speaker 1>racism is baked into the structure of the United States

0:16:42.516 --> 0:16:45.396
<v Speaker 1>and cannot change, and to the extent that some white

0:16:45.396 --> 0:16:48.356
<v Speaker 1>supremacists who embrace white supremacy, they would say the same.

0:16:48.676 --> 0:16:51.596
<v Speaker 1>And so presumably, and you don't say this in the book,

0:16:51.636 --> 0:16:54.836
<v Speaker 1>but presumably a middle ground position which would give us

0:16:54.876 --> 0:17:00.796
<v Speaker 1>common cause, would give some acknowledgement to historical practices of racism,

0:17:01.076 --> 0:17:04.956
<v Speaker 1>while simultaneously talking about the capacity for change that the

0:17:05.036 --> 0:17:08.756
<v Speaker 1>United States needs to have, even if it were true

0:17:08.796 --> 0:17:10.476
<v Speaker 1>that it never done so in a meaningful way in

0:17:10.516 --> 0:17:13.516
<v Speaker 1>the past, and I think that's debatable. It needs to

0:17:13.596 --> 0:17:17.236
<v Speaker 1>change in order to in order to go forward. Well,

0:17:17.276 --> 0:17:21.036
<v Speaker 1>that's exactly right. You know. One of the ironies of

0:17:21.116 --> 0:17:23.476
<v Speaker 1>the present moment is that the left and the right

0:17:23.516 --> 0:17:26.916
<v Speaker 1>have in a way joined hands. On the left, you know,

0:17:27.116 --> 0:17:31.436
<v Speaker 1>a certain type of essentialist identity politics in the end

0:17:31.476 --> 0:17:35.876
<v Speaker 1>becomes indistinguishable from that kind of right wing nationalism that

0:17:35.916 --> 0:17:38.996
<v Speaker 1>we're all blown into. These groups. We have these lived

0:17:39.036 --> 0:17:42.356
<v Speaker 1>experiences that are shared only among those groups, and that

0:17:42.396 --> 0:17:46.556
<v Speaker 1>there's really no common experience that can bind us together.

0:17:46.916 --> 0:17:50.876
<v Speaker 1>I actually think that this is a wrong but also

0:17:51.036 --> 0:17:55.876
<v Speaker 1>very destructive, and it should be perfectly possible to come

0:17:55.956 --> 0:17:59.636
<v Speaker 1>up with a narrative that actually bridges the left and

0:17:59.756 --> 0:18:02.876
<v Speaker 1>right in this country where you say, yes, there was

0:18:02.916 --> 0:18:08.476
<v Speaker 1>an original sin of slavery that was continued shamefully well

0:18:08.516 --> 0:18:11.076
<v Speaker 1>into the twenty a century. But on the other hand,

0:18:11.156 --> 0:18:15.836
<v Speaker 1>the situation of African America as women, gays, and lesbians,

0:18:15.876 --> 0:18:18.836
<v Speaker 1>you know, all of these marginalized groups is better than

0:18:18.876 --> 0:18:21.036
<v Speaker 1>it was, and in many ways, I think we are

0:18:21.076 --> 0:18:25.796
<v Speaker 1>living in the kind of most equal and open society

0:18:25.916 --> 0:18:29.196
<v Speaker 1>that America has ever had. It's just that we have

0:18:29.356 --> 0:18:33.116
<v Speaker 1>problems at the extremes, and many people don't don't believe

0:18:33.196 --> 0:18:37.356
<v Speaker 1>that particular centrist narrative. But it is also true that

0:18:37.436 --> 0:18:42.916
<v Speaker 1>in January sixth, twenty twenty one mob of people actually

0:18:43.076 --> 0:18:46.436
<v Speaker 1>invaded the Capitol in what was, to my mind an

0:18:46.476 --> 0:18:51.316
<v Speaker 1>extraordinary symbol of democratic decay. The people who were doing

0:18:51.356 --> 0:18:55.676
<v Speaker 1>that were devoted to the idea that democracy hadn't functioned

0:18:55.676 --> 0:18:56.996
<v Speaker 1>the way it ought to have, and that they could

0:18:57.036 --> 0:18:58.796
<v Speaker 1>do something about it, and they could do something about

0:18:58.836 --> 0:19:01.596
<v Speaker 1>it by force, and they had encouragement that we can

0:19:01.716 --> 0:19:03.916
<v Speaker 1>argue about where there was incitement, but they had encouragement

0:19:03.996 --> 0:19:06.676
<v Speaker 1>from the person who had been president of the United States.

0:19:07.436 --> 0:19:09.916
<v Speaker 1>I want to use all of what you've been saying,

0:19:09.916 --> 0:19:14.156
<v Speaker 1>and it's extremely helpful and clarifying to shift to the

0:19:14.316 --> 0:19:18.276
<v Speaker 1>question of what this means for the power of democracies

0:19:18.316 --> 0:19:22.996
<v Speaker 1>in the world, especially the US, relative to the emerging

0:19:23.556 --> 0:19:29.196
<v Speaker 1>alternate models, and particularly the model of China. And to

0:19:29.276 --> 0:19:32.316
<v Speaker 1>frame that question, I just want to begin by saying,

0:19:32.636 --> 0:19:36.716
<v Speaker 1>it does seem really clear, at a distance of nearly

0:19:36.756 --> 0:19:39.836
<v Speaker 1>thirty years since the end of the Cold War, that

0:19:39.916 --> 0:19:43.556
<v Speaker 1>while liberal democracy did not definitively win a victory overall

0:19:43.596 --> 0:19:49.076
<v Speaker 1>alternative systems, some form of market capitalism did. So, you know,

0:19:49.236 --> 0:19:53.276
<v Speaker 1>the Chinese model is one that it's a state directed capitalism,

0:19:53.276 --> 0:19:57.636
<v Speaker 1>but it's clearly market driven, and it's clearly capitalist. And

0:19:57.756 --> 0:20:01.036
<v Speaker 1>at the same time as we're seeing decay and democracy,

0:20:01.476 --> 0:20:06.556
<v Speaker 1>we're seeing innovation and variation on the Chinese side. I

0:20:06.596 --> 0:20:09.316
<v Speaker 1>don't think that means that China's government has solved all

0:20:09.316 --> 0:20:11.076
<v Speaker 1>of the problems that a government that wants to be

0:20:11.156 --> 0:20:13.756
<v Speaker 1>legitimate has to be solved by a long shot. But

0:20:13.796 --> 0:20:15.476
<v Speaker 1>they are offering a model that has brought a lot

0:20:15.516 --> 0:20:19.916
<v Speaker 1>of people out of poverty, that seems stable, that seems functional,

0:20:20.156 --> 0:20:23.876
<v Speaker 1>and that seems to be legitimate to a very large

0:20:23.956 --> 0:20:28.916
<v Speaker 1>number of its citizens. So I wonder whether you think

0:20:28.996 --> 0:20:33.276
<v Speaker 1>that the US's decay is really going to contribute to

0:20:33.316 --> 0:20:37.636
<v Speaker 1>the process of its decline in global power and influence

0:20:38.396 --> 0:20:42.916
<v Speaker 1>relative to China, because it's coming at just a moment

0:20:43.196 --> 0:20:48.996
<v Speaker 1>when the Chinese system seems to be doing fairly well. Well, yes,

0:20:49.196 --> 0:20:51.996
<v Speaker 1>I think that that's already happened. I think that our

0:20:52.036 --> 0:20:56.036
<v Speaker 1>ability to respond to China has been very much weakened

0:20:56.076 --> 0:21:00.676
<v Speaker 1>by our internal divisions, not to speak of Russia, where

0:21:01.436 --> 0:21:06.156
<v Speaker 1>many Republicans have openly said that they dislike the Democrats

0:21:06.236 --> 0:21:09.356
<v Speaker 1>more than they dislike you know, Vladimir Putin's Russia. So

0:21:09.436 --> 0:21:11.876
<v Speaker 1>if there is ever a case of, you know, a

0:21:11.916 --> 0:21:15.876
<v Speaker 1>great power being weakened by internal dissension, this is it.

0:21:16.556 --> 0:21:19.316
<v Speaker 1>You know, I would say that we need to be

0:21:19.356 --> 0:21:25.876
<v Speaker 1>a little bit cautious about projecting China's current status forward

0:21:25.996 --> 0:21:30.196
<v Speaker 1>in history. It's true that they have done extraordinarily well

0:21:30.196 --> 0:21:34.396
<v Speaker 1>over the last forty years in bringing their country up

0:21:34.396 --> 0:21:38.596
<v Speaker 1>out of poverty, but you know, there are big problems

0:21:38.596 --> 0:21:41.956
<v Speaker 1>in that system that have to do with what they

0:21:41.996 --> 0:21:45.476
<v Speaker 1>themselves call the bad emperor problem. That is to say,

0:21:45.596 --> 0:21:50.516
<v Speaker 1>any system with checks and balances on executive power, like

0:21:50.716 --> 0:21:54.396
<v Speaker 1>our system is going to do worse than an authoritarian

0:21:54.476 --> 0:21:58.796
<v Speaker 1>system in many circumstances, because an authoritarian system can turn

0:21:58.836 --> 0:22:02.276
<v Speaker 1>on a diamond. If you've got a competent, wise leader

0:22:02.836 --> 0:22:05.396
<v Speaker 1>at the top of the hierarchy, they can make a

0:22:05.516 --> 0:22:08.436
<v Speaker 1>very very rapid shift. But you know what's happened in

0:22:08.516 --> 0:22:12.076
<v Speaker 1>Chinese tree is you get a bad leader without saying,

0:22:12.156 --> 0:22:15.916
<v Speaker 1>kind of unchecked power, and that becomes very dangerous and

0:22:15.956 --> 0:22:20.636
<v Speaker 1>it was hugely destructive during a cultural revolution when Mao

0:22:20.796 --> 0:22:24.316
<v Speaker 1>is really the last bad emperor that they had. Whether

0:22:24.356 --> 0:22:28.836
<v Speaker 1>Shijimping goes down that path, I don't know, but he

0:22:28.956 --> 0:22:32.436
<v Speaker 1>looks like he wants to. But you know, at this

0:22:32.516 --> 0:22:36.076
<v Speaker 1>point you have to admit that they're doing relatively a

0:22:36.076 --> 0:22:38.716
<v Speaker 1>lot better than we are, because they do seem to

0:22:38.716 --> 0:22:50.396
<v Speaker 1>be quite purposeful and we do not. We'll be right back, Frank,

0:22:50.756 --> 0:22:52.836
<v Speaker 1>may I push back just ever so gently on the

0:22:53.236 --> 0:22:57.596
<v Speaker 1>bad emperor problem formulation. I mean from roughly nineteen ninety

0:22:57.636 --> 0:23:01.436
<v Speaker 1>two when Dung Shoping stepped down till say twenty and

0:23:01.516 --> 0:23:05.076
<v Speaker 1>twelve when it became clear that Shijinping was when he

0:23:05.076 --> 0:23:07.316
<v Speaker 1>took over, going to do things differently. So for a

0:23:07.316 --> 0:23:11.036
<v Speaker 1>twenty year period in between, the Chinese had a couple

0:23:11.036 --> 0:23:14.716
<v Speaker 1>of rounds where there was no real emperor, where power

0:23:14.876 --> 0:23:20.796
<v Speaker 1>was shared collectively among a group of pretty senior Communist

0:23:20.876 --> 0:23:25.396
<v Speaker 1>party leaders, and they actually agreed amongst themselves to do

0:23:25.436 --> 0:23:29.516
<v Speaker 1>ten year terms and then rotate and step down, and

0:23:29.556 --> 0:23:33.036
<v Speaker 1>they actually did it. Now, I myself was I think

0:23:33.436 --> 0:23:37.196
<v Speaker 1>inappropriately optimistic that that would be institutionalized, that that would

0:23:37.196 --> 0:23:40.396
<v Speaker 1>continue over time. And it also had a big flaw,

0:23:40.436 --> 0:23:42.276
<v Speaker 1>which was once you were only going to serve ten years,

0:23:42.276 --> 0:23:44.036
<v Speaker 1>you had a lot of incentive to be as corrupt

0:23:44.036 --> 0:23:46.676
<v Speaker 1>as possible, so you would still have money and influence

0:23:46.676 --> 0:23:48.436
<v Speaker 1>for your family once your ten years was up. So

0:23:48.476 --> 0:23:51.436
<v Speaker 1>they hadn't solved the transitions problem, but they had made

0:23:51.476 --> 0:23:55.076
<v Speaker 1>progress towards solving it, and in that period they seemed

0:23:55.116 --> 0:23:57.236
<v Speaker 1>to have to some degree come to terms with the

0:23:57.236 --> 0:24:01.556
<v Speaker 1>bad emperor problem by a kind of balanced collective government.

0:24:02.156 --> 0:24:05.636
<v Speaker 1>Then came Shi Jinping, who on the one hand, has

0:24:05.676 --> 0:24:09.636
<v Speaker 1>made real strides against the corruption problem thereby legitimating the

0:24:09.636 --> 0:24:12.956
<v Speaker 1>power of a communist party, but Obviously, when you're that

0:24:13.076 --> 0:24:15.596
<v Speaker 1>much of a dictator, you do run into the bad

0:24:15.636 --> 0:24:18.436
<v Speaker 1>emperor problem, right, what if someone in his position didn't

0:24:18.516 --> 0:24:21.436
<v Speaker 1>didn't do well. It seems at least possible to me

0:24:21.636 --> 0:24:25.036
<v Speaker 1>that they could rotate between these models that, you know,

0:24:25.076 --> 0:24:30.156
<v Speaker 1>following Shijinping, they might go back to something more collective again.

0:24:31.036 --> 0:24:33.956
<v Speaker 1>And while that doesn't have the clear predictability of the

0:24:34.076 --> 0:24:36.756
<v Speaker 1>rule of a monarchy where you know that the eldest

0:24:36.796 --> 0:24:39.476
<v Speaker 1>will inherit or a democracy where at least in principle

0:24:39.476 --> 0:24:41.476
<v Speaker 1>you're supposed to have an election and the person with

0:24:41.476 --> 0:24:44.476
<v Speaker 1>the most votes is supposed to win, it might actually

0:24:44.516 --> 0:24:49.076
<v Speaker 1>be a way of maintaining a degree of stability for them. Well,

0:24:49.116 --> 0:24:54.076
<v Speaker 1>that's looks that's all possible. I think that, however, the

0:24:54.116 --> 0:24:57.836
<v Speaker 1>temptation to hold on to power, whether it's Hijinping or

0:24:58.036 --> 0:25:01.396
<v Speaker 1>a successor, is going to be very, very great. The

0:25:01.436 --> 0:25:06.676
<v Speaker 1>only reason that party secretaries gave up power after nineteen

0:25:06.756 --> 0:25:10.596
<v Speaker 1>seventy nine was that they were all so traumatized by

0:25:10.636 --> 0:25:13.436
<v Speaker 1>what had happened during the Cultural Revolution that they said,

0:25:13.476 --> 0:25:16.316
<v Speaker 1>never again are we going to allow one guide to

0:25:17.036 --> 0:25:19.596
<v Speaker 1>be able to hold that kind of power over us.

0:25:20.196 --> 0:25:22.396
<v Speaker 1>They had to be really scared, you know, by that.

0:25:23.116 --> 0:25:26.836
<v Speaker 1>But I do think that it's not clear that you

0:25:26.876 --> 0:25:31.716
<v Speaker 1>can just alternate between these different unconstrained power periods and

0:25:31.756 --> 0:25:35.836
<v Speaker 1>then constrained power periods, and that that could happen according

0:25:35.836 --> 0:25:39.596
<v Speaker 1>to some nice, you know, peaceful institutional schedule. I do

0:25:39.716 --> 0:25:43.436
<v Speaker 1>think that, you know, what drives the distribution of power

0:25:43.636 --> 0:25:46.356
<v Speaker 1>is the experience of the abuse of power. And if

0:25:46.396 --> 0:25:49.076
<v Speaker 1>you don't have that abuse, you know, firmly in your mind,

0:25:49.276 --> 0:25:52.596
<v Speaker 1>you're probably not going to be willing to distribute power

0:25:52.676 --> 0:25:54.476
<v Speaker 1>in the manner that they did, you know, in the

0:25:54.556 --> 0:25:58.756
<v Speaker 1>nineteen nineties. But I you know, the two big questions

0:25:58.796 --> 0:26:04.676
<v Speaker 1>are whether the United States can regain its mojo, you know,

0:26:05.076 --> 0:26:08.916
<v Speaker 1>whether it can overcome the current I think really crippling

0:26:09.276 --> 0:26:14.756
<v Speaker 1>of partizanship and polarization, restore something of a kind of

0:26:14.836 --> 0:26:17.916
<v Speaker 1>national identity and national vision that would allow it to

0:26:17.916 --> 0:26:22.156
<v Speaker 1>be effective in projecting a model out into the world.

0:26:22.636 --> 0:26:24.956
<v Speaker 1>And conversely, you know, what's going to happen to the

0:26:25.036 --> 0:26:28.716
<v Speaker 1>Chinese model, because I think if we continue to bump

0:26:28.756 --> 0:26:31.556
<v Speaker 1>along the way we have, being as divided as we

0:26:31.596 --> 0:26:34.316
<v Speaker 1>are for the next twenty years, and the Chinese keep growing,

0:26:34.356 --> 0:26:36.716
<v Speaker 1>then yeah, it's going to be a world that's really

0:26:36.756 --> 0:26:40.436
<v Speaker 1>dominated by China, or would be China's that want to

0:26:40.436 --> 0:26:44.436
<v Speaker 1>share in some of that authoritarian glory. Are you saying, though,

0:26:44.476 --> 0:26:47.436
<v Speaker 1>in that sense, that some decline on the part of

0:26:47.596 --> 0:26:51.516
<v Speaker 1>us is probably inevitable and it maybe that's not such

0:26:51.516 --> 0:26:55.156
<v Speaker 1>a terrible thing, or do you see that as actually

0:26:55.196 --> 0:26:58.396
<v Speaker 1>pretty devastating thing, especially if the decline comes relative to

0:26:59.356 --> 0:27:01.796
<v Speaker 1>undemocratic governments. I mean, I suppose I'm asking you to

0:27:01.796 --> 0:27:04.396
<v Speaker 1>balance two different hats that you wear. One is the

0:27:04.396 --> 0:27:08.116
<v Speaker 1>theorist who explains political development at a broad level. The

0:27:08.196 --> 0:27:10.836
<v Speaker 1>other is as some who's committed, as I take it

0:27:10.876 --> 0:27:14.716
<v Speaker 1>to the values of liberal democracy as actually the right values,

0:27:14.716 --> 0:27:19.316
<v Speaker 1>the best values to have. You know, I preferred living

0:27:19.436 --> 0:27:22.356
<v Speaker 1>in a world where the United States set the standard

0:27:22.436 --> 0:27:27.956
<v Speaker 1>for global political institutions, and I don't look forward to

0:27:28.156 --> 0:27:33.036
<v Speaker 1>going into a world dominated by a competent but overbearing

0:27:33.556 --> 0:27:38.676
<v Speaker 1>and tyrannical China. But I do think that a world

0:27:38.836 --> 0:27:42.836
<v Speaker 1>that was more genuinely multipolar, in which there were different

0:27:42.836 --> 0:27:47.196
<v Speaker 1>approaches to doing things, and in which the United States

0:27:47.236 --> 0:27:51.236
<v Speaker 1>didn't have that same degree of arrogance about itself and

0:27:51.316 --> 0:27:55.356
<v Speaker 1>its own institutions, would probably be a better world. And

0:27:55.436 --> 0:27:59.156
<v Speaker 1>it would probably lead to a kind of American foreign policy.

0:27:59.836 --> 0:28:02.956
<v Speaker 1>So it's very equivocal answer to your question. So on

0:28:02.996 --> 0:28:06.196
<v Speaker 1>the one hand, yeah, I don't look forward to a

0:28:06.316 --> 0:28:09.796
<v Speaker 1>Chinese dominated world. But on the other hand, when we

0:28:09.836 --> 0:28:12.276
<v Speaker 1>had the power, we didn't use it all that wisely.

0:28:12.916 --> 0:28:14.796
<v Speaker 1>And I think that, you know, a little bit more

0:28:14.836 --> 0:28:20.516
<v Speaker 1>modesty is probably befitting in a way that's almost in

0:28:20.636 --> 0:28:23.716
<v Speaker 1>the deep sense of the word an ironic stance, you know,

0:28:23.756 --> 0:28:25.516
<v Speaker 1>not irony in the cheap sense of the term, but

0:28:25.556 --> 0:28:28.436
<v Speaker 1>in the deep sense of the term, that you're taking

0:28:28.476 --> 0:28:32.556
<v Speaker 1>on board that alongside your commitment to the values that

0:28:32.796 --> 0:28:34.836
<v Speaker 1>you believe in that I believe into the values of

0:28:34.956 --> 0:28:38.596
<v Speaker 1>constitutional liberal democracy, we have to admit that in global

0:28:38.636 --> 0:28:43.316
<v Speaker 1>affairs we made a lot of serious errors, and they

0:28:43.356 --> 0:28:45.996
<v Speaker 1>weren't just random errors. They were errors associated with our

0:28:46.156 --> 0:28:49.996
<v Speaker 1>faith in the constitutional liberal democracy that we're still committed to.

0:28:50.476 --> 0:28:52.996
<v Speaker 1>I think there's something kind of profound about that position

0:28:52.996 --> 0:28:55.916
<v Speaker 1>that you're taking. Well, you know, during the debate on

0:28:56.036 --> 0:28:59.556
<v Speaker 1>the Iraq War, I remember this very well. The Bush

0:28:59.556 --> 0:29:04.076
<v Speaker 1>administration was basically saying, just trust us, we're the dominant

0:29:04.076 --> 0:29:07.076
<v Speaker 1>power and we're going to do the right thing. And

0:29:07.396 --> 0:29:11.156
<v Speaker 1>I just remember arguing with someone my conservative pro Iraq

0:29:11.236 --> 0:29:15.236
<v Speaker 1>war friends. You know, when I said, we don't believe

0:29:15.276 --> 0:29:20.036
<v Speaker 1>that in our domestic politics, in American politics, we've never said, oh,

0:29:20.156 --> 0:29:23.636
<v Speaker 1>George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, they're good guys. Just trust them

0:29:23.676 --> 0:29:25.356
<v Speaker 1>to do the right thing. We don't need all this

0:29:25.956 --> 0:29:29.956
<v Speaker 1>structure of constitutional checks and balances because they'll make the

0:29:30.036 --> 0:29:32.276
<v Speaker 1>right decisions. You know. In the end, we just don't

0:29:32.276 --> 0:29:35.916
<v Speaker 1>believe that. We believe that power is dangerous no matter

0:29:35.956 --> 0:29:38.076
<v Speaker 1>who wields it, and just because you like the person

0:29:38.156 --> 0:29:41.356
<v Speaker 1>that happens to be wielding power doesn't mean that that's

0:29:41.396 --> 0:29:44.036
<v Speaker 1>a good long term solution. And that's why we build

0:29:44.036 --> 0:29:49.116
<v Speaker 1>institutions to constrain power, because when the powerholder changes, maybe

0:29:49.116 --> 0:29:51.396
<v Speaker 1>the next guy isn't going to be so great. And

0:29:51.476 --> 0:29:54.756
<v Speaker 1>it seemed to me that at that time we should

0:29:54.836 --> 0:29:58.876
<v Speaker 1>have been applying some of our principles of constitutional government

0:29:59.516 --> 0:30:02.676
<v Speaker 1>to international affairs and not just said, yeah, well we're

0:30:02.716 --> 0:30:05.556
<v Speaker 1>the United States. We're good guys, so just trust us

0:30:05.596 --> 0:30:09.836
<v Speaker 1>to do the right thing. That's a potentially in conclusion.

0:30:09.916 --> 0:30:12.436
<v Speaker 1>Then the conclusion there would be that we should have

0:30:12.476 --> 0:30:16.996
<v Speaker 1>done a better job of understanding our own constitutional values

0:30:16.996 --> 0:30:20.116
<v Speaker 1>and practices and if we had done, we wouldn't have

0:30:20.116 --> 0:30:24.316
<v Speaker 1>been so naive about the possibility of exporting them and

0:30:24.396 --> 0:30:28.196
<v Speaker 1>exporting them in a very superficial way. I mean, that's

0:30:28.276 --> 0:30:31.476
<v Speaker 1>that view says more like we should be doubling down,

0:30:31.676 --> 0:30:34.716
<v Speaker 1>but in the correct way on our own values and

0:30:35.276 --> 0:30:37.876
<v Speaker 1>our commitment to it, and that would have led us

0:30:37.876 --> 0:30:40.356
<v Speaker 1>to recognize that invading a country and deciding we're going

0:30:40.396 --> 0:30:43.276
<v Speaker 1>to put in place of conscertutional democracy is rather absurd

0:30:43.436 --> 0:30:46.836
<v Speaker 1>aspiration to hold. Well, you know, if you really want

0:30:46.876 --> 0:30:48.716
<v Speaker 1>to go down the road of this kind of debate,

0:30:48.796 --> 0:30:52.796
<v Speaker 1>it's a complicated one. It goes back to Machia Valerie

0:30:52.916 --> 0:30:55.716
<v Speaker 1>and Carl Schmidt and a lot of other people who

0:30:57.036 --> 0:31:03.476
<v Speaker 1>have made an argument over the years that actually constitutional

0:31:03.716 --> 0:31:10.956
<v Speaker 1>law based government is sometimes problematic because sometimes executive power

0:31:11.756 --> 0:31:14.436
<v Speaker 1>is actually necessary and sometimes you actually do have to

0:31:14.476 --> 0:31:17.156
<v Speaker 1>just trust the executive to do the right thing because

0:31:17.756 --> 0:31:21.516
<v Speaker 1>you know, the constitutional rules don't allow you to act appropriately.

0:31:21.796 --> 0:31:24.756
<v Speaker 1>And you know, that's an argument that I think is

0:31:24.796 --> 0:31:28.516
<v Speaker 1>probably not taken seriously enough by many Americans that are

0:31:28.556 --> 0:31:32.676
<v Speaker 1>so imbued with this idea that we have to constrain power,

0:31:32.796 --> 0:31:37.076
<v Speaker 1>that they don't see cases where the use of powers

0:31:37.196 --> 0:31:40.916
<v Speaker 1>is also necessary. You know, it leads to a political

0:31:40.956 --> 0:31:44.596
<v Speaker 1>system that is I think actually fairly risk averse. You

0:31:44.636 --> 0:31:46.876
<v Speaker 1>can see it right now with Joe Bowden right that

0:31:47.396 --> 0:31:50.116
<v Speaker 1>we're all glad we had all these checks and balances

0:31:50.156 --> 0:31:53.756
<v Speaker 1>on the presidency that kept Donald Trump from building his

0:31:53.916 --> 0:31:56.516
<v Speaker 1>border wall and doing all these terrible things that he

0:31:57.276 --> 0:32:00.996
<v Speaker 1>wanted to do. But those same checks and balances now

0:32:01.036 --> 0:32:04.796
<v Speaker 1>prevent Joe Bowden from building the kind of welfare state

0:32:04.836 --> 0:32:08.356
<v Speaker 1>and social protections that he wants to create. And so

0:32:08.396 --> 0:32:11.916
<v Speaker 1>we've you know, we've settled for a relatively risk averse

0:32:11.996 --> 0:32:15.716
<v Speaker 1>political system that puts a floor under bad stuff, but

0:32:15.756 --> 0:32:18.036
<v Speaker 1>it also kind of puts a ceiling on top of

0:32:18.076 --> 0:32:20.996
<v Speaker 1>good stuff. Whether it would be better to shift the

0:32:21.036 --> 0:32:24.836
<v Speaker 1>floor and ceiling maybe worries both of them a little bit.

0:32:24.956 --> 0:32:28.796
<v Speaker 1>That's an interesting question. Well, I look forward to discussing

0:32:28.836 --> 0:32:30.596
<v Speaker 1>that with you in the future. I just want to

0:32:30.636 --> 0:32:34.076
<v Speaker 1>thank you so much, Frank for your characteristically thoughtful and

0:32:34.276 --> 0:32:39.396
<v Speaker 1>balanced insight, and for your extraordinary and still growing a

0:32:39.476 --> 0:32:43.036
<v Speaker 1>body of work exploring the nature of political development and

0:32:43.076 --> 0:32:45.356
<v Speaker 1>the nature of political order, which is so good to

0:32:45.356 --> 0:32:49.116
<v Speaker 1>think with. Thank you. Sure, it's been fun talking with you. Noah,

0:32:49.196 --> 0:32:58.276
<v Speaker 1>Thanks very much for having me on the podcast. Listening

0:32:58.316 --> 0:33:02.076
<v Speaker 1>to Francis Fukuyama talk about his extraordinary body of work

0:33:02.556 --> 0:33:06.876
<v Speaker 1>accrued over years and years made me realize that the

0:33:06.996 --> 0:33:11.436
<v Speaker 1>problems that American democracy faces today are not entirely new.

0:33:12.236 --> 0:33:14.956
<v Speaker 1>They go back before the election of Donald Trump, and

0:33:15.036 --> 0:33:18.196
<v Speaker 1>even into the period when Barack Obama was president, when

0:33:18.276 --> 0:33:21.596
<v Speaker 1>many liberals like me were a bit too self congratulatory

0:33:21.796 --> 0:33:24.836
<v Speaker 1>about the trajectory of democracy in the United States. They

0:33:24.836 --> 0:33:28.516
<v Speaker 1>can be seen clearly in the administration of George W. Bush,

0:33:28.556 --> 0:33:31.756
<v Speaker 1>when the United States invaded Iraq and tried to create

0:33:31.796 --> 0:33:36.276
<v Speaker 1>democracy there and in Afghanistan to little avail, and indeed,

0:33:36.316 --> 0:33:39.476
<v Speaker 1>they can even be traced back further to the presidencies

0:33:39.516 --> 0:33:42.716
<v Speaker 1>of George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton, in which

0:33:42.956 --> 0:33:47.436
<v Speaker 1>many political elites suffered from an over enthusiasm about the

0:33:47.516 --> 0:33:50.396
<v Speaker 1>prospect of democracy and how it seemed to have won

0:33:50.436 --> 0:33:54.076
<v Speaker 1>the Cold War, when in fact it was market capitalism

0:33:54.116 --> 0:33:57.316
<v Speaker 1>that had won the battle, and democracy was rising and spreading,

0:33:57.556 --> 0:34:01.476
<v Speaker 1>at least in part as a piggyback on the successes

0:34:01.836 --> 0:34:06.796
<v Speaker 1>of capitalism. In Frank's view, the sources of decay include

0:34:06.836 --> 0:34:11.316
<v Speaker 1>excessive rigidity in our democratic system as well as capture

0:34:11.396 --> 0:34:14.756
<v Speaker 1>by political elites, which in turn has led to a

0:34:14.876 --> 0:34:18.956
<v Speaker 1>rise of populist authoritarianism. He sees these problems not only

0:34:18.956 --> 0:34:21.436
<v Speaker 1>in the United States, but in a range of places

0:34:21.476 --> 0:34:25.156
<v Speaker 1>in the democratic world, and he recognizes that they are

0:34:25.236 --> 0:34:28.996
<v Speaker 1>leading to a genuine decline in the nature of democracy.

0:34:29.996 --> 0:34:34.276
<v Speaker 1>From this, Frank notices arise in identity politics not merely

0:34:34.316 --> 0:34:37.196
<v Speaker 1>on the left, but equally on the right, that in

0:34:37.236 --> 0:34:40.876
<v Speaker 1>turn makes it extremely difficult, in his view, for our

0:34:40.916 --> 0:34:44.476
<v Speaker 1>democracy to achieve the kinds of political consensus that are

0:34:44.556 --> 0:34:50.556
<v Speaker 1>necessary to make change. Although Frank is rightfully cautious about

0:34:50.596 --> 0:34:53.756
<v Speaker 1>assuming that the Chinese system of government has solved the

0:34:53.836 --> 0:34:57.996
<v Speaker 1>problems that democracy is good at solving, he nevertheless acknowledges

0:34:58.236 --> 0:35:00.956
<v Speaker 1>that the Chinese model has become a powerful one, and

0:35:00.996 --> 0:35:04.836
<v Speaker 1>a significant one, and centrally the model with which democracy

0:35:04.996 --> 0:35:08.476
<v Speaker 1>now has to grapple. The upshot, for Frank, is a

0:35:08.636 --> 0:35:13.076
<v Speaker 1>reality of decay and decline, which he says, we don't

0:35:13.076 --> 0:35:15.836
<v Speaker 1>necessarily need to treat as the end of the world.

0:35:16.476 --> 0:35:18.556
<v Speaker 1>On the one hand, we should continue to believe in

0:35:18.596 --> 0:35:21.356
<v Speaker 1>constitutional liberal democracy and try to make it better and

0:35:21.476 --> 0:35:23.596
<v Speaker 1>to update it and make it work in the world

0:35:23.596 --> 0:35:26.076
<v Speaker 1>that we have. On the other hand, we should admit

0:35:26.316 --> 0:35:28.756
<v Speaker 1>that part of the reason we've gotten here is because

0:35:28.796 --> 0:35:34.876
<v Speaker 1>of internal difficulties and conflicts within liberal democracy that need

0:35:34.956 --> 0:35:39.436
<v Speaker 1>to be updated and that have resulted in serious mistakes

0:35:39.516 --> 0:35:42.596
<v Speaker 1>that the United States has made in the world. In

0:35:42.636 --> 0:35:46.116
<v Speaker 1>that sense, and only in that sense, he offers modesty

0:35:46.476 --> 0:35:49.876
<v Speaker 1>as a model for thinking about what democracy is capable

0:35:49.916 --> 0:35:55.916
<v Speaker 1>of accomplishing. The problems we discussed this week are enormous, structural,

0:35:56.236 --> 0:36:00.236
<v Speaker 1>and complicated. My primary takeaway is that there are no

0:36:00.396 --> 0:36:04.556
<v Speaker 1>clear or correct answers when discussing such important issues. What

0:36:04.756 --> 0:36:08.996
<v Speaker 1>is needed is thoughtfulness, comparison, a little bit of irony,

0:36:09.436 --> 0:36:13.116
<v Speaker 1>and a lot of realism about the world in which

0:36:13.156 --> 0:36:16.676
<v Speaker 1>we live. Until the next time I speak to you, Bewell,

0:36:17.076 --> 0:36:22.316
<v Speaker 1>think deep thoughts and have a little fun. Deep Background

0:36:22.396 --> 0:36:25.196
<v Speaker 1>is brought to you by Pushkin Industries. Our producer is

0:36:25.236 --> 0:36:28.996
<v Speaker 1>Mola Board, our engineer is ben Toalliday, and our showrunner

0:36:29.076 --> 0:36:33.916
<v Speaker 1>is Sophie Crane mckibbon. Editorial support from noahm Osband. Theme

0:36:33.996 --> 0:36:37.116
<v Speaker 1>music by Luis Gara at Pushkin. Thanks to Mia Lobell,

0:36:37.316 --> 0:36:42.116
<v Speaker 1>Julia Barton, Lydia Jeancott, Heather Faine, Carlie Migliori, Maggie Taylor,

0:36:42.236 --> 0:36:45.796
<v Speaker 1>Eric Sandler, and Jacob Weisberg. You can find me on

0:36:45.836 --> 0:36:48.596
<v Speaker 1>Twitter at Noah R. Feldman. I also write a column

0:36:48.636 --> 0:36:51.316
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0:36:51.356 --> 0:36:55.916
<v Speaker 1>com slash Feldman. To discover Bloomberg's original Slater podcasts, go

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0:36:59.396 --> 0:37:02.076
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