WEBVTT - Supreme Court Appears Divided in Abortion Case

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June grassof from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>Broatesters from opposite sides of the abortion issue demonstrated outside

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court as the Justices heard arguments in its

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<v Speaker 1>first abortion case in four years, a challenge to a

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<v Speaker 1>Louisiana law requiring clinic doctors to have admitting privileges at

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<v Speaker 1>a nearby hospital. My guest is Steve Sanders, a professor

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<v Speaker 1>at Indiana University's Moral School of Law. In the court

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<v Speaker 1>struck down a very similar Texas law. So shouldn't that

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<v Speaker 1>be precedent here? Well, that's what many people think. Many

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<v Speaker 1>people were very surprised when the Court agreed to hear

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<v Speaker 1>this case. In twenty six and a case is known

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<v Speaker 1>as the Whole Women's Health Case after the name of

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<v Speaker 1>the abortion clinics in Texas. The Supreme Court struck down

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<v Speaker 1>a couple of different Texas laws, which everybody knew had

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<v Speaker 1>been passed in an effort to try to close abortion clinics.

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<v Speaker 1>To make it more difficult for abortion clinics to operate,

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<v Speaker 1>those laws required very high standards of equipment and facilities

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<v Speaker 1>at abortion clinics. Basically, they had to be sort of

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<v Speaker 1>full blown surgical centers, and they also required the doctors

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<v Speaker 1>that abortion clinics had admitting privileges at hospitals. The Supreme Court,

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<v Speaker 1>by a five to three decision in that case, struck

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<v Speaker 1>those down, basically saying those imposed a substantial obstacle to

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<v Speaker 1>a woman's ability to get an abortion without providing any benefit.

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<v Speaker 1>Abortion is known to be actually one of the safest

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<v Speaker 1>medical procedures, safer than actual childbirth in terms of its

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<v Speaker 1>number of complications and its danger, and so the need

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<v Speaker 1>for these elaborate standards and for admitting privileges simply wasn't necessary.

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<v Speaker 1>But Louisiana had passed a similar law two years earlier

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<v Speaker 1>in fourteen, and after the Louisiana law was challenged, a

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<v Speaker 1>federal district court struck down Louisiana law, basically saying, this

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<v Speaker 1>is essentially what the Supreme Court decided and whole women's health.

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<v Speaker 1>The Louisiana law is just about admitting privileges. The district

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<v Speaker 1>court said, this looks like exactly the situation the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court faced in Texas. Law violates the Constitution, violates whole

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<v Speaker 1>women's health. But the Fifth Circuit, the Court of Appeals

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<v Speaker 1>found some fairly narrow, fine grained differences between the situations

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<v Speaker 1>in Louisiana and Texas, and so it upheld the law.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's how we got to the Supreme Court arguments

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<v Speaker 1>this week about whether or not these two cases are

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<v Speaker 1>really distinguishable, or did the Supreme Court take this case

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<v Speaker 1>now with two new conservative justices who weren't on the

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<v Speaker 1>court back in twos sixteen Justice core such Injustice Kavanaugh,

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<v Speaker 1>did the Court take this case essentially to reverse whole

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<v Speaker 1>women's health or at least to poke some significant holes

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<v Speaker 1>in it? In the arguments, did you see the questions

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<v Speaker 1>falling down ideological lines. Well, you know, there's a certain

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<v Speaker 1>amount of kabuki theater involved in Supreme Court arguments all

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<v Speaker 1>the time. As I said, you know, sort of everybody

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<v Speaker 1>knows that often you're sort of too polite to say

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<v Speaker 1>it in court. Everybody knows that these laws were passed

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<v Speaker 1>in states because lawmakers wanted to try to make it

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<v Speaker 1>as difficult as possible for abortion clinic operators to operate.

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<v Speaker 1>But the Court can't actually say that because that's a

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<v Speaker 1>political statement. So instead, what you saw in the oral

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<v Speaker 1>arguments were the conservative justices trying to emphasize that there

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<v Speaker 1>could be state by state differences, in other words, and

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<v Speaker 1>admitting privileges requirement in one state might have a different

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<v Speaker 1>impact on the availability abortion, or it might be more

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<v Speaker 1>justifiable in terms of medical safety and credentialing of doctors

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<v Speaker 1>than a law in another state. And so you saw

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<v Speaker 1>Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Kavanaugh pursuing that line of questioning,

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<v Speaker 1>isn't it possible that there could be some state by

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<v Speaker 1>state variations here, so that we would say whole women's

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<v Speaker 1>health was about Texas and in a case about another

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<v Speaker 1>state could come out differently. And you saw the more

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<v Speaker 1>progressive justices, the more liberal justices, Justice Kagan, Justice Bryan,

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<v Speaker 1>Justice sort of Mayorc really trying to push back against

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<v Speaker 1>the idea that there were meaningful differences between the factual

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<v Speaker 1>situations in these two cases. So much of the oral

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<v Speaker 1>argument came down to debates about whether the doctors in

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<v Speaker 1>this case had actually made enough of an effort to

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<v Speaker 1>get admitting privileges, whether they already had admitting privileges, whether

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<v Speaker 1>they would get admitting privileges if they asked for them.

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<v Speaker 1>So it ended up being a lot of sort of

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<v Speaker 1>skirmishing on the specific facts involved in this case. Did

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Roberts suggest that he didn't see a factual distinction

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<v Speaker 1>between of Texas and Louisiana cases. I think Justice Roberts

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<v Speaker 1>was at least probing whether the existence of factual distinctions

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<v Speaker 1>could mean that just because the law was struck down

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<v Speaker 1>in one state doesn't necessarily mean a similar law would

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<v Speaker 1>be struck down in another state. I didn't read Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Roberts is getting into the details as much. I read

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<v Speaker 1>his questions, as you know, can we at least agree

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<v Speaker 1>that there could be differences from state to state such

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<v Speaker 1>that whole women's health doesn't create a sort of blanket

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<v Speaker 1>rule of facial rule against any sort of admitting privileges

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<v Speaker 1>you saw. I think Justice a Lado and maybe to

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<v Speaker 1>some extent, Justice Kavanaugh engaging a little bit more directly

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<v Speaker 1>in trying to say the situation here is different. The

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<v Speaker 1>admitting privileges law serves a stronger medical purpose and is

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<v Speaker 1>more justifiable in this Louisiana case than perhaps it was

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<v Speaker 1>in the Texas case. In the Texas case, Justice Roberts

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<v Speaker 1>was in the descent. Where does that leave him? Now?

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<v Speaker 1>You're right, Chief Justice Roberts was was among the three dissenters,

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<v Speaker 1>and whole women's health, he would have upheld the Texas

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<v Speaker 1>law in this case. In an earlier part of this case,

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<v Speaker 1>he voted with the Court's progressive justices to at least

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<v Speaker 1>put a hold on the Court of Appeals decisions so

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<v Speaker 1>it couldn't go into effect, meaning that the law remained

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<v Speaker 1>enjoined until the Supreme Court can decide. I think Chief

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Roberts here faces a choice. On the one hand,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, his vote in the Texas case in twenty

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<v Speaker 1>six indicates he thinks there should be greater ability for

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<v Speaker 1>states to regulate and put obstacles in the way of

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<v Speaker 1>women's ability to get abortion. On the other hand, we

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<v Speaker 1>know from his votes in previous cases and other contexts,

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<v Speaker 1>the Chief Justice Roberts as the Chief Justice, also worries

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<v Speaker 1>about the Court's institutional legitimacy, its credibility, how it is perceived,

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<v Speaker 1>whether it is perceived as a political body or judicial body.

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<v Speaker 1>And so I think he's going to face a sort

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<v Speaker 1>of internal tug of war to go with his ideological beliefs.

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<v Speaker 1>I think about what the law should be in this

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<v Speaker 1>case versus if he ends up deciding that the cases

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<v Speaker 1>are just too similar, and it would look frankly shocking

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<v Speaker 1>for the Court to effectively overturn one of its own

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<v Speaker 1>decisions after only four years. That might lead him to

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<v Speaker 1>actually vote to strike down the Louisiana law. They will

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<v Speaker 1>face a conflict between what he may think is the

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<v Speaker 1>legally correct position from his judicial ideological perspective versus what

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<v Speaker 1>he thinks the court's long term institutional credibility demands. He's

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<v Speaker 1>reluctant to overturn precedent more than some of his other

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<v Speaker 1>conservative colleagues are in this case. Does it seem to

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<v Speaker 1>you as if the conservatives other than Justice Roberts on

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<v Speaker 1>the Court would be willing to overturn that Texas case?

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<v Speaker 1>I think the answer for just To Salito would have

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<v Speaker 1>to be yes. Justice Salto, in the time he's been

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<v Speaker 1>on the Court has been tagged as, you know, some

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<v Speaker 1>people have said, a conservative activist. He was perhaps the

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<v Speaker 1>most vigorous at oral argument in defense of the Louisiana law.

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Kevinaugh hung back a little bit. He and the

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<v Speaker 1>Chief Justice sort of circled around the edges trying to say, well,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, if there are differences between these two laws,

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<v Speaker 1>then could there be the possibility that one could be

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional and another couldn't be Interestingly, Justice Gorsage did not

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<v Speaker 1>ask anything. He liked. Justice Thomas, traditionally who's traditionally very

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<v Speaker 1>quiet oral argument, didn't have any questions, and so we

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<v Speaker 1>just couldn't get a read on them. You know, you said,

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<v Speaker 1>the Chief Justice Roberts is reluctant to overturn the courts precedent,

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<v Speaker 1>And a slightly more cynical view or realistic view might

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<v Speaker 1>be that the Chief Justice is reluctant to see the

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<v Speaker 1>Court engaging or turning on a dime doing things that

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<v Speaker 1>are overtly political. But Justice Roberts has been complex, said

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<v Speaker 1>in a number of cases over the years where the

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<v Speaker 1>Court hasn't expressly overturned a precedent, but has limited a precedent,

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<v Speaker 1>has poked holes in a precedent, has found a way

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<v Speaker 1>to distinguish a new case from an old precedent in

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<v Speaker 1>a way that weakens the precedent, but stop short of

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<v Speaker 1>actually repudiating it or overturning it. And so that maybe

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<v Speaker 1>one possible outcome in this case. In other words, they

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<v Speaker 1>could rule in a very narrow way and uphold the

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<v Speaker 1>Louisiana law without reversing the Texas case. They could they

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<v Speaker 1>could say that there are enough meaningful differences between the

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<v Speaker 1>situations in these two cases, mostly focusing on whether the

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<v Speaker 1>admitting privileges requirements serves any legitimate, meaningful medical benefit or not.

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<v Speaker 1>They could say that this one is different, and so

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<v Speaker 1>this law can be upheld, and that would indicate then

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<v Speaker 1>we're going to be kind of battling state by state,

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<v Speaker 1>and the lower federal courts maybe very busy adjudicating similar

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<v Speaker 1>laws that states either have passed or may attempt to pass.

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<v Speaker 1>There's another way this case could be resolved, and that

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<v Speaker 1>is there was sort of a side skirmish that a

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<v Speaker 1>few of the justices were interested in about whether the

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<v Speaker 1>doctors who brought this lawsuit have what's called standing, whether

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<v Speaker 1>they can represent the legal interest. We're talking here about

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<v Speaker 1>the right of women to have an abortion and the

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<v Speaker 1>extent to which the Constitution protects that. But the plaintiffs

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<v Speaker 1>in this case, we're not women. They were doctors. They

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<v Speaker 1>were abortion providers, and so this gets into whether or

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<v Speaker 1>not so called third parties that the doctors can um

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<v Speaker 1>litigate a case that is really about the constitutional rights

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<v Speaker 1>of the women. That was another point that Justice Alito

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<v Speaker 1>made quite vigorously. He basically insisted that the doctors here

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<v Speaker 1>didn't properly have standing. They weren't the proper plaintiffs in

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<v Speaker 1>this case. If the court went that direction, if it

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<v Speaker 1>essentially punted and said, well, the plaintiffs here didn't have standing,

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<v Speaker 1>we didn't have jurisdiction, the case has to be dismissed.

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<v Speaker 1>That would mean the Louisiana Low stands at least until

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<v Speaker 1>it could be challenged by somebody who actually did have standing.

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<v Speaker 1>A problem with that argument is there have been a

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<v Speaker 1>number of other abortion cases over the years where doctors

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<v Speaker 1>have been the plaintiffs, essentially representing the rights of the women,

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<v Speaker 1>and those cases went forward and were decided. So to

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<v Speaker 1>say at this point that we're going to stand on

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<v Speaker 1>this principle that a doctor can't litigate the rights of

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<v Speaker 1>a patient would seem to be again a bit opportunistic

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<v Speaker 1>at a break with the court's own precedence on that question.

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<v Speaker 1>That I'm not sure the court is actually squarely decided

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<v Speaker 1>that question. But that problem has not stood in the

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<v Speaker 1>way of the court adjudicating previous abortion cases. Is this

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<v Speaker 1>one of the cases that anti abortion activists are hoping

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<v Speaker 1>will allow the court to chip away at abortion rights.

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<v Speaker 1>Oh absolutely. As I said the court, it has to

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<v Speaker 1>be in a sense too polite to say what people

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<v Speaker 1>know are the real politics behind these laws when they're litigated.

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<v Speaker 1>We have to essentially pretend that this is really about

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<v Speaker 1>whether the state was truly trying to protect women's medical

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<v Speaker 1>health and protect the safety of abortion and so forth.

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<v Speaker 1>That I think it's almost inarguable that if you know

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<v Speaker 1>the politics of these laws, why these laws were passed,

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<v Speaker 1>the coordinated way to get these kinds of laws passed

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<v Speaker 1>around the country, you know that the effort was to

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<v Speaker 1>try to make it difficult for abortion clinics to stay

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<v Speaker 1>in business. It's an effort to limit access to abortion

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<v Speaker 1>by putting pressure on the ability of abortion clinics to

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<v Speaker 1>actually stay in business. So of course this was a

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<v Speaker 1>coordinated strategy over the years prior to the Texas case.

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<v Speaker 1>That these are sometimes called trap laws targeting of abortion providers,

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<v Speaker 1>and so of course anti abortion activists will look very

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<v Speaker 1>closely at what this case says about the attitude of

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<v Speaker 1>the court. This is the first major abortion decision that

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<v Speaker 1>the Court has fully decided since Justice Kennedy retired, and

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<v Speaker 1>since we have two new justices, and now this is

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<v Speaker 1>a This is a different court than it was four

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<v Speaker 1>years ago, so it remains to be seen. People will

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<v Speaker 1>be watching closely for signals about um Justice Kavanaugh, Justice Gore,

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<v Speaker 1>such Justice Roberts, what the chemistry of the court and

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<v Speaker 1>the lineup ideologically of the justices, whether and how that

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<v Speaker 1>has changed since. I think most people are curious that

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<v Speaker 1>it's almost become a litmus test for Supreme Court justices

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<v Speaker 1>when they're going through their confirmation hearings to be asked

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<v Speaker 1>about Roe v. Wade, and they inevitably say it's precedent.

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<v Speaker 1>And I think that Kavanaugh said it's precedent on precedent.

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<v Speaker 1>So can you ever be confident of that when we've

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<v Speaker 1>seen cases where they reverse precedent all the time. The

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<v Speaker 1>issue is, I think Roll versus Weight is not the issue.

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<v Speaker 1>I think that no one thinks that the Court would

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<v Speaker 1>be bold enough or were reckless enough to completely overturn

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<v Speaker 1>Roversus Wade. The key case here. The key precedent is

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<v Speaker 1>not roversus Weight itself. It's a decision that was decided

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<v Speaker 1>um more than a decade after Roll Versus Weight, Casey

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<v Speaker 1>versus Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania. It's the Casey decision.

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<v Speaker 1>That upheld the basic idea of Row that a woman

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<v Speaker 1>has a constitutional right to abortion, but approved the idea

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<v Speaker 1>of that a state could express its view against abortion,

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<v Speaker 1>could legislate more aggressively to protect the woman's health and

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<v Speaker 1>to regulate the procedure, as long as it didn't create

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<v Speaker 1>what's called a uh substantial obstacle, as long as it

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<v Speaker 1>didn't create an undue burden to the women's access to

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<v Speaker 1>an abortion. So what these cases are about is whether

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<v Speaker 1>the Louisiana Admitting privileges law does create an undue burden

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<v Speaker 1>by restricting the availability of abortion because clinics have to

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<v Speaker 1>shut down. So if abortion rights are going to be

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<v Speaker 1>chipped away are going to be put in danger, it's

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<v Speaker 1>not because in one fell swoop the court is going

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<v Speaker 1>to overturn roll versus Weight. I think it's quite clear

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<v Speaker 1>that if that happens, it's going to be because the

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<v Speaker 1>availability of abortion is chipped away, the ability of states

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<v Speaker 1>to throw up more roadblocks in a woman's path to

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<v Speaker 1>an abortion, the court will see in a more sympathetic way.

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<v Speaker 1>I think there's going to be a lot of skirmishing

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<v Speaker 1>around these issues in ways that could erode the meaningfulness

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<v Speaker 1>of the idea that there is a constitutional right to abortion.

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<v Speaker 1>The large your picture here, I think is that the

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<v Speaker 1>Court's jurisprudence about abortion, meaning it there is a constitutional right,

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<v Speaker 1>there is the ability of states to regulate it. There

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<v Speaker 1>comes a point after viability when abortion can be banned. Altogether,

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<v Speaker 1>I think the law of abortion right now that the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court has developed over the past forty five years

0:16:21.560 --> 0:16:24.560
<v Speaker 1>really reflects where the country is. There's a quite stable

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<v Speaker 1>consensus in public opinion that most people don't want to

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<v Speaker 1>see abortion available on demand. Most people don't want to

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<v Speaker 1>see abortion completely eliminated. A majority of Americans believes that

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<v Speaker 1>abortion should generally be available with some reasonable restrictions, and

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<v Speaker 1>that's essentially reflects the law we have right now. That's

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<v Speaker 1>Steve Sanders, a professor at Indiana University's Mara School of Law.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's it for this edition of Bloomberg Law. I'm

0:16:51.120 --> 0:16:54.000
<v Speaker 1>June Grosso. Thanks so much for listening, and remember to

0:16:54.040 --> 0:16:57.320
<v Speaker 1>tune into The Bloomberg Law Show weeknights at ten pm

0:16:57.360 --> 0:17:03.440
<v Speaker 1>here on Bloomberg Radio. The Pendent and the Contendent to

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<v Speaker 1>DAK the dependent Ducal