WEBVTT - Will Supreme Court Expand Religious Rights?

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio

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<v Speaker 1>from the South. You won't hear choirs at church services

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<v Speaker 1>in California this Sunday. In a six or three decision,

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court stopped California from enforcing COVID restrictions on

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<v Speaker 1>indoor church services, but kept in place restrictions on singing, chanting,

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<v Speaker 1>and capacity limitations. In its four splintered opinions, did the

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<v Speaker 1>courts signal a doctrinal change in the future one expanding

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<v Speaker 1>religious rights? Joining me as Rick Garnett, a professor at

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<v Speaker 1>Notre Dame Law School. Rick described the decision of the

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<v Speaker 1>majority here, Yeah, so at the tricky question right out

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<v Speaker 1>of the gate, because of course these decisions didn't come

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<v Speaker 1>in the context of a case that the Court has

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<v Speaker 1>agreed to hear and has held oral arguments and all that.

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<v Speaker 1>This is Sizurally. What's happening is that the church claimants

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<v Speaker 1>are asking the Court to review a lower court decision

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<v Speaker 1>which had upheld a bunch of these restrictions on gatherings

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<v Speaker 1>and so on. And what the Court did was to

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<v Speaker 1>basically enter and order for the time being. That left

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<v Speaker 1>some of the California restrictions in place, but also lifted

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<v Speaker 1>some of them while the case is playing out, so

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<v Speaker 1>the situation is still very much fluid. This isn't you know,

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<v Speaker 1>a Merit's decision like the kind you get in June

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<v Speaker 1>at the end of the court's term. This is basically

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<v Speaker 1>the Court trying to sort of freeze the status quo

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<v Speaker 1>until they can decide whether or not to take the

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<v Speaker 1>full case. And I think it's tricky because on the

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<v Speaker 1>one hand, you know, they want to provide guidance to

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<v Speaker 1>the lower courts, but on the other hand, these aren't

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<v Speaker 1>full opinions. And so one way to think about what

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<v Speaker 1>these different opinions are is the justices are trying to

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<v Speaker 1>tell the lower courts what they're thinking right now. So

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<v Speaker 1>the lower courts, when they get some more of these

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<v Speaker 1>church closure cases, and they probably will, that they have

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<v Speaker 1>a sense of what the Supreme Court wants them to do.

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<v Speaker 1>Would you say that the way they came out is

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<v Speaker 1>sort of a middle ground between the restrictions that California

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<v Speaker 1>has and no restrictions all right, So the Court is

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<v Speaker 1>leaving in place some of California's restrictions. They said, we

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<v Speaker 1>don't have enough information to get rid of California's limits

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<v Speaker 1>on indoor singing. For example, California had some of the

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<v Speaker 1>strictest limits on in person religious gatherings the country, like

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<v Speaker 1>essentially in some parts of the state, all religious gatherings,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, forget about a hundred people where there are

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<v Speaker 1>zero people, as Chief says, as Roberts pointed out, we're

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<v Speaker 1>not permitted. And so I think it was that kind

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<v Speaker 1>of outlier nature of that part of California's order that

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<v Speaker 1>the Court said, you know, we're we're enjoining that that

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<v Speaker 1>can't be enforced. That's too strict. But there's still plenty

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<v Speaker 1>of time for more information to be gathered and presented.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm sure the state will want to show why it's

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<v Speaker 1>various restrictions limits on gathering, its limits on how many

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<v Speaker 1>people can be in a place are necessary. And the

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<v Speaker 1>Court made it pretty clear that it wants the state

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<v Speaker 1>to demonstrate that it's treating religious gatherings fairly. That is,

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<v Speaker 1>that it's not treating religious gatherings worse than other kinds

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<v Speaker 1>of gathering. So you know, the court's concerned as well

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<v Speaker 1>if you're you're allowing people to go to big box

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<v Speaker 1>retail stores, but you're not even allowing you know, five

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<v Speaker 1>people to worship in a cathedral. They worry about that

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<v Speaker 1>disparate treatment, that perhaps discriminatory treatment. So that's going to

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<v Speaker 1>be the real issue, I think going forward. And that

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<v Speaker 1>was the concern that especially just as Gorset spelled out

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<v Speaker 1>in his opinion that as he saw it, California was

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<v Speaker 1>acting in too sweeping of a manner and it wasn't

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<v Speaker 1>fairly comparing religious gatherings indoors to things like grocery shopping

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<v Speaker 1>or what I do. So on one side of the

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<v Speaker 1>spectrum of opinions, Justices Neil Gorst, Clarence Thomas, and Samuel

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<v Speaker 1>Alito would have lifted all the restrictions on church services.

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<v Speaker 1>Let's discuss the four separate opinion. So the most supportive

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<v Speaker 1>of religion, the most to the right, perhaps would be

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<v Speaker 1>the opinion by Justice score such joined by Clarence Thomas

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<v Speaker 1>and Samuel Lecho. So what just highlight what that opinion

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<v Speaker 1>was about. Yeah, it's interesting that in today's categories, I

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<v Speaker 1>suppose we're calling those opinions the ones that are on

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<v Speaker 1>the right. But the method of analysis that those justices

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<v Speaker 1>are applying, it's one that we can trace to kind

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<v Speaker 1>of the Court's liberals in the sixties, you know, and

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<v Speaker 1>people like Justice William Brennan, where you know, Justice Brennan

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<v Speaker 1>insisted that, um, when the government is regulating religious conduct, yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>we're not just going to defer to regulator statements that

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<v Speaker 1>these regulations are a good idea. We want evidence, We

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<v Speaker 1>want actual demonstration that these regulations are nest to promote

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<v Speaker 1>a compelling interest. And that was the case that Justice,

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<v Speaker 1>course it's joined by some others, as you said, wanted

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<v Speaker 1>to lay out. He concluded on the basis of the

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<v Speaker 1>record that we have that California was asking for too

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<v Speaker 1>much deference, that it was asking just for a rubber stamp,

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<v Speaker 1>and that when you're talking about fundamental rights, romans have

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<v Speaker 1>to provide more evidence. And his view, although obviously he's

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<v Speaker 1>not an epidemiologist and he conceded as much, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>his view was that California appears to be much more

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<v Speaker 1>strict with gatherings of a religious nature and much less

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<v Speaker 1>flexible with gatherings of a religious nature than it is

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<v Speaker 1>with other times. So he points out, for example, look

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<v Speaker 1>if what the experts are worried about is singing, which

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<v Speaker 1>can spread the droplets and put people at risk for COVID. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>you could have a restriction that said, well, okay, you

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<v Speaker 1>can't have singing and indoor worship, but they didn't do that.

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<v Speaker 1>They just prohibited all indoor worship. You could imagine, just

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<v Speaker 1>as course it said a restriction that said, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>no more than x number of people, or there has

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<v Speaker 1>to be social distancing or masking or plexi glass shields

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<v Speaker 1>or what have you. But what I think attracted Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Course is just concerned was that the regulations on these

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<v Speaker 1>indoor religious gatherings seemed so sweeping and absolute, and he

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<v Speaker 1>says that that can't be justified on this record. This

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<v Speaker 1>is just as any Coney Barrett's first separate opinions since

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<v Speaker 1>she's been on the bench. So why did she write

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<v Speaker 1>a separate opinion? Yeah, I've heard some of that. I

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<v Speaker 1>guess I would just urge people to think critically about

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<v Speaker 1>these labels and how they apply to cases involving fundamental rights.

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<v Speaker 1>It's not obvious to me that it's conservative rather than

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<v Speaker 1>liberal to want to protect religious exercise rights. And then

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<v Speaker 1>the other point, we just be that the disagreement that

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Sperrit and Justice Kavanaugh had with Justice Scores such

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<v Speaker 1>as opinion is not a particularly big one. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>all nine justices, including Justice Kagan, they all agree that

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<v Speaker 1>religious exercise is important, and they all agree that governments

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<v Speaker 1>can't target religious activities for burdensome regulations. The disagreement really

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<v Speaker 1>has to do with the amount of deference that courts

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<v Speaker 1>should give to government officials when government officials claim that

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<v Speaker 1>regulations are necessary, and the disagreement is just about which

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<v Speaker 1>activities are really comparable to others. Is the church service

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<v Speaker 1>more like a concert or is it more like going

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<v Speaker 1>to home depot that kind of thing. These disagreements are,

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<v Speaker 1>they're significant, but I don't believe they're dramatic ideological differences.

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<v Speaker 1>They reflect more, I think, just the difference of opinion

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<v Speaker 1>about how to interpret the factual record. You know. I

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<v Speaker 1>think what I see in Justice Parrett's opinion is not

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<v Speaker 1>an attack on what Justice Course such is saying. But

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<v Speaker 1>it's just coming to a different conclusion, a different inference

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<v Speaker 1>about some disputed facts. And now what about Justice Robert's opinion, Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I take him to be pretty much on the same

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<v Speaker 1>page as Justices Um, Barrett, and Kavanaugh. That is, some

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<v Speaker 1>of these California He goes out of his way to

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<v Speaker 1>say yes, of course, it's true the deference to public officials,

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<v Speaker 1>especially when you're dealing with an emergency, is important. And

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<v Speaker 1>of course it's true that you know, in in good

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<v Speaker 1>judicial conservative style, that judges shouldn't be in the business

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<v Speaker 1>of thinking that they can second guess all policy decisions.

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<v Speaker 1>So he wants to he wants to make that very clear.

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<v Speaker 1>But then he just he points to the kind of

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<v Speaker 1>extreme outlier nature of California's restriction that that you know,

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<v Speaker 1>even in the the huge Los Angeles Catholic Cathedral, which

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<v Speaker 1>could set you know, thousands of people, you still can't

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<v Speaker 1>have any in person worship. He just does he doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>think that the record reflects that California is actually exercising

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<v Speaker 1>epidemiological epidemiological judgment. That it's instead it's just kind of

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<v Speaker 1>again doing a rubber stamp and taking the easy way

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<v Speaker 1>out and imposing a blanket restriction. So that's why um uh,

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<v Speaker 1>he does what he does. He he wants to make

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<v Speaker 1>it very clear that he doesn't think judges can or

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<v Speaker 1>should micromanage local government's responses to diseases. Um But again

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<v Speaker 1>he's being down a marker that at some point judicial

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<v Speaker 1>scrutiny is crucial when you have regulations that appear to

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<v Speaker 1>be disregarding fundamental rights. Justice Elena Kagan wrote an opinion

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<v Speaker 1>for the Liberals, and it was really impassioned and seemed

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<v Speaker 1>to be critical of her colleagues are conservative colleagues in

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<v Speaker 1>a way she doesn't usually do so. Justice Kagan is

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<v Speaker 1>a great writer, has always and I do think there's

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<v Speaker 1>a certain amount of passion and kind of urgency that

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<v Speaker 1>comes through in her descent. But I don't think it

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<v Speaker 1>crossed any lines in terms of not being respectful. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>I think she tends to always observe that line. But

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<v Speaker 1>basically her disagreement is not on the importance of religious exercise.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, she opens her opinion by saying, yeah, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>you can't treat religious exercise worse than you treat comparable

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<v Speaker 1>psycular activities. But her two main teams are, first, we

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<v Speaker 1>should be more deferential to California state officials. And again,

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<v Speaker 1>this is a disagreement with cors who's saying, look, yes,

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<v Speaker 1>some difference is important, but we're talking about fundamental rights.

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<v Speaker 1>We don't just defer to the cops when it comes to,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, whether or not they have to respect Force

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<v Speaker 1>fifth and six of moment rights, and so he wants

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<v Speaker 1>to insist that we can't defer to the government when

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<v Speaker 1>it says that these regulations are necessary. So the first

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<v Speaker 1>disagreement is on the theme of deference. She thinks the

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<v Speaker 1>course not being deferential enough, and she has several lines

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<v Speaker 1>and paragraphs where she kind of challenges, she kind of

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<v Speaker 1>pokes the justices that they're being activists. And the second

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<v Speaker 1>disagreement have to do with these comparison points. She thinks

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<v Speaker 1>church services, indoor religious gatherings are not comparable to things

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<v Speaker 1>like going to the home depot, going shopping, going to

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<v Speaker 1>a grocery store, and so on. So she thinks that

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<v Speaker 1>religious gatherings are not being treated worse than comparable secular gatherings,

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<v Speaker 1>whereas the justices who are in the majority did think

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<v Speaker 1>that religious gatherings are being treated worse. In my own view,

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think Justice Kagan took enough account of Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Gorsuges point that California doesn't seem to have been very flexible.

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<v Speaker 1>That again, if you're worried about singing indoors, and it

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<v Speaker 1>seems to be that that is something to worry about,

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<v Speaker 1>you can simply say no singing during religious gatherings, or

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<v Speaker 1>if you're worried about people in close proximity, you can

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<v Speaker 1>require distancing. Again, Justice Courses concern was California had kind

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<v Speaker 1>of taken the easy way out, just the blanket no

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<v Speaker 1>gatherings proposal, and he doesn't want to defer to that.

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<v Speaker 1>The Justice Cagan does. The case seems to be following

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<v Speaker 1>the New York case last November, after Justice Barrett joined

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<v Speaker 1>the Court, in which the Court barred capacity limits on

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<v Speaker 1>houses of worship, a change of direction from prior cases

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<v Speaker 1>on that issue and more expansive of religious rights. So

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<v Speaker 1>do you see this case as being a step further

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think it's so much a step further from

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<v Speaker 1>the Brooklyn case. But I do think that these COVID

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<v Speaker 1>restriction cases as a general matter have been fascinating because

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<v Speaker 1>they do suggest, I think that the Court's free exercise

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<v Speaker 1>doctrine is moving from where it was, you know, thirty

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<v Speaker 1>years ago in the famous Smith case. It does suggest,

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<v Speaker 1>and this is relevant to the upcoming Philadelphia adoption case,

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<v Speaker 1>the Fulting case, that then that you've been falling. It

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<v Speaker 1>appears that you know, there's a majority of justices who

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<v Speaker 1>are willing to apply more scrutiny to regulations, even well

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<v Speaker 1>meaning regulations that burden religious exercise, and depending on where

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<v Speaker 1>the justices land, depending on how much scrutiny they end

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<v Speaker 1>up being willing to apply, we could see this year

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<v Speaker 1>a doctrinal change in the tests that the Court uses

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<v Speaker 1>in the free exercise of religion context. What kind of

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<v Speaker 1>change exactly? A change expanding religious rights. So the change

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<v Speaker 1>would be in the direction of providing more protection to

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<v Speaker 1>religious exercise than the Court's Smith decision thirty years ago,

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<v Speaker 1>provided with four different opinions, Does this case give any

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<v Speaker 1>guidance to the lower courts about what to do in

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<v Speaker 1>these cases? Or is it just too scattered? Yeah? So,

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<v Speaker 1>as I think you pointed out, some critics have been

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<v Speaker 1>frustrated that, you know, since it's well we have here

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<v Speaker 1>are four opinions that are added to an order, we

0:13:01.360 --> 0:13:05.480
<v Speaker 1>don't really have a full like merit decision. That lower

0:13:05.520 --> 0:13:09.320
<v Speaker 1>courts and regulators are not totally sure what they're supposed

0:13:09.360 --> 0:13:10.840
<v Speaker 1>to be doing, and this is true of the Brooklyn

0:13:10.840 --> 0:13:13.240
<v Speaker 1>case too. Instead, they have to kind of read these

0:13:13.240 --> 0:13:18.280
<v Speaker 1>separate opinions and infer what the justices views are. And

0:13:18.360 --> 0:13:20.960
<v Speaker 1>I think there's something to that criticism I mean, on

0:13:21.000 --> 0:13:23.480
<v Speaker 1>the one hand, the court have to decide these interim

0:13:23.520 --> 0:13:26.360
<v Speaker 1>cases all the time, and they can't always right full

0:13:26.360 --> 0:13:30.120
<v Speaker 1>opinions and have you know, full or arguments before them.

0:13:30.320 --> 0:13:33.400
<v Speaker 1>I think what we're seeing in a sense is little

0:13:33.480 --> 0:13:37.680
<v Speaker 1>previews of the opinions that will get in a few months.

0:13:38.280 --> 0:13:41.360
<v Speaker 1>In the Philadelphia adoption case, thanks for being on the show, Rick,

0:13:41.679 --> 0:13:45.199
<v Speaker 1>that's Rick Garnett, a professor nore Dame Law School. And

0:13:45.280 --> 0:13:49.560
<v Speaker 1>in that Philadelphia case, a Catholic religious charity refused to

0:13:49.600 --> 0:13:53.760
<v Speaker 1>place foster children with same sex couples, presenting a conflict

0:13:53.800 --> 0:13:59.320
<v Speaker 1>between religious rights and gay rights. House prosecutors concluded their

0:13:59.360 --> 0:14:02.720
<v Speaker 1>case for victing Donald Trump and he sent an impeachment trial,

0:14:03.160 --> 0:14:06.200
<v Speaker 1>saying they've proven that the former president is guilty of

0:14:06.240 --> 0:14:09.920
<v Speaker 1>inciting an insurrection when a mob of his supporters stormed

0:14:09.920 --> 0:14:13.600
<v Speaker 1>the US capital on January six to stop the peaceful

0:14:13.640 --> 0:14:17.760
<v Speaker 1>transfer of power. The House managers spent three days highlighting

0:14:17.800 --> 0:14:21.720
<v Speaker 1>Trump's own tweets, speeches, and comments to argue that it

0:14:21.800 --> 0:14:24.840
<v Speaker 1>was a month's long campaign to stoke anger about the

0:14:24.840 --> 0:14:29.040
<v Speaker 1>November third election he lost to Democrat Joe Biden. Trump's

0:14:29.120 --> 0:14:32.240
<v Speaker 1>lawyers are expected to present their defense tomorrow and may

0:14:32.320 --> 0:14:35.120
<v Speaker 1>only need one day for their arguments, which will include

0:14:35.200 --> 0:14:39.280
<v Speaker 1>video presentations after house managers played gripping footage of the

0:14:39.280 --> 0:14:43.080
<v Speaker 1>assault on the capitol and violent attacks on police officers.

0:14:43.480 --> 0:14:46.200
<v Speaker 1>Joining me is Jimmy Garoula, a professor at Notre Dame

0:14:46.280 --> 0:14:49.320
<v Speaker 1>Law School. What is the big picture strategy of the

0:14:49.320 --> 0:14:53.400
<v Speaker 1>house managers and how well are they carrying it out? Well?

0:14:53.400 --> 0:14:56.400
<v Speaker 1>I think that the house managers, so the impecial managers,

0:14:56.400 --> 0:15:00.360
<v Speaker 1>have done a very good job in a methodical way,

0:15:00.720 --> 0:15:04.520
<v Speaker 1>presenting their theory of the case. And it's interesting to

0:15:04.560 --> 0:15:07.120
<v Speaker 1>note that their theory of the case isn't limited to

0:15:07.760 --> 0:15:12.800
<v Speaker 1>what occurred on January six. They've gone back several months

0:15:13.320 --> 0:15:17.640
<v Speaker 1>making the case that this is something that President Trump

0:15:18.200 --> 0:15:22.560
<v Speaker 1>had a plan that he had concocted that was initiated

0:15:22.640 --> 0:15:27.000
<v Speaker 1>going back to before the actual election in November. He

0:15:27.040 --> 0:15:31.760
<v Speaker 1>had stated prior to the election date that if he

0:15:32.000 --> 0:15:36.560
<v Speaker 1>lost the only reason for him to lose would be

0:15:36.720 --> 0:15:40.680
<v Speaker 1>that the election was stolen. So he planted the seed

0:15:41.280 --> 0:15:46.080
<v Speaker 1>regarding the big lie well before the actual election and

0:15:46.160 --> 0:15:52.920
<v Speaker 1>the election results themselves, and over several months again leading

0:15:53.000 --> 0:15:57.960
<v Speaker 1>up to January six, he continued to repeat that false

0:15:58.040 --> 0:16:00.640
<v Speaker 1>statement that the election was going to be stolen. The

0:16:00.640 --> 0:16:02.280
<v Speaker 1>election was going to be stolen. The only way he

0:16:02.280 --> 0:16:04.440
<v Speaker 1>could lose as if the election was stolen. And as

0:16:04.440 --> 0:16:08.040
<v Speaker 1>a result, I mean, he convinced a significant number of

0:16:08.080 --> 0:16:13.200
<v Speaker 1>his followers that that lie was true. And so when

0:16:13.320 --> 0:16:17.400
<v Speaker 1>the election results were finally tallied in favor of President

0:16:17.440 --> 0:16:21.120
<v Speaker 1>elect Joe Biden, then he was able to say, see,

0:16:21.160 --> 0:16:24.240
<v Speaker 1>I told you so, it was stolen. I'm the victim

0:16:24.280 --> 0:16:28.040
<v Speaker 1>of this terrible wrong and it needs to be redressed.

0:16:28.560 --> 0:16:30.520
<v Speaker 1>And the only way it can be redressed as you've

0:16:30.560 --> 0:16:34.600
<v Speaker 1>got to go to the capital on January six, the

0:16:34.680 --> 0:16:38.680
<v Speaker 1>day that the election results were being certified and stop it.

0:16:38.760 --> 0:16:41.400
<v Speaker 1>You know, you've got to stop the steal and take

0:16:41.440 --> 0:16:44.200
<v Speaker 1>back the country. And so I thought that was very effective.

0:16:44.520 --> 0:16:49.880
<v Speaker 1>This wasn't a spontaneous event that occurred on January six,

0:16:49.960 --> 0:16:53.040
<v Speaker 1>but again there were several months and it was being

0:16:53.080 --> 0:16:56.760
<v Speaker 1>directed and orchestrated. Events were being directed and orchestrated by

0:16:56.800 --> 0:17:00.000
<v Speaker 1>the president behind the scenes for several months leading up

0:17:00.080 --> 0:17:04.520
<v Speaker 1>to up to January six. Now, having said having said that,

0:17:04.560 --> 0:17:07.080
<v Speaker 1>I would just add, you know, one one additional point

0:17:07.680 --> 0:17:11.560
<v Speaker 1>isn't going to make a difference in terms of convincing

0:17:11.600 --> 0:17:17.560
<v Speaker 1>Republicans to impeach President Trump. I don't think so. I

0:17:17.600 --> 0:17:24.880
<v Speaker 1>think that Republicans had their mind made up before the

0:17:24.960 --> 0:17:30.680
<v Speaker 1>impeachment hearing began, and I don't think that there's anything

0:17:30.920 --> 0:17:38.080
<v Speaker 1>the impeachment managers could present to the Senate to cost

0:17:38.280 --> 0:17:42.760
<v Speaker 1>seventeen members of the Republican Senate to vote in favor

0:17:43.400 --> 0:17:46.600
<v Speaker 1>of impeachment. You know what you were talking about them

0:17:46.600 --> 0:17:51.720
<v Speaker 1>bringing out this month long strategy, is that to try

0:17:51.760 --> 0:17:55.159
<v Speaker 1>to get over the hurdle of what I would consider

0:17:55.200 --> 0:17:58.000
<v Speaker 1>the biggest turtle. I don't know if you do showing

0:17:58.080 --> 0:18:02.359
<v Speaker 1>that President Trump actually caused the insurrection, that the reason

0:18:02.440 --> 0:18:06.520
<v Speaker 1>they went to the capital was because of President Oh yeah, yeah,

0:18:06.760 --> 0:18:12.280
<v Speaker 1>exactly because it it certainly the President's involvement or or

0:18:12.520 --> 0:18:18.120
<v Speaker 1>the causal relationship between President Trump's conduct and the violence

0:18:18.200 --> 0:18:22.200
<v Speaker 1>that that that the world witnessed on January six wasn't

0:18:22.280 --> 0:18:27.800
<v Speaker 1>limited to the President's participation in the rally on January six,

0:18:27.880 --> 0:18:31.760
<v Speaker 1>the morning before the assault on the Capitol. That wasn't

0:18:31.760 --> 0:18:38.639
<v Speaker 1>the summon substance of his involvement in the insurrection, The

0:18:38.760 --> 0:18:43.359
<v Speaker 1>role that he played in causing his followers to march

0:18:43.560 --> 0:18:48.240
<v Speaker 1>up to the Capitol and an assault and engage in

0:18:48.280 --> 0:18:52.800
<v Speaker 1>this uh act of insurrection that resulted in violence and

0:18:52.840 --> 0:18:58.200
<v Speaker 1>the death of five of five people. His his participation,

0:18:58.440 --> 0:19:04.760
<v Speaker 1>his involvement, his role well exceeded and began well before

0:19:05.240 --> 0:19:11.200
<v Speaker 1>January six, and there trying to to highlight his culpability

0:19:11.240 --> 0:19:14.480
<v Speaker 1>and the extent of his culpability, the extent of his participation,

0:19:14.600 --> 0:19:19.360
<v Speaker 1>the extent of his responsibility for the violence that occurred

0:19:19.560 --> 0:19:23.080
<v Speaker 1>on January six. And it's not limited simply to the

0:19:23.240 --> 0:19:28.480
<v Speaker 1>rally itself that morning and then his tweets that followed

0:19:28.560 --> 0:19:32.280
<v Speaker 1>later in the afternoon. How effective were the use of

0:19:32.320 --> 0:19:36.120
<v Speaker 1>the clips of the rioters themselves. So for at least

0:19:36.200 --> 0:19:40.560
<v Speaker 1>two months, two months prior, the president had been repeating

0:19:40.600 --> 0:19:43.640
<v Speaker 1>this light and it's been repeating it daily and repeatedly,

0:19:44.160 --> 0:19:48.440
<v Speaker 1>you know, to his followers. In the process, again, there

0:19:48.520 --> 0:19:52.480
<v Speaker 1>was this kind of rage that began to build within

0:19:52.560 --> 0:19:57.639
<v Speaker 1>his followers again that erupted on January six. And you

0:19:57.760 --> 0:20:03.199
<v Speaker 1>know that because the video recordings of the attack, you

0:20:03.440 --> 0:20:07.800
<v Speaker 1>hear the demonstrators saying Trump has told us this, Trump

0:20:07.880 --> 0:20:10.720
<v Speaker 1>said this. You know, we're doing this for Trump. You know,

0:20:10.800 --> 0:20:13.960
<v Speaker 1>Trump's the boss, and we're you know, we're responding that

0:20:14.080 --> 0:20:18.879
<v Speaker 1>they were following the directions of their leader, President Trump,

0:20:19.040 --> 0:20:21.320
<v Speaker 1>and they admit it. Caught on video, you know, we

0:20:21.320 --> 0:20:25.640
<v Speaker 1>can hear them saying it, and then even tweets by

0:20:25.680 --> 0:20:30.199
<v Speaker 1>the President after the assault on the capital began. Those

0:20:30.240 --> 0:20:35.760
<v Speaker 1>tweets are actually being communicated on on a bullhorn to

0:20:35.960 --> 0:20:40.240
<v Speaker 1>the writers live, I mean, in real time, and they're

0:20:40.280 --> 0:20:43.000
<v Speaker 1>responding to the President said that. The President said that

0:20:43.320 --> 0:20:45.520
<v Speaker 1>the Mike Bence didn't have the courage and it's his

0:20:45.640 --> 0:20:47.800
<v Speaker 1>fault and because he didn't stand up and do the

0:20:47.880 --> 0:20:50.920
<v Speaker 1>right thing and overturn the election results. And so it's

0:20:51.000 --> 0:20:55.720
<v Speaker 1>very clear that they're following his lead throughout and then

0:20:55.760 --> 0:20:59.919
<v Speaker 1>that ultimately culminates when they decide to to leave the

0:21:00.080 --> 0:21:04.560
<v Speaker 1>Capital buildings. Why, because we just heard this recorded statement

0:21:05.119 --> 0:21:08.199
<v Speaker 1>by the President that he wants us to return in peace.

0:21:08.960 --> 0:21:13.240
<v Speaker 1>So it's clear that they're reacting and responding to the

0:21:13.280 --> 0:21:16.400
<v Speaker 1>President's directives, you know, from the beginning all the way

0:21:16.480 --> 0:21:19.880
<v Speaker 1>through into the evening of January six one. Eventually they

0:21:19.920 --> 0:21:22.760
<v Speaker 1>deciders why did they decide to return because Trump told

0:21:22.800 --> 0:21:25.040
<v Speaker 1>him it was time for them to go home. After

0:21:25.280 --> 0:21:28.680
<v Speaker 1>the first day's presentation, Senator Ted Cruz said it was

0:21:28.760 --> 0:21:32.680
<v Speaker 1>powerful and emotional reliving a terrorist attack on our nation's capital,

0:21:33.000 --> 0:21:36.119
<v Speaker 1>but very little was said about how specific conduct of

0:21:36.160 --> 0:21:40.080
<v Speaker 1>the president satisfies the legal standard of convicting him of

0:21:40.160 --> 0:21:44.280
<v Speaker 1>high crimes and misdemeanors. Is there a legal standard, I

0:21:44.280 --> 0:21:47.160
<v Speaker 1>mean a criminal trial, you know, beyond a reasonable doubt

0:21:47.240 --> 0:21:50.080
<v Speaker 1>and the civil triality, the conderance of the evidence. What

0:21:50.200 --> 0:21:53.080
<v Speaker 1>is it? I think, I think it's an important distinction

0:21:53.160 --> 0:21:57.040
<v Speaker 1>to make. Impeachment is a political process, it's not a

0:21:57.080 --> 0:22:04.679
<v Speaker 1>criminal justice process. The Constitute should authorizes Congress authorize as

0:22:04.680 --> 0:22:08.680
<v Speaker 1>a house to impeach for high crimes and misdemeanors. And

0:22:08.840 --> 0:22:11.440
<v Speaker 1>that term is a term of art, and it's been

0:22:11.480 --> 0:22:15.680
<v Speaker 1>interpreted to not necessarily mean or be restricted or limited

0:22:15.720 --> 0:22:20.119
<v Speaker 1>to a specific federal statute, a specific federal crime. It

0:22:20.200 --> 0:22:23.640
<v Speaker 1>hasn't been limited that way, but instead has been interpreted

0:22:23.680 --> 0:22:27.480
<v Speaker 1>more broadly to mean abuse of power by the president.

0:22:27.800 --> 0:22:31.280
<v Speaker 1>The president abused his power and in the process, you know,

0:22:31.440 --> 0:22:34.240
<v Speaker 1>he's threatened our government. You know he's threatened the democracy

0:22:34.440 --> 0:22:38.360
<v Speaker 1>as a result. And so it shouldn't be equated with

0:22:38.600 --> 0:22:43.000
<v Speaker 1>you or the standards shouldn't be well, does the president's

0:22:43.200 --> 0:22:51.160
<v Speaker 1>conduct on January six and before Constitute a crime under

0:22:51.240 --> 0:22:55.000
<v Speaker 1>federal law and meet those elements, each and every one

0:22:55.040 --> 0:22:58.120
<v Speaker 1>of the elements of the alleged offense beyond a reasonable doubt.

0:22:58.400 --> 0:23:02.200
<v Speaker 1>That's a criminal legal standard, and that's a wrong standard

0:23:02.200 --> 0:23:06.639
<v Speaker 1>to apply instead the standard here. This is a political process,

0:23:07.119 --> 0:23:11.920
<v Speaker 1>not a not a criminal law process, and that distinction

0:23:12.640 --> 0:23:14.880
<v Speaker 1>is an important distinction, and it shouldn't be blurred because

0:23:14.880 --> 0:23:17.720
<v Speaker 1>they're not one and the same. And so Congress is

0:23:17.760 --> 0:23:22.200
<v Speaker 1>free to determine whether or not the president is engaged

0:23:22.280 --> 0:23:26.280
<v Speaker 1>in abuse of power that is so severe, so serious

0:23:26.320 --> 0:23:30.240
<v Speaker 1>that it justifies is removal from office or his disqualification

0:23:30.320 --> 0:23:34.080
<v Speaker 1>from holding office in the future. The indication is that

0:23:34.560 --> 0:23:38.000
<v Speaker 1>the house managers are not going to call witnesses, but

0:23:38.400 --> 0:23:42.000
<v Speaker 1>it seems as if on a few points you almost

0:23:42.040 --> 0:23:46.959
<v Speaker 1>need witnesses, which is President Trump's reaction to the riot

0:23:47.600 --> 0:23:52.840
<v Speaker 1>and his failure to move quicker to stop things. Well,

0:23:52.880 --> 0:23:56.080
<v Speaker 1>I think that that the most important, the most critical

0:23:56.119 --> 0:24:00.119
<v Speaker 1>witness in this case and the impeachment trial is the

0:24:00.160 --> 0:24:03.320
<v Speaker 1>president himself. Now, now, could there be other witnesses that

0:24:03.359 --> 0:24:08.400
<v Speaker 1>could be helpful to the UH and piecement managers. Certainly

0:24:08.560 --> 0:24:11.640
<v Speaker 1>there are some, But I think that the most critical

0:24:11.640 --> 0:24:17.000
<v Speaker 1>witnesses the President himself, and I think that the piece

0:24:17.040 --> 0:24:20.439
<v Speaker 1>of managers have been a masterful job of using the

0:24:20.480 --> 0:24:24.280
<v Speaker 1>president's on his own words on January six, and before

0:24:25.200 --> 0:24:28.959
<v Speaker 1>and later that afternoon and evening on January six as

0:24:29.000 --> 0:24:33.199
<v Speaker 1>well against the president. And not only that, it's not

0:24:33.280 --> 0:24:36.400
<v Speaker 1>only what the president said and what the president did

0:24:36.480 --> 0:24:40.040
<v Speaker 1>on January six, it's important, but also what he didn't do,

0:24:41.200 --> 0:24:46.120
<v Speaker 1>and his inaction and his failure to to stop the insurrection,

0:24:46.680 --> 0:24:52.240
<v Speaker 1>his failure to communicate to his followers that he condemned

0:24:52.240 --> 0:24:56.800
<v Speaker 1>their conduct and he wanted them to stop. His statement

0:24:56.840 --> 0:24:59.920
<v Speaker 1>about stopping and going home, and I love you and

0:25:00.000 --> 0:25:03.119
<v Speaker 1>your great people and and all of your special people.

0:25:03.160 --> 0:25:06.639
<v Speaker 1>All of that I mean that occurred some four hours

0:25:06.960 --> 0:25:11.800
<v Speaker 1>or so after the assault on the Capitol was initiated,

0:25:11.920 --> 0:25:15.560
<v Speaker 1>and so for four hours there was no communication by

0:25:15.600 --> 0:25:20.040
<v Speaker 1>the President of his followers that he condemned their conduct.

0:25:20.560 --> 0:25:24.440
<v Speaker 1>In fact, he seemed to acquiesce, and through his inaction

0:25:24.600 --> 0:25:27.840
<v Speaker 1>and through his lack of condemnation, I think that is

0:25:27.880 --> 0:25:33.280
<v Speaker 1>acquiescence in their conduct and demonstrated his approval of their conduct.

0:25:33.760 --> 0:25:37.600
<v Speaker 1>Trump's impeachment team intends to lean heavily on his use

0:25:37.760 --> 0:25:41.800
<v Speaker 1>of the words peacefully and patriotically. In the speech, he said,

0:25:42.359 --> 0:25:45.120
<v Speaker 1>I know that everyone here will soon be marching over

0:25:45.160 --> 0:25:48.760
<v Speaker 1>to the Capitol Building to peacefully and patriotically make your

0:25:48.840 --> 0:25:53.880
<v Speaker 1>voices heard. Does that mixed message help the defense, Well,

0:25:53.920 --> 0:25:55.960
<v Speaker 1>I think you've got to take that statement. You need

0:25:56.000 --> 0:25:59.199
<v Speaker 1>to examine that statement in its totality, and so you

0:25:59.200 --> 0:26:02.040
<v Speaker 1>can't examine it in isolation to say, well, look, we

0:26:02.119 --> 0:26:05.560
<v Speaker 1>know that the president at the rally before the assault

0:26:05.640 --> 0:26:09.639
<v Speaker 1>on the Capitol, he spoke for approximately seventy minutes, and

0:26:09.720 --> 0:26:15.159
<v Speaker 1>during that seventy minute presentation, the word peaceful was used

0:26:15.320 --> 0:26:19.400
<v Speaker 1>once one time by the president. But at the same time,

0:26:19.480 --> 0:26:23.800
<v Speaker 1>during that seventy minute speech by the president, he used attack,

0:26:24.040 --> 0:26:26.520
<v Speaker 1>He used you got to be strong. I mean, he

0:26:26.640 --> 0:26:33.400
<v Speaker 1>used language that conveyed to his followers that he wanted

0:26:33.440 --> 0:26:38.600
<v Speaker 1>them to act in a very aggressive, forceful way to

0:26:38.800 --> 0:26:42.600
<v Speaker 1>stop the certification of the election. So I think it's

0:26:42.680 --> 0:26:47.520
<v Speaker 1>a relatively weak argument to point to one word in

0:26:47.560 --> 0:26:50.800
<v Speaker 1>a seventy minutes speech and say, oh, that vindicates the

0:26:50.840 --> 0:26:54.560
<v Speaker 1>president therefore he never intended for his followers to act

0:26:54.640 --> 0:26:58.600
<v Speaker 1>in a violent or aggressive way. When the other evidence,

0:26:59.200 --> 0:27:03.080
<v Speaker 1>which I think is white overwhelming, is to the contrary

0:27:03.240 --> 0:27:05.040
<v Speaker 1>that he was telling him, you've got to fight, you've

0:27:05.040 --> 0:27:07.399
<v Speaker 1>got to fight hard, you've got to be strong, you

0:27:07.440 --> 0:27:10.760
<v Speaker 1>can't be weak. These are all terms that are certainly

0:27:10.840 --> 0:27:15.920
<v Speaker 1>inconsistent with a peaceful protest, and so I think the

0:27:15.960 --> 0:27:18.040
<v Speaker 1>president's lawyers are going to do the best they can.

0:27:18.160 --> 0:27:20.960
<v Speaker 1>Of course, they're gonna seize on that one term or

0:27:21.000 --> 0:27:23.480
<v Speaker 1>that one sentence in the seventy minute speech. They're going

0:27:23.520 --> 0:27:25.040
<v Speaker 1>to try to make a big deal out of it.

0:27:25.119 --> 0:27:28.199
<v Speaker 1>But I think that the kind of reverence imploring his

0:27:28.320 --> 0:27:33.760
<v Speaker 1>followers to act in this violent way really offsets this

0:27:33.920 --> 0:27:38.280
<v Speaker 1>claim that his intent was was only for a peaceful demonstration.

0:27:38.600 --> 0:27:42.479
<v Speaker 1>They're going to use clips of Democrats using words like

0:27:42.640 --> 0:27:47.600
<v Speaker 1>fight and calling for protests of Trump's actions to argue

0:27:47.640 --> 0:27:51.920
<v Speaker 1>that he's being held to a double standard for his rhetoric. Yeah,

0:27:51.960 --> 0:27:54.000
<v Speaker 1>I think it's a false equivalency, and I think it's

0:27:54.080 --> 0:27:56.720
<v Speaker 1>kind of a common defense tactic. You know, when when

0:27:56.760 --> 0:27:59.400
<v Speaker 1>the facts are in your favor, when the law isn't

0:27:59.440 --> 0:28:01.919
<v Speaker 1>in your favor, were then you try to direct the

0:28:02.000 --> 0:28:05.760
<v Speaker 1>jury's attention away from the defendant's conduct, away from the

0:28:05.800 --> 0:28:09.440
<v Speaker 1>defendant's actions to someone else. And so you'll see this,

0:28:09.520 --> 0:28:12.199
<v Speaker 1>you know, the defense lawyers will blame the police. You know,

0:28:12.359 --> 0:28:14.439
<v Speaker 1>wasn't my client that committed the crown look at what

0:28:14.480 --> 0:28:17.040
<v Speaker 1>the police officers did, and look what they did or

0:28:17.080 --> 0:28:19.600
<v Speaker 1>they didn't do. And so I think this falls along

0:28:19.680 --> 0:28:23.480
<v Speaker 1>those lines. It's a diversion tactic. It's an attempt to

0:28:23.640 --> 0:28:28.480
<v Speaker 1>divert the jury's attention away from the facts and the

0:28:28.600 --> 0:28:31.560
<v Speaker 1>issue and where what really matters in this case, and

0:28:31.600 --> 0:28:34.080
<v Speaker 1>for obvious reasons. I mean, the last thing they want

0:28:34.320 --> 0:28:38.040
<v Speaker 1>the senators to do is to focus on what actually

0:28:38.120 --> 0:28:42.760
<v Speaker 1>happened on January six and President Trump's role in causing

0:28:42.840 --> 0:28:46.520
<v Speaker 1>that that insurrection. They really don't have to do anything

0:28:46.960 --> 0:28:50.360
<v Speaker 1>because you know, it's baked in already. As you mentioned before,

0:28:50.600 --> 0:28:52.600
<v Speaker 1>it doesn't seem like they're going to be in the

0:28:53.040 --> 0:28:58.640
<v Speaker 1>seventeen Republican senators to vote for impeachment. Right. Well, I

0:28:59.080 --> 0:29:04.560
<v Speaker 1>think what's happening here again is that Trump's lawyers are

0:29:04.640 --> 0:29:11.680
<v Speaker 1>trying to give the Republican senators some reason to not convict,

0:29:12.000 --> 0:29:16.320
<v Speaker 1>some reason to not hold him accountable. And they're they're

0:29:16.320 --> 0:29:21.360
<v Speaker 1>throwing out there any number of legal reasons and justification

0:29:21.880 --> 0:29:25.600
<v Speaker 1>for voting to acquit the president. There's arguments that, oh,

0:29:25.640 --> 0:29:29.080
<v Speaker 1>what the president said was protected under the First Amendment.

0:29:29.400 --> 0:29:33.240
<v Speaker 1>It's freedom of speech. So if you buy that argument, yeah,

0:29:33.280 --> 0:29:37.520
<v Speaker 1>you can hang your head on that argument to acquit. Oh,

0:29:37.640 --> 0:29:42.680
<v Speaker 1>the Senate can't try a former president. That's unconstitutional. Oh

0:29:42.720 --> 0:29:44.400
<v Speaker 1>how about that argument. You know, if you don't like

0:29:44.480 --> 0:29:47.120
<v Speaker 1>the First Amendment argument, here's another argument you can you

0:29:47.160 --> 0:29:50.160
<v Speaker 1>can hang your head on that. Oh. And if if

0:29:50.240 --> 0:29:52.640
<v Speaker 1>neither one of those arguments appeal to you, what about

0:29:52.720 --> 0:29:57.160
<v Speaker 1>this argument of hypocrisy that the Democrats are being hypocritical

0:29:57.240 --> 0:29:59.520
<v Speaker 1>because look what they said, look what they've done in

0:29:59.560 --> 0:30:03.440
<v Speaker 1>the past, and therefore that maybe to give you a

0:30:03.480 --> 0:30:07.280
<v Speaker 1>reason or justification to vote to equip and so so

0:30:07.320 --> 0:30:11.200
<v Speaker 1>I think that they're trying to give the Republican senators

0:30:11.240 --> 0:30:15.720
<v Speaker 1>some legal cover, some legal reason or some reason hope

0:30:15.720 --> 0:30:19.560
<v Speaker 1>could be legal, some reason to justify their action so

0:30:19.640 --> 0:30:21.760
<v Speaker 1>that they can say, well, yeah, this is all terrible

0:30:21.760 --> 0:30:25.280
<v Speaker 1>what happened, and I condemn it, and I condemned the protesters.

0:30:25.600 --> 0:30:28.480
<v Speaker 1>But the president is not responsible or the president shouldn't

0:30:28.480 --> 0:30:31.920
<v Speaker 1>be convicted, shouldn't be impeached because of these reasons. That's

0:30:31.920 --> 0:30:35.480
<v Speaker 1>Professor Jimmy Grule of Notre Dame Law School, And that's

0:30:35.480 --> 0:30:38.080
<v Speaker 1>it for this edition of the Bloomberg Lawn Podcast, I'm

0:30:38.160 --> 0:30:41.240
<v Speaker 1>June Grosso. Thanks so much for listening, and remember you

0:30:41.240 --> 0:30:43.680
<v Speaker 1>can always get the latest legal news on our Bloomberg

0:30:43.720 --> 0:30:47.440
<v Speaker 1>Lawn podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify,

0:30:47.640 --> 0:30:51.280
<v Speaker 1>and wherever you get your favorite podcasts. You're listening to

0:30:51.320 --> 0:30:51.840
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg