WEBVTT - Showdown Over Biden's Student-Loan Relief

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>A half a trillion dollars showdown at the Supreme Court,

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<v Speaker 1>as the Justice has weighed the fate of President Joe

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<v Speaker 1>Biden's student loan forgiveness plan. The conservative justice has seemed

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<v Speaker 1>highly skeptical that Biden had the authority to broadly cancel

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<v Speaker 1>federal student loans of up to forty three million Americans.

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<v Speaker 1>To many, the enormous price tag was a concern and

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<v Speaker 1>an indication that it was a job for Congress, not

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<v Speaker 1>the president. Here are Chief Justice John Roberts and Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Samuel Alito. We're talking about half a trillion dollars and

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<v Speaker 1>forty three million Americans. How does that fit under the

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<v Speaker 1>normal understanding of modifying seems to presume that when it

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<v Speaker 1>comes to the administration of benefits programs, trillion dollars here,

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<v Speaker 1>tillion dollars there doesn't really make that much difference. To Congress.

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<v Speaker 1>That doesn't seem very sensible. But there was support for

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<v Speaker 1>the program from the liberal justices. Here are Justice is

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<v Speaker 1>Elena Kagan and Sonya so To. Mayor. Congress used its

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<v Speaker 1>voice in enacting this piece of legislation. Oh, this business

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<v Speaker 1>about executive power. I mean, we worry about executive power

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<v Speaker 1>when Congress hasn't authorized the use of executive power. Here,

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<v Speaker 1>Congress has authorized the use of executive power in an

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<v Speaker 1>emergency situation. Those are exceptions that clearly are permitted under

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<v Speaker 1>the AHA to cancel a debt. So why would I

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<v Speaker 1>have a view that Congress didn't understand that in an

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<v Speaker 1>improper emergency debt cancelation would be right? My guest is

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<v Speaker 1>Harold Grant, a professor at the Chicago Kent College of Law.

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<v Speaker 1>So how does it appear as if the Court's conservative

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<v Speaker 1>majority is, to put it mildly, that Biden has the

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<v Speaker 1>power to implement this plan under the Hero's Act. To

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<v Speaker 1>put it mildly, yes, the majority of the Court is

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<v Speaker 1>very skeptical that the statute empowers to Biden administration with

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<v Speaker 1>the power to cancel all of the student loans. And

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<v Speaker 1>the reason is that the statute does give the administration

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<v Speaker 1>power to waiver modify unique provision under the Act in

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<v Speaker 1>an emergency. And so much of the argument turns on

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<v Speaker 1>what's the expanse of waiver and modification and did Congress

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<v Speaker 1>ever intend waiver and modification to include cancelation of up

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<v Speaker 1>to four hundred billion dollars of that was such a

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<v Speaker 1>tremendous impact upon the economy. And to put it again,

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<v Speaker 1>as you stated, to put it mildly, Chief Justice Robberts

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<v Speaker 1>was emphatically clear that he'd never thought that Congress would

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<v Speaker 1>have given so much expansive authority to the administration to

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<v Speaker 1>take that kind of action with such a broad impact

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<v Speaker 1>on the economy. In other words, this emergency power, according

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<v Speaker 1>to the seeming majority of justices, maybe postponing debt may

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<v Speaker 1>be limiting interest payments, but certainly didn't entail such broad

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<v Speaker 1>cancelation authority. Does it seem like the only hope really

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<v Speaker 1>for the student loan forgiveness program is if the justices

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<v Speaker 1>don't find standing. There's grave questions about whether the plaintiffs

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<v Speaker 1>in both combined cases have what's called standing to proceed.

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<v Speaker 1>There are lots of questions raised about whether the states

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<v Speaker 1>can demonstrate their sufficient injury to continue the case. And

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<v Speaker 1>with respect to the students were not benefited by the

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<v Speaker 1>loan cancelation, whether they have standing as being frustrated because

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<v Speaker 1>Biden didn't include them in the package of loans that

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<v Speaker 1>were to be canceled, so they may not have any

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<v Speaker 1>kind of recognized injury to pursue these claims anyway. And

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<v Speaker 1>of course their claim is odd. Their claim is it's

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<v Speaker 1>we should have been included it, and so you should

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<v Speaker 1>knock down the Biden plan. That's a very strange kind

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<v Speaker 1>of standing. And I do think it's fair to say

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<v Speaker 1>that if the court takes this case decides it on

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<v Speaker 1>the merits, which would not for sure but likely go

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<v Speaker 1>against the Abiden administration, they will be broadening standing, which

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<v Speaker 1>is unusual because this court in the past is most

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<v Speaker 1>recently narrowed standing in lots of different ways. So that's

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<v Speaker 1>why I think this is a tough case. You have

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<v Speaker 1>a case on standing being able to get into court,

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<v Speaker 1>which is challenging, but on the merits, based on the

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<v Speaker 1>oral argument, at least a good number of the court,

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<v Speaker 1>we're saying that Biden administration overstepped its bounds in deciding

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<v Speaker 1>to cancel these student debts, which could be twenty five

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<v Speaker 1>to forty million people at a cost over thirty years

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<v Speaker 1>of four hundred billion dollars to the economy, which again,

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<v Speaker 1>this is a huge undertaking by the Abiden administration. So

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<v Speaker 1>let's look at standing first, Because it seemed as if

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<v Speaker 1>the liberal justices were more concerned about standing, except for

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<v Speaker 1>just does any Coney Barrett, Here's justice any Coney Barrett

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<v Speaker 1>questioning Missouri's standing. Why didn't the state just make Mohila

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<v Speaker 1>come then, if Mohilla is really an arm of the state,

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<v Speaker 1>and all of this would be a lot easier than

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<v Speaker 1>The Solicitor General conceded that if Mohila was here, Mohila

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<v Speaker 1>would have standing. If Mohilla is an arm of the state,

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<v Speaker 1>why didn't you just strong arm Mohilla and say you've

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<v Speaker 1>got to pursue this suit. Yeah, So there's two theories

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<v Speaker 1>of standing with respect of the states. All the states

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<v Speaker 1>said that they will have injuring fact because their tax

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<v Speaker 1>revenues may go down because of the cancelation by the

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<v Speaker 1>Biden administration of the student loans. That argument, I think

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<v Speaker 1>is very weak, because, if anything, their tax proceeds may

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<v Speaker 1>go up because of the student debt forgiveness, because people

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<v Speaker 1>will have more money to spend and more money to

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<v Speaker 1>invest in, more confidence in the economy about the respect

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<v Speaker 1>of state, So the states can't show a connection between

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<v Speaker 1>cancelation of student debt and any kind of harm to

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<v Speaker 1>their tax claffers. Both the size of both the Biden

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<v Speaker 1>administration and the plaintiffs argued that a entity that processes loans,

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<v Speaker 1>they might suffer because of the fact that there will

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<v Speaker 1>be fewer people that turn to them for processing loans

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<v Speaker 1>because their loans will be forgiven under the Biden plan,

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<v Speaker 1>And that's true, that would be injury. In fact, most

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<v Speaker 1>of those loan processors are private. There is one processor

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<v Speaker 1>in Missouri which is a kind of state corporation that's

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<v Speaker 1>separate from the state but yet is public, and so

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<v Speaker 1>that's called Mahilla. And so it was a question as

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<v Speaker 1>even though they haven't come in into this case, they

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<v Speaker 1>have ensued whether Missouri as a state has enough overlap

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<v Speaker 1>with Mohilla, so that day in essence can say that

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<v Speaker 1>either they will be affected if Mohilla suffers, or where

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<v Speaker 1>they can raise Mahillo's claims on behalf of Mahla because

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<v Speaker 1>they're both part of the state of Missouri. So that

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<v Speaker 1>was the nexus of the standing argument that was presented.

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<v Speaker 1>And it's a very complicated question because under Missouri Lawhilla

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<v Speaker 1>can sue and be sued in its own name, and

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<v Speaker 1>its debts will not be subject to being paid by

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<v Speaker 1>the state of Missouri. So there are a state created institution,

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<v Speaker 1>but they're separate from the coffers of the state, and

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<v Speaker 1>they chose not to sue in this case. So that's

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<v Speaker 1>the question is whether that injury, which everybody recognizes sufficient

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<v Speaker 1>for injury in fact, whether Missouri as a state can

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<v Speaker 1>stand in the shoes of that injury and advocate it

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<v Speaker 1>in order to get into court to challenge the student

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<v Speaker 1>debt program. Let's talk about the merits. What do you

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<v Speaker 1>think was the main concern of the justices? Was it

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<v Speaker 1>a problem with separation of powers? Was it something else?

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<v Speaker 1>The problem that the justices sought articulated over and over

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<v Speaker 1>is this is a massive program. And did Congress when

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<v Speaker 1>it enacted the Heroes Act and gave the administration the

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<v Speaker 1>power and emergency to make modifications to the student loan programs,

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<v Speaker 1>did they ever envision something on this scale, a scale

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<v Speaker 1>that would encompass twenty five to forty million people in

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<v Speaker 1>this country, a scale that could cause cancelation of debts

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<v Speaker 1>to the amount of four hundred billion dollars over thirty years.

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<v Speaker 1>And I think they just thought that this was such

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<v Speaker 1>a massive scale that the Biden administration wasn't just sort

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<v Speaker 1>of modifying the program in a national emergency, but by

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<v Speaker 1>canceling debt, it was actually changing the nature of the

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<v Speaker 1>student loan program. And the question is whether Congress really

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<v Speaker 1>anticipated or envisioned an administration having that much power, even

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<v Speaker 1>though they said that you should have extraordinary powers in

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<v Speaker 1>the face of an emergency. So most of the argument

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<v Speaker 1>with respect of the merits just delved into what degree

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<v Speaker 1>of modification power the administration could use in an emergency.

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<v Speaker 1>Everybody agreed that COVID would be a relevant emergency, but

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<v Speaker 1>did that emergency justify a complete transformation of the student

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<v Speaker 1>loan program? That was the nub of the merits argument.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, is this all about the major questions doctrine

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<v Speaker 1>that the Court has used before to stop Biden administration

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<v Speaker 1>initiatives during the pandemic, like the moratorium on randal evictions

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<v Speaker 1>that was struck down. The Court did invoke the major

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<v Speaker 1>questions doctrine as a way to suggest that if we're

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<v Speaker 1>not sure about the scope of Congress's intended delegation, then

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<v Speaker 1>we should put our finger on the scale of saying

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<v Speaker 1>we don't allow an agency to take such kind of

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<v Speaker 1>wide and expansive action unless we're very confident that the

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<v Speaker 1>Congress wanted them to go that far. And the language

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<v Speaker 1>under the Heroes Act, under which the Biden administration predicated

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<v Speaker 1>this change, allows the sector of Education to make a

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<v Speaker 1>waiver and a modification to the program. So clearly Congress said,

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<v Speaker 1>we think you should take action in an emergency. And

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<v Speaker 1>the question is, by using the language waiver and modification,

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<v Speaker 1>does that include cancelation as well? And if you have

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<v Speaker 1>the sort of priors, if you will or you have

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<v Speaker 1>the expectation that agencies should not take expansive interpretations of

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<v Speaker 1>authority granted by Congress, then you come down the side

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<v Speaker 1>that a cancelation does not equal a waiver or a modification.

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<v Speaker 1>But if, on the other hand, if you come down

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<v Speaker 1>the side that Congress was acting in an extraordinary way

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<v Speaker 1>saying you the administration should take extraordinary measures in the

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<v Speaker 1>face of an emergency, then a waiver and a modification

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<v Speaker 1>can include a cancelation. And then what the Biden administration

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<v Speaker 1>would be upheld. Even Justice Kavanaugh said that you know,

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<v Speaker 1>Congress acted here, thought about the problem, and it wanted

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<v Speaker 1>to give the Education Department extraordinary powers to protect Americans

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<v Speaker 1>in the face of any kind of emergency, whether it's

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<v Speaker 1>like nine to eleven, which precipitated passage of the Hero's Act,

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<v Speaker 1>or if it's like COVID. So there is a question,

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<v Speaker 1>even with respect to the so called conservative justices, how

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<v Speaker 1>they may come down if they reach the mirrors on

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<v Speaker 1>this delegation issue. Justice Kavanaugh also said that some of

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<v Speaker 1>the biggest mistakes in the Court's history were deferring to

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<v Speaker 1>assertions of executive or emergency power. He did say that

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<v Speaker 1>he was referring to the seizure of the mills in

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<v Speaker 1>the Korean War by President Truman. Maybe he was referring

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<v Speaker 1>to President Trump and the border wall from when he

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<v Speaker 1>invoked the emergency for that, I don't know, but he

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<v Speaker 1>was also probably talking about what we did after nine

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<v Speaker 1>to eleven in terms of guantanamobey as well. The other

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<v Speaker 1>justices didn't seem to pick up on this. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>I think that what Justice Kevin I said is very important.

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<v Speaker 1>That you have to be very careful about allowing an

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<v Speaker 1>emergency declaration to paper over the kind of legal issues

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<v Speaker 1>that may arise, and that certainly was manifested in Youngstown

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<v Speaker 1>steal as well as in some other cases. But most

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<v Speaker 1>of the rest of the Court seemed focused on whether

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<v Speaker 1>this was an excessive delegation. In other words, whether the

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<v Speaker 1>Education Department went outside the borders of what Congress would

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<v Speaker 1>have anticipated, as opposed to debating whether this is a

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<v Speaker 1>proper invocation of an emergency or not. I mean, the

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<v Speaker 1>difficulty is clearly many Americans felt the sting of COVID

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<v Speaker 1>and the fact of having to bear these student loans

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<v Speaker 1>during a time of economic privation was extremely tough. But

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<v Speaker 1>does that say just forbearance and wait three years before

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<v Speaker 1>you pay off the loan, or does that say you

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<v Speaker 1>could actually cancel the student loans themselves. And that's a

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<v Speaker 1>big difference. And I think the Court was troubled by

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<v Speaker 1>the fact that Congress had an explicitly given the power

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<v Speaker 1>to the Education Department to cancel loans as opposed to

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<v Speaker 1>just issue forbearance. I think they all would agree that

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<v Speaker 1>the Education Secretary had the power to say, Okay, let's

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<v Speaker 1>wait three years before we collect your loans. We won't

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<v Speaker 1>charge you interest. Let's wait five years. That would have

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<v Speaker 1>been okay, But the question of cancelation, maybe that was

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<v Speaker 1>too far in the minds of at least a number

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<v Speaker 1>of the justices. Several of the conservative justices, including the

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<v Speaker 1>Chief talking about what he called the fairness argument, which

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<v Speaker 1>echoes a common criticism from opponents of the student loan program,

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<v Speaker 1>who argues it punishes Americans who couldn't afford college or

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<v Speaker 1>worked hard to pay off their loans. Here's Justice Neil

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<v Speaker 1>Gorsage on that point. What I think they argue that

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<v Speaker 1>is missing is cost to other persons in terms of fairness,

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<v Speaker 1>for example, people who've paid their loans, people who don't

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<v Speaker 1>have planned their lives around not seeking loans, and people

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<v Speaker 1>who are not eligible for loans in the first place.

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<v Speaker 1>And that half a trillion dollars is being diverted to

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<v Speaker 1>one group of favored persons over others. So this is

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<v Speaker 1>a conservative trope to use that language, but it does

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<v Speaker 1>factor here in a particular way. If the Court were

0:13:36.800 --> 0:13:40.640
<v Speaker 1>to take up the merits of the Biden administration decision

0:13:40.720 --> 0:13:45.439
<v Speaker 1>and decide that the Biden administration had the power to cancel,

0:13:45.760 --> 0:13:48.080
<v Speaker 1>then the question would be whether it's decision to cancel

0:13:48.120 --> 0:13:50.640
<v Speaker 1>the debt was, in the words of the Administry of

0:13:50.640 --> 0:13:53.800
<v Speaker 1>Procedure act arbitrary and capricious. And what the Justice is

0:13:53.880 --> 0:13:59.240
<v Speaker 1>noted was that in these declarations of policy announcing the

0:13:59.280 --> 0:14:04.240
<v Speaker 1>cancelation of the debts, there was no recognition or acknowledgement

0:14:04.760 --> 0:14:09.679
<v Speaker 1>of the potential unfairness to those who had gone to

0:14:10.080 --> 0:14:13.120
<v Speaker 1>a less costly school because of the face of the debt,

0:14:13.360 --> 0:14:15.559
<v Speaker 1>or those who had struggled to pay off the debt,

0:14:15.920 --> 0:14:19.520
<v Speaker 1>and that there was at least no recognition of those

0:14:19.600 --> 0:14:23.880
<v Speaker 1>interests in the calculus that was used by the least

0:14:23.960 --> 0:14:28.040
<v Speaker 1>articulated by the Education Department announcing the cancelation. So that

0:14:28.200 --> 0:14:32.480
<v Speaker 1>issue would arise only if the court decided that the

0:14:32.600 --> 0:14:35.880
<v Speaker 1>Education Department had the power to issue a cancelation, and

0:14:35.920 --> 0:14:38.400
<v Speaker 1>then they would just decide whether that was fair. And

0:14:38.480 --> 0:14:42.360
<v Speaker 1>they might say that because the Biden administration didn't articulate

0:14:42.360 --> 0:14:46.120
<v Speaker 1>the concerns that could be raised by people who weren't benefited,

0:14:46.240 --> 0:14:49.400
<v Speaker 1>such as the two plaintiffs in the second companion case,

0:14:49.640 --> 0:14:53.160
<v Speaker 1>that the whole cancelation should be dismissed for being arbitrary

0:14:53.160 --> 0:14:56.720
<v Speaker 1>and capricious. If they do that, that would leave open

0:14:57.560 --> 0:15:02.280
<v Speaker 1>the path for the Education Department go back and announce

0:15:02.320 --> 0:15:07.360
<v Speaker 1>again anew the cancelation, only this time addressing the concerns

0:15:07.480 --> 0:15:11.040
<v Speaker 1>of those who weren't benefited, and just to find the

0:15:11.120 --> 0:15:14.280
<v Speaker 1>line drawing that the Education Department had to do in

0:15:14.360 --> 0:15:18.120
<v Speaker 1>deciding who should get their loans canceled and who like

0:15:18.280 --> 0:15:20.400
<v Speaker 1>me who paid off their loans years and years ago,

0:15:20.600 --> 0:15:23.800
<v Speaker 1>would not get any kind of reimbursement. Hours and hours

0:15:23.800 --> 0:15:26.880
<v Speaker 1>of oral arguments becoming even harder to tell what's going

0:15:26.920 --> 0:15:30.840
<v Speaker 1>on with these cases. But do you see even the

0:15:30.880 --> 0:15:35.160
<v Speaker 1>possibility of five justices forget the standing issue, who would

0:15:35.200 --> 0:15:39.440
<v Speaker 1>vote to uphold the student loan forgiveness program. I think

0:15:39.440 --> 0:15:42.480
<v Speaker 1>that the court might be fractured. It's possible that there

0:15:42.480 --> 0:15:46.280
<v Speaker 1>would be some justices saying this is an excessive delegation

0:15:46.480 --> 0:15:49.240
<v Speaker 1>or the major question SOCTA and would apply, and therefore

0:15:49.480 --> 0:15:53.520
<v Speaker 1>the bide administration policy must be rescinded. There's some who'd say, well,

0:15:53.920 --> 0:15:57.800
<v Speaker 1>there was a targeted emergency type of delegation to the

0:15:57.920 --> 0:16:01.920
<v Speaker 1>Education Department. We should allow the Education Department to proceed,

0:16:02.280 --> 0:16:04.920
<v Speaker 1>but it has to do so in a measured, thoughtful way.

0:16:05.320 --> 0:16:08.440
<v Speaker 1>And because they didn't give concern to the people who

0:16:08.440 --> 0:16:11.560
<v Speaker 1>would feel frustrated and left out of this cancelation program,

0:16:11.840 --> 0:16:14.040
<v Speaker 1>that the administration has to go back and do it again.

0:16:14.240 --> 0:16:17.200
<v Speaker 1>That kind of fracture we saw in the Docker case

0:16:17.480 --> 0:16:20.200
<v Speaker 1>a couple of terms ago. The Docker case, what the

0:16:20.240 --> 0:16:22.080
<v Speaker 1>court said was Okay, you have the power to do this,

0:16:22.440 --> 0:16:26.080
<v Speaker 1>but you didn't really have a complete enough explanation about

0:16:26.120 --> 0:16:30.920
<v Speaker 1>all the factors. And so the Chief Justice was invoking

0:16:31.040 --> 0:16:33.040
<v Speaker 1>that case in that approach to say, Okay, if you

0:16:33.120 --> 0:16:35.480
<v Speaker 1>had the power, the least you had to consider the

0:16:35.520 --> 0:16:38.400
<v Speaker 1>fairness and the impact on thitter parties, and they would

0:16:38.400 --> 0:16:41.160
<v Speaker 1>send it back. And so there may be that kind

0:16:41.320 --> 0:16:43.320
<v Speaker 1>of alliance, and I do think there'll be a couple

0:16:43.360 --> 0:16:47.000
<v Speaker 1>of justices and maybe even as you mentioned Justice Barrett,

0:16:47.040 --> 0:16:51.040
<v Speaker 1>who decides there's certainly no standing in this case. If

0:16:51.040 --> 0:16:55.040
<v Speaker 1>the Justice's rule against the student loan program, well, that

0:16:55.240 --> 0:16:59.840
<v Speaker 1>amplify frustrations that many Americans have with the Supreme Court

0:17:00.080 --> 0:17:05.639
<v Speaker 1>that continues to interfere in these major political decisions and

0:17:06.400 --> 0:17:09.560
<v Speaker 1>seems to be out of step with the majority of Americans.

0:17:10.280 --> 0:17:14.600
<v Speaker 1>I think there'll be a continued wave of frustration, perhaps

0:17:14.640 --> 0:17:18.640
<v Speaker 1>anger at the Supreme Court for its willingness to curtail

0:17:18.680 --> 0:17:22.040
<v Speaker 1>the operations of the executive branch. And indeed there may

0:17:22.040 --> 0:17:25.160
<v Speaker 1>be some political fallout, and this may give President Biden

0:17:25.560 --> 0:17:28.439
<v Speaker 1>more of another kind of argument to use in his

0:17:28.560 --> 0:17:32.720
<v Speaker 1>reelection campaign, showing people that, hey, what administration does is

0:17:32.720 --> 0:17:36.040
<v Speaker 1>really important people's lives, and so therefore you should give

0:17:36.040 --> 0:17:40.000
<v Speaker 1>me another four years. That may happen as well. Let's

0:17:40.040 --> 0:17:43.639
<v Speaker 1>talk for a moment again about the Major Questions doctrine.

0:17:43.880 --> 0:17:47.480
<v Speaker 1>It was the Roberts Court that established that doctrine. The

0:17:47.560 --> 0:17:51.920
<v Speaker 1>Roberts Court established it. There was reference to earlier cases

0:17:52.080 --> 0:17:55.840
<v Speaker 1>in which the Roberts Courts had articulated the Major Questions doctrine.

0:17:56.119 --> 0:17:59.320
<v Speaker 1>Justice Scalia was one of the first two articulated and

0:18:00.000 --> 0:18:02.280
<v Speaker 1>a sort of a single point. And then since that

0:18:02.359 --> 0:18:07.640
<v Speaker 1>time more courses systematically referenced it, and now it's known

0:18:07.640 --> 0:18:09.879
<v Speaker 1>and basically you can look at the Major Questions in

0:18:09.920 --> 0:18:12.960
<v Speaker 1>a variety of ways. At its most appealing, which many

0:18:12.960 --> 0:18:15.080
<v Speaker 1>people don't agree with it, but at its most appealing,

0:18:15.480 --> 0:18:17.359
<v Speaker 1>the major question. Doctor and says, Look, if we're not

0:18:17.480 --> 0:18:22.600
<v Speaker 1>sure that Congress gave the agency this authority and the

0:18:22.640 --> 0:18:27.240
<v Speaker 1>agency's action would chart a whole new path in terms

0:18:27.320 --> 0:18:31.600
<v Speaker 1>of social and economic policy, we should read the delegation narrowly.

0:18:32.000 --> 0:18:35.679
<v Speaker 1>But I think, as the so called liberal justices noted

0:18:35.800 --> 0:18:39.840
<v Speaker 1>in this case, we know what the Congress did. Congress

0:18:39.920 --> 0:18:42.479
<v Speaker 1>wanted to give the head of the Department of Education

0:18:42.560 --> 0:18:46.360
<v Speaker 1>the authority to deal with an emergency, and so it's

0:18:46.440 --> 0:18:49.200
<v Speaker 1>not like charting a new path. It's not like being

0:18:49.680 --> 0:18:52.679
<v Speaker 1>an activist. They're just trying to interpret the powers that

0:18:52.840 --> 0:18:58.280
<v Speaker 1>Congress gave him, and in this case, to cancel at

0:18:58.359 --> 0:19:01.160
<v Speaker 1>least part of the student loan debt that twenty five

0:19:01.240 --> 0:19:04.919
<v Speaker 1>or forty million people in the United States has. There's

0:19:04.920 --> 0:19:09.520
<v Speaker 1>an interesting argument under the Major Questions doctrine. During the discussion,

0:19:09.680 --> 0:19:13.200
<v Speaker 1>the point was raised about whether it is less risky

0:19:13.280 --> 0:19:15.800
<v Speaker 1>for Congress to give a great deal of power to

0:19:15.840 --> 0:19:20.320
<v Speaker 1>administrative agencies in administering benefits programs as opposed to in

0:19:20.359 --> 0:19:24.960
<v Speaker 1>regulating The thought underlying that discussion was, if you're just

0:19:25.000 --> 0:19:28.879
<v Speaker 1>talking about merits, you're not giving the ability administration to

0:19:28.920 --> 0:19:33.320
<v Speaker 1>regulate new areas, to compromise new kinds of economies at all.

0:19:33.400 --> 0:19:36.880
<v Speaker 1>All you're suggesting is whether to tinker with a program

0:19:36.920 --> 0:19:41.120
<v Speaker 1>that Congress clearly established, and even if it's canceled, then

0:19:41.119 --> 0:19:45.639
<v Speaker 1>you're not necessarily again changing the economies of industries. And

0:19:45.720 --> 0:19:50.080
<v Speaker 1>so from that perspective, a number of justices echoed that thought,

0:19:50.160 --> 0:19:54.800
<v Speaker 1>as did this listener general that a delegation of the

0:19:54.880 --> 0:19:58.080
<v Speaker 1>power to limit a marriage program. It could be Social Security,

0:19:58.200 --> 0:20:01.000
<v Speaker 1>or it could be here education loan is a lot

0:20:01.119 --> 0:20:05.119
<v Speaker 1>less dangerous, and therefore the major questions doctor should not

0:20:05.160 --> 0:20:08.000
<v Speaker 1>apply as fully as opposed to when we're talking about

0:20:08.040 --> 0:20:11.800
<v Speaker 1>regulating new authorities such as carbon emissions. Well, we'll have

0:20:11.840 --> 0:20:15.640
<v Speaker 1>to keep guessing about what happens until perhaps as late

0:20:15.680 --> 0:20:18.440
<v Speaker 1>as June when they come down with their final decisions

0:20:18.480 --> 0:20:21.879
<v Speaker 1>of the term. Thanks so much, Hal, that's professor Harold

0:20:21.920 --> 0:20:26.680
<v Speaker 1>Krent of the Chicago Kent College of Law. The Supreme

0:20:26.720 --> 0:20:30.919
<v Speaker 1>Court will once again weigh the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau's fate,

0:20:31.359 --> 0:20:36.159
<v Speaker 1>focusing on whether the agency's independent funding violates the Constitution.

0:20:36.760 --> 0:20:39.159
<v Speaker 1>This week, the High Court elected to hear the Biden

0:20:39.160 --> 0:20:43.160
<v Speaker 1>administration's appeal of an October decision from the US Court

0:20:43.200 --> 0:20:46.400
<v Speaker 1>of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit that found the agency's

0:20:46.480 --> 0:20:51.560
<v Speaker 1>independent funding through the Federal Reserve was unconstitutional. A ruling

0:20:51.640 --> 0:20:54.840
<v Speaker 1>upholding the Fifth Circuits finding would wreak havoc on the

0:20:54.880 --> 0:20:59.240
<v Speaker 1>agency's operations. At the very least, the CFPB would find

0:20:59.280 --> 0:21:03.359
<v Speaker 1>paying bills difficult, and its prior rules, enforcement actions, and

0:21:03.400 --> 0:21:08.200
<v Speaker 1>settlements could become potentially invalid. Joining me is Alan Denson

0:21:08.280 --> 0:21:11.240
<v Speaker 1>a partner. It's struck and struck in Levan. The Fifth

0:21:11.280 --> 0:21:16.199
<v Speaker 1>Circuit Court of Appeals throughout never enforced pay day lending

0:21:16.320 --> 0:21:20.320
<v Speaker 1>rule explain why it did that, what its reasoning was.

0:21:20.760 --> 0:21:23.280
<v Speaker 1>Put it into one sentence. It has to do with

0:21:23.359 --> 0:21:26.560
<v Speaker 1>the unification of the purse and the sword, and that

0:21:26.640 --> 0:21:31.879
<v Speaker 1>actually comes from directly from the opinion itself. And what

0:21:32.119 --> 0:21:39.080
<v Speaker 1>that phrase covers is this idea that Congress, through appropriations

0:21:39.160 --> 0:21:43.760
<v Speaker 1>and the executive should not be under one hell, so

0:21:43.920 --> 0:21:47.800
<v Speaker 1>an executive agency should not be able to fund itself,

0:21:48.520 --> 0:21:54.119
<v Speaker 1>and that is what the FSA was able to successfully

0:21:54.280 --> 0:21:58.879
<v Speaker 1>argue and convents. The fifth circuit of is that it's

0:21:58.920 --> 0:22:02.239
<v Speaker 1>improper for an agency to be able to set its

0:22:02.320 --> 0:22:06.120
<v Speaker 1>budget and determine what it's funding. Is that power belongs

0:22:06.160 --> 0:22:09.600
<v Speaker 1>to the Congress under Article one of the Constitution, and

0:22:09.920 --> 0:22:14.159
<v Speaker 1>that violates separation of powers principle. That's the reasoning and

0:22:14.760 --> 0:22:17.280
<v Speaker 1>rationale of that. That's circum in a nutshell. Is that

0:22:17.320 --> 0:22:21.280
<v Speaker 1>a novel legal argument. It is no court has ever

0:22:22.160 --> 0:22:27.679
<v Speaker 1>reached that position before, and it's the bureaus structure is

0:22:27.760 --> 0:22:34.240
<v Speaker 1>also not necessarily novel in comparison to other agencies. In fact,

0:22:34.400 --> 0:22:39.679
<v Speaker 1>there are other financial regulators who are similarly structured like

0:22:39.760 --> 0:22:44.000
<v Speaker 1>the bureau who are not funded through appropriation who have

0:22:44.080 --> 0:22:46.960
<v Speaker 1>a single director. Great example of that would be the

0:22:47.000 --> 0:22:50.439
<v Speaker 1>occ for example, which is a sister regulator of the

0:22:50.480 --> 0:22:56.080
<v Speaker 1>CSPB on the FEC countful. The Bureau is certainly not

0:22:57.040 --> 0:23:02.440
<v Speaker 1>unique in that it is dependently funded and has the

0:23:02.440 --> 0:23:06.479
<v Speaker 1>sole director structure, which is a big thing that Circuit

0:23:06.560 --> 0:23:09.120
<v Speaker 1>seems to take issue with. I think what does make

0:23:09.160 --> 0:23:13.280
<v Speaker 1>them unique is that they're able to request a budget

0:23:13.480 --> 0:23:17.520
<v Speaker 1>of an up to amount. That's unique, But that not

0:23:17.920 --> 0:23:21.720
<v Speaker 1>the reason why the Fifth Circuit says it reached a decision.

0:23:22.040 --> 0:23:24.720
<v Speaker 1>It really has to do with this fundamental structure that

0:23:25.160 --> 0:23:28.280
<v Speaker 1>the Circuit beliefs, or the panel beliefs that an agency

0:23:28.920 --> 0:23:32.919
<v Speaker 1>should not be independent outside of congressional appropriation. So the

0:23:33.040 --> 0:23:37.399
<v Speaker 1>Fifth Circuit thinks that the funding scheme for the CFPB

0:23:37.760 --> 0:23:42.080
<v Speaker 1>is unconstitutional. That's right. Are there any other circuit courts

0:23:42.080 --> 0:23:46.400
<v Speaker 1>who've ruled on this and come to different conclusions? Yeah,

0:23:46.520 --> 0:23:50.040
<v Speaker 1>the DC Circuit early in the Bureau's history, ruled on it,

0:23:50.480 --> 0:23:55.399
<v Speaker 1>and the Ninth Circuit I believe, has also ruled on

0:23:55.440 --> 0:23:58.760
<v Speaker 1>that argument. So there is a flood. What does it

0:23:58.800 --> 0:24:01.320
<v Speaker 1>tell you that the Supreme Court declined to put this

0:24:01.400 --> 0:24:06.520
<v Speaker 1>case on an expedited schedule, as the administration asked, I

0:24:06.640 --> 0:24:10.560
<v Speaker 1>think that it means this THESPB is going to face

0:24:11.040 --> 0:24:14.520
<v Speaker 1>continued uncertainty. I think that that's a bad sign for

0:24:14.600 --> 0:24:20.399
<v Speaker 1>the agency, and I do think that they're going to

0:24:20.480 --> 0:24:23.960
<v Speaker 1>give this ruling a really close look. I mean, the

0:24:24.040 --> 0:24:28.560
<v Speaker 1>Court in its current form has done taking a hard

0:24:28.600 --> 0:24:35.480
<v Speaker 1>look at the administrative enforcement regime on multiple front in

0:24:35.520 --> 0:24:39.760
<v Speaker 1>recent terms, whether it be the Federal Trade Commission, whether

0:24:39.800 --> 0:24:44.679
<v Speaker 1>it be the EPA. Through this Major Questions doctrine that

0:24:44.760 --> 0:24:49.600
<v Speaker 1>was decided last year, they're really a fresh look being

0:24:49.600 --> 0:24:53.200
<v Speaker 1>taken at some of the things that those of us

0:24:53.280 --> 0:24:57.520
<v Speaker 1>in government enforcement work have taken for granted for decades.

0:24:58.720 --> 0:25:01.760
<v Speaker 1>The Solicitor General said the ruling has affected more than

0:25:01.840 --> 0:25:06.480
<v Speaker 1>half the bureau's twenty two enforcement cases, giving defendants an

0:25:06.560 --> 0:25:10.360
<v Speaker 1>argument for dismissal, and threatens the validity of virtually all

0:25:10.440 --> 0:25:15.639
<v Speaker 1>past CFPB actions. Can you explain what she means there? Well,

0:25:15.720 --> 0:25:20.919
<v Speaker 1>if the bureau is unconstitutional and its funding, it means

0:25:21.000 --> 0:25:25.840
<v Speaker 1>that every action it is taking as a result of

0:25:25.840 --> 0:25:30.320
<v Speaker 1>that funding is problematic and as an ultra virea's act,

0:25:30.960 --> 0:25:37.760
<v Speaker 1>So that would mean current rulemakings are invalid because those

0:25:37.920 --> 0:25:41.960
<v Speaker 1>are prepared by CFPB staff members who are funded outside

0:25:41.960 --> 0:25:46.119
<v Speaker 1>of the congressional appropriations process. It would mean that past

0:25:46.320 --> 0:25:51.800
<v Speaker 1>settlements that companies entered into were shepherded along, were forced

0:25:51.800 --> 0:25:58.080
<v Speaker 1>along by by employees who are funded outside of congressional

0:25:58.080 --> 0:26:03.760
<v Speaker 1>appropriation and and it means that current investigations are funded

0:26:04.240 --> 0:26:08.840
<v Speaker 1>illegally in the fifth circuits to view and so there

0:26:08.880 --> 0:26:11.919
<v Speaker 1>really is not anything that the Bureau can do that

0:26:12.080 --> 0:26:16.200
<v Speaker 1>doesn't require the expenditure of funds. Did the Solicitor General

0:26:16.320 --> 0:26:20.840
<v Speaker 1>ask for this decision to be held in abeyance until

0:26:20.880 --> 0:26:25.119
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court decides? Or are defendants going to start,

0:26:25.359 --> 0:26:29.640
<v Speaker 1>you know, arguing that this ruling allows dismissal of their cases.

0:26:30.840 --> 0:26:34.800
<v Speaker 1>Virtually every defendant who is in litigation right now with

0:26:34.920 --> 0:26:39.360
<v Speaker 1>the CSPB and plenty of others who are in investigations

0:26:39.400 --> 0:26:42.639
<v Speaker 1>are already making that argument, whether they're in the Fifth

0:26:42.640 --> 0:26:48.119
<v Speaker 1>Circuit or not. And so it really does affect everything

0:26:48.160 --> 0:26:52.000
<v Speaker 1>the Bureau is doing from an enforcement posture, because if

0:26:52.000 --> 0:26:56.719
<v Speaker 1>you're a defendant in one of these investigations or or litigation,

0:26:57.320 --> 0:27:00.639
<v Speaker 1>people people want to bring every defend to their side

0:27:00.640 --> 0:27:03.360
<v Speaker 1>that they can and and this is certainly one that

0:27:03.520 --> 0:27:07.159
<v Speaker 1>is that is live and is currently problematic for the bureau.

0:27:08.200 --> 0:27:11.840
<v Speaker 1>Will that be part of the Supreme Court's consideration the

0:27:12.000 --> 0:27:16.000
<v Speaker 1>number of cases that could be affected by this, I'm

0:27:16.040 --> 0:27:18.520
<v Speaker 1>not sure. I mean, they could either take of a

0:27:18.560 --> 0:27:23.240
<v Speaker 1>real politic approach that would that would be looking for

0:27:23.320 --> 0:27:28.399
<v Speaker 1>a practical result. You know, we've already got rules in

0:27:28.520 --> 0:27:32.160
<v Speaker 1>place and settlements that have happened and employees that have

0:27:32.160 --> 0:27:37.000
<v Speaker 1>been paid. Um, you know, we can't really unwine that.

0:27:37.119 --> 0:27:41.080
<v Speaker 1>So what find the middle ground? Or the Court could also,

0:27:41.600 --> 0:27:46.800
<v Speaker 1>um say, we have a really important philosophical point that

0:27:47.040 --> 0:27:50.000
<v Speaker 1>we want to express here, and we're bound by the

0:27:50.040 --> 0:27:54.920
<v Speaker 1>Constitution and we're interpreting the Constitution, and so we're not

0:27:55.040 --> 0:27:58.600
<v Speaker 1>going to change our ruling based on what the consequences

0:27:58.600 --> 0:28:00.919
<v Speaker 1>would be. And so they're I think there's kind of

0:28:00.920 --> 0:28:04.400
<v Speaker 1>two approaches there. It's unclear what the what the Court

0:28:04.440 --> 0:28:08.760
<v Speaker 1>would do. So the Court could say the Fifth Circuit

0:28:08.960 --> 0:28:13.760
<v Speaker 1>is correct, and that would mean the end of the CFPB.

0:28:15.600 --> 0:28:21.880
<v Speaker 1>Not necessarily. They could say the Fifth Circuit is correct,

0:28:22.160 --> 0:28:26.840
<v Speaker 1>and we're going to rewrite the statute. We're going to

0:28:26.960 --> 0:28:32.120
<v Speaker 1>strike the portion of the Dot Frank Act that how

0:28:32.200 --> 0:28:36.800
<v Speaker 1>the CFCB is funded, and and then that would make

0:28:36.840 --> 0:28:40.760
<v Speaker 1>them subject to congressional appropriation. They I mean they could,

0:28:40.880 --> 0:28:45.160
<v Speaker 1>they could effectively rewrite the statute and that's certainly within

0:28:46.160 --> 0:28:49.760
<v Speaker 1>their authority or strike the offending portion. And there's a

0:28:49.840 --> 0:28:53.120
<v Speaker 1>severability clause and the DoD Frank Act which which would

0:28:53.160 --> 0:28:57.400
<v Speaker 1>allow that. So the Supreme Court already dealt one major

0:28:57.480 --> 0:29:01.880
<v Speaker 1>blow to the CFPB's independent in twenty twenty. Remind us

0:29:01.920 --> 0:29:05.800
<v Speaker 1>about that. So it's it's the sail law case, and

0:29:06.120 --> 0:29:09.520
<v Speaker 1>it had to do with the removability of the director

0:29:09.520 --> 0:29:13.000
<v Speaker 1>of the CSCB, which, as I mentioned before, the single director.

0:29:13.160 --> 0:29:18.720
<v Speaker 1>There's not a commission, and that's the sole political appointee

0:29:18.720 --> 0:29:24.000
<v Speaker 1>in the office. And the Court in that case ruled

0:29:24.200 --> 0:29:27.480
<v Speaker 1>that a provision in the dot Frank Act that allowed

0:29:27.600 --> 0:29:33.080
<v Speaker 1>the CSCB director to be removed only for cause. They

0:29:33.200 --> 0:29:38.440
<v Speaker 1>said that that portion was offensive to the Constitution, again

0:29:38.600 --> 0:29:43.760
<v Speaker 1>violating separation of powers doctrine, and struck that from the

0:29:43.840 --> 0:29:49.680
<v Speaker 1>statute and that now the CSTB Director here forward will

0:29:49.720 --> 0:29:55.280
<v Speaker 1>be removable at will, and and it became immediately effective.

0:29:55.840 --> 0:29:59.280
<v Speaker 1>You referred to this before, But could this case have

0:29:59.440 --> 0:30:03.880
<v Speaker 1>implicated nations for the Federal Reserve Board, the FDIC, and

0:30:04.000 --> 0:30:08.520
<v Speaker 1>the Controller of the Currency. It could I mean if

0:30:08.520 --> 0:30:14.800
<v Speaker 1>the Court UM right a very broad opinion UM and

0:30:15.520 --> 0:30:20.480
<v Speaker 1>similar language to the Fifth Circuit, that could be used

0:30:20.480 --> 0:30:26.320
<v Speaker 1>to argue against the the OCC, FED, FDIC, who have

0:30:26.520 --> 0:30:31.800
<v Speaker 1>similar funding structures. UM. The one thing that differentiates the

0:30:32.760 --> 0:30:38.120
<v Speaker 1>FED and the FDIC is that they are they have

0:30:38.200 --> 0:30:43.680
<v Speaker 1>governing bodies, either a board or commissions and UM. And

0:30:44.120 --> 0:30:48.000
<v Speaker 1>that's different from the OCC and CFCB, who have single

0:30:48.240 --> 0:30:53.280
<v Speaker 1>director structures. But UM. But that that is one way

0:30:53.320 --> 0:30:56.720
<v Speaker 1>that the Court could rule. And the Court could also

0:30:57.520 --> 0:31:01.720
<v Speaker 1>just make a very narrow decision that would go against

0:31:01.800 --> 0:31:07.360
<v Speaker 1>the CFPB specifically, would find something unique about the bureau

0:31:07.520 --> 0:31:10.440
<v Speaker 1>and in limit it's ruling to that, or it could say,

0:31:11.800 --> 0:31:14.880
<v Speaker 1>you know, we we think this was wrongly decided, and

0:31:15.880 --> 0:31:19.280
<v Speaker 1>we're not going to say anything about the other agencies,

0:31:19.360 --> 0:31:22.560
<v Speaker 1>but we know that this case against the CFPB was

0:31:22.600 --> 0:31:27.520
<v Speaker 1>wrongly decided. Finally, will this case be a test of

0:31:28.160 --> 0:31:32.360
<v Speaker 1>how far the justices are willing to go to constrain

0:31:32.560 --> 0:31:38.000
<v Speaker 1>the so called administrative state? I do think so, but

0:31:38.360 --> 0:31:43.640
<v Speaker 1>I don't think it's the furthest that the Court has

0:31:43.680 --> 0:31:47.520
<v Speaker 1>been asked to go. I mean the West Virginia versus

0:31:47.560 --> 0:31:51.840
<v Speaker 1>EPA case, and this this major questions doctrine that was

0:31:51.880 --> 0:31:55.240
<v Speaker 1>developed in the last term was a was a pretty

0:31:55.280 --> 0:31:59.920
<v Speaker 1>far it was a pretty far out there opinion in decision.

0:32:00.280 --> 0:32:05.400
<v Speaker 1>And I don't think that any of us in the

0:32:05.440 --> 0:32:09.080
<v Speaker 1>consumer financial services bar that follows this kind of thing.

0:32:10.280 --> 0:32:12.880
<v Speaker 1>It's all that happening. And I think that there's a

0:32:12.880 --> 0:32:19.400
<v Speaker 1>lot of application of that case to CFPB and financial

0:32:19.520 --> 0:32:23.959
<v Speaker 1>regulator type positions, and I think you'll see more of

0:32:24.000 --> 0:32:30.840
<v Speaker 1>those challenges coming. So I think that West Virginia versus EPA,

0:32:31.400 --> 0:32:37.239
<v Speaker 1>perhaps it's a bigger opinion than whatever comes out of

0:32:37.240 --> 0:32:43.680
<v Speaker 1>this SA case and we'll have longer reaching implications. Thanks

0:32:43.680 --> 0:32:46.320
<v Speaker 1>for being on the Bloomberg Law Show. Alan, that's Alan

0:32:46.400 --> 0:32:49.360
<v Speaker 1>Denson a partner, It's Struck and Struck in Levan and

0:32:49.360 --> 0:32:51.520
<v Speaker 1>that's it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Show.

0:32:51.880 --> 0:32:54.160
<v Speaker 1>Remember you can always get the latest legal news on

0:32:54.240 --> 0:32:58.520
<v Speaker 1>our Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify,

0:32:58.720 --> 0:33:03.760
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0:33:04.160 --> 0:33:06.320
<v Speaker 1>and remember to tune in to The Bloomberg Law Show

0:33:06.440 --> 0:33:09.920
<v Speaker 1>every week night at ten pm Wall Street Time. I'm

0:33:10.000 --> 0:33:12.480
<v Speaker 1>June Grosso and you're listening to Bloomberg