WEBVTT - Religious Rights Case of Christian Postal Worker

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 2>So I'm happy that we all combyying together.

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<v Speaker 3>So what were the Supreme Court justice is agreeing on

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<v Speaker 3>or kumbayaing together to put it? In Justice Elena Kagan's words, Well,

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<v Speaker 3>there seemed to be consensus that the minimum standard's set

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<v Speaker 3>in nineteen seventy seven that's made it relatively easy for

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<v Speaker 3>businesses to deny workers' religious accommodation requests is too minimal.

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<v Speaker 3>Here's Justice Neil Gorsuch.

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<v Speaker 4>I think there's common ground too that deminimus can't be

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<v Speaker 4>the test in isolation, at least because Congress doesn't pass

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<v Speaker 4>civil rights legislation to have deminimous effect. Right, we don't

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<v Speaker 4>think of the civil rights laws as trifling, which is

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<v Speaker 4>the definition of deminimus. The law says since time immemorial,

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<v Speaker 4>you know that the law does not concern its with trifles.

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<v Speaker 3>In this case, a Christian US postal service worker when

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<v Speaker 3>he sued for religious discrimination. He lost at both the

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<v Speaker 3>trial court and appellate court levels. Refused to work on

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<v Speaker 3>Sunday to deliver Amazon packages, and the rural post office

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<v Speaker 3>could not accommodate his religious requests. So the real question

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<v Speaker 3>for the justices was coming up with a test to

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<v Speaker 3>determine when accommodating the religious views of an employee would

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<v Speaker 3>mean an undue hardship for the employer. Here's how Justice

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<v Speaker 3>Brett Kavanaugh posed it.

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<v Speaker 2>Do you understand undue hardship? I understand that term in

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<v Speaker 2>the original statute to reflect a balance between two important values,

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<v Speaker 2>one religious liberty and the other the rights of American

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<v Speaker 2>businesses to thrive. And to thrive, you have to be

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<v Speaker 2>able to make money.

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<v Speaker 3>My guest is Richard Garnett, a professor at Notre Dame

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<v Speaker 3>Law School and the director of the Program on Church,

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<v Speaker 3>State and Society. Rick tell us what the focus of

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<v Speaker 3>the justice was in the oral arguments.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court's oral arguments focused on the interpretation of

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<v Speaker 1>one of the federal civil rights laws, Title seven. And

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<v Speaker 1>one of the things that Title seven does is it

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<v Speaker 1>forbids religious discrimination in the workplace. And another thing that

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<v Speaker 1>it does is that it requires at least some employers

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<v Speaker 1>to provide reasonable accommodations. Is the word the statute uses

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<v Speaker 1>two employees who have special religious needs. And what had

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<v Speaker 1>happened almost fifty years ago now in nineteen seventy seven

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<v Speaker 1>was that the Supreme Court, in the case called Hartisan,

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<v Speaker 1>had interpreted this religious accommodations language in a very narrow way,

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<v Speaker 1>and a nutshell version is that the Court said that

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<v Speaker 1>if accommodating a religious employee would impose anything more than

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<v Speaker 1>a minimal cost on the employer, then an accommodation is

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<v Speaker 1>not required. And you know, interestingly, at the time, some

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<v Speaker 1>of the Court's more liberal justices, like Justice Marshall, dissented

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<v Speaker 1>from that, and over the years scholars have pointed out

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<v Speaker 1>that that's seventy seven ruling really seems inconsistent with the

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<v Speaker 1>language of the statute, but it's been in place for

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<v Speaker 1>a long time. And what the Supreme Court was focusing

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<v Speaker 1>on in its arguments was how to come up with

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<v Speaker 1>a test for religious accommodations that lines up better with

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<v Speaker 1>the language of the statutes. So it's not really a

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<v Speaker 1>case about the First Amendment itself. It's about this statute

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<v Speaker 1>that Congress passed, you know, part of the Civil Rights

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<v Speaker 1>Act again, and how to correct a mistaken interpretation to

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<v Speaker 1>better bring the work of the courts in line with

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<v Speaker 1>the language of the statute. And interestingly, and this was

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<v Speaker 1>something that Justice Gorsa and some of the other justices

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<v Speaker 1>pointed out there was a fair bit of consensus among

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<v Speaker 1>the justices that the nineteen seventy seven court had made

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<v Speaker 1>a mistake, that they narrowed the statute too much. What

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<v Speaker 1>the arguments focused on was how best to implement Congress's

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<v Speaker 1>goal of protecting religious exercise in the workplace while at

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<v Speaker 1>the same time taking account of employer's interests and other employees' interests.

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<v Speaker 3>Just going outside the argument from MoMA, the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 3>had repeatedly declined to revisit religious accommodation standards. In other case,

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<v Speaker 3>why take this case where the post office had offered

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<v Speaker 3>some accommodations to the worker, and times the postmaster himself

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<v Speaker 3>did deliveries on Sunday because he couldn't find workers, some

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<v Speaker 3>workers quit, So it seemed like this was well above

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<v Speaker 3>a deminimus standard. I wonder why they took this case.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah, And I don't have a firm theory on that.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, over the years, a number of justices and

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<v Speaker 1>in a variety of cases, a number of justices have said, look,

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<v Speaker 1>we really need to revisit this. And so this is

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<v Speaker 1>a question, the statutory interpretation question that's been on their

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<v Speaker 1>radar screen for a while, and this particular case in

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<v Speaker 1>the lower court in the Third Circuit, you had a

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<v Speaker 1>pretty detailed and clear disagreement among some of the judges

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<v Speaker 1>and sort of it teed up the legal question pretty

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<v Speaker 1>well if you want. It could well be by the

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<v Speaker 1>way that the Supreme Court corrects the nineteen seventy seven

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<v Speaker 1>decision puts out a different rule, but that this particular

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<v Speaker 1>employee still ends up losing. That that could happen. But

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<v Speaker 1>right now the issue really is kind of the justices

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<v Speaker 1>trying to decide should we promulgate a new standard that

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<v Speaker 1>lines up with the statutory language better and tell the

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<v Speaker 1>lower courts and tell employers follow this new standard.

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<v Speaker 3>The worker's attorney was urging the court to adopt a

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<v Speaker 3>standard similar to that of the civil rights laws, like

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<v Speaker 3>the Americans with Disabilities Act. Right, tell us about that argument.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah, so the statute uses the term reasonable accommodation, and

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<v Speaker 1>you know, we lawyers are familiar with the use of

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<v Speaker 1>the term reasonable, but it's not self defining. What mister Street,

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<v Speaker 1>who's the lawyer for the employee here, was saying, Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>let's analogize this standard in the Title seven Religious discrimination

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<v Speaker 1>provision to some other non discrimination laws like the Americans

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<v Speaker 1>with Disabilities Act, and that statute has clearer language which says, look,

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<v Speaker 1>employers have to accommodate employees who need it unless the

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<v Speaker 1>accommodation would impose you know, a significant or a substantial hardship.

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<v Speaker 1>So that's kind of the language that the lawyer for

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<v Speaker 1>the employee was after. And one of the things that

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<v Speaker 1>the justices were trying to get their heads around was, well,

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<v Speaker 1>is that feasible or would that impose too much cost

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<v Speaker 1>on employers potentially? And could it in some circumstances impose

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<v Speaker 1>excessive burdens on other employees. So again, the justices all

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<v Speaker 1>seemed to agree that this nineteen seventy seven rule, which

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<v Speaker 1>really watered down the statute and made it the case

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<v Speaker 1>employers almost never had to accommodate employees. They wanted them

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<v Speaker 1>move away from that. But they were each of them

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<v Speaker 1>in different ways. They were all sensitive to the fact that,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, not every accommodation can be granted, So how

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<v Speaker 1>do you come up with language that'll provide clear guidance

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<v Speaker 1>but also you know, take account of all the competing factors.

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<v Speaker 3>Even though, as you mentioned, Justice Elena Kaigan even said

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<v Speaker 3>that there was some level of kumba yang between the

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<v Speaker 3>justices on the bench. But with regard to that making

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<v Speaker 3>the standard like the Americans with Disabilities Act, it seemed

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<v Speaker 3>like the three liberals were against that. They said that

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<v Speaker 3>this case is based on statutory interpretation and it's up

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<v Speaker 3>to Congress to decide that.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah, and I think some of those judges, but again,

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<v Speaker 1>not only do the liberal justices asked questions along this line,

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<v Speaker 1>were wary of importing language into Title seven that isn't

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<v Speaker 1>actually in that text and that might be more demanding. Now.

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<v Speaker 1>The one response to that is, well, you know, the

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<v Speaker 1>words in the nineteen seventy seven case deminimus aren't in

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<v Speaker 1>there either, And instead the language you have in the

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<v Speaker 1>statute is reasonable accommodation and undue hardship. So I think

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<v Speaker 1>mister Street, the lawyer for the employee, argued, Look, Congress

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<v Speaker 1>did speak. Congress enacted a statute that said accommodate employees

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<v Speaker 1>unless doing so would impose an undue hardship. We're not

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<v Speaker 1>asking the court to rewrite what Congress did. We're asking

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<v Speaker 1>the court to give effect to what Congress did. The

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<v Speaker 1>concern that you mentioned, and I think Justice Kagan mentioned

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<v Speaker 1>as well, is well, look, Congress has known about this

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen seventy seven case for a long time, and if

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<v Speaker 1>Congress wanted to, they could give us clearer guidance about

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<v Speaker 1>how to implement this statute. And so I think that's

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<v Speaker 1>one reason why she was nervous about just pulling language

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<v Speaker 1>from another statute, because she thought, well, let's wait and

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<v Speaker 1>see if Congress wants us to do that.

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<v Speaker 3>How critical to the decision is it that Justices Amy Cony,

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<v Speaker 3>Barrett and Brett Kavanaugh suggested that this request from the

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<v Speaker 3>postal worker would have unduly burdened his coworkers by requiring

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<v Speaker 3>them to cover his hours on Sundays.

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<v Speaker 1>Yeah. I took him to be raised in an issue

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<v Speaker 1>which is going to come up in a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>accommodations cases, right, which is, if we're asking whether an

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<v Speaker 1>accommodation would impose an undue hardship on the employer, don't

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<v Speaker 1>we also have to consider the burden that the accommodation

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<v Speaker 1>might put on other employees. Now, there have been some

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<v Speaker 1>lower court cases where employers have denied accommodations and they've

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<v Speaker 1>just said, well, you know, we can't afford to accommodate

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<v Speaker 1>employee A, because that might make employee be sort of

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<v Speaker 1>resentful of it. And I don't think the justices thought

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<v Speaker 1>that was a very persuasive argument. But if you do

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<v Speaker 1>have an on the job situation where an effort to

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<v Speaker 1>accommodate employee A really is difficult and would impose again

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<v Speaker 1>undue hardships not only on the employer's bottom line, but

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<v Speaker 1>also on other employees, I think that's a factor that

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<v Speaker 1>Justices Kavanaugh and Barrett wanted to make sure it was

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<v Speaker 1>part of the mix.

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<v Speaker 3>And so how do you think it'll come out.

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<v Speaker 1>I think the Court, I suspect this will be unanimous,

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<v Speaker 1>to be honest, will acknowledge that the nineteen seventy seven

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<v Speaker 1>hardest and ruling and the dominimous language doesn't really comport

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<v Speaker 1>with the statute. And it does sound like there might

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<v Speaker 1>well be some division among the justices about what kind

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<v Speaker 1>of a standard the Court should supply, whether it's more

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<v Speaker 1>accommodationist or more deferential to employers. And then I don't

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<v Speaker 1>think the Court will resolve for itself whether this particular

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<v Speaker 1>employee should win. I would expect instead that the case

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<v Speaker 1>would go back and proceed in line with the new standards.

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<v Speaker 3>You know, I'm just wondering. The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission

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<v Speaker 3>said that the lower courts haven't you used Title seven's

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<v Speaker 3>deminimous cost test. Is that true?

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<v Speaker 1>Well, there's some dispute about this, right, some argued, and

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<v Speaker 1>I should say that I joined a brief that argued

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<v Speaker 1>this that when you look over the full array of

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<v Speaker 1>Title seven cases involving religious accommodations, that a whole lot

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<v Speaker 1>of courts have denied accommodations when those accommodations would impose

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<v Speaker 1>really small costs. At the same time, the EEOC argued,

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<v Speaker 1>as you pointed out, and I think Justice Kagan made

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<v Speaker 1>this point also, and certainly the Solicitor General did that

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<v Speaker 1>even with that deminimous language, at least in some cases,

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<v Speaker 1>employees have secured accommodations. So this might be one of

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<v Speaker 1>those things where how you see it depends on where

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<v Speaker 1>you start from. But in my view, it's pretty clear

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<v Speaker 1>that employees have not been getting accommodated to the extent

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<v Speaker 1>that Congress envisioned when it passed Title seven.

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<v Speaker 3>Thanks for being on the show, Rick. That's Professor Richard

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<v Speaker 3>Garnett of Notre Dame Law School in a case with legal, economic,

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<v Speaker 3>and political ramifications, the Supreme Court issued a mixed decision

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<v Speaker 3>over whether the United States can bring criminal charges against

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<v Speaker 3>Turkey state owned Hawk Bank over allegations that helped Durand

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<v Speaker 3>to evade economic sanctions by laundering billions of dollars through

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<v Speaker 3>the US financial system. The Justice has rejected Hawkbank's primary

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<v Speaker 3>argument that federal law prohibits prosecutions of foreign governments and

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<v Speaker 3>the companies they own. Justice Brett Kavanaugh, who made his

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<v Speaker 3>view clear during the oral arguments, wrote the opinion for

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<v Speaker 3>seven of the justices.

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<v Speaker 2>I think it's pretty bizarre for this Court to tell

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<v Speaker 2>the President of the United States, as a matter of

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<v Speaker 2>his national security exercise, that even though the Constitution doesn't

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<v Speaker 2>prohibit what you're doing, even though a statute doesn't prohibit

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<v Speaker 2>what you're doing, this Court's going to prohibit your exercise

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<v Speaker 2>of national security authority. That talk about big steps, it is.

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<v Speaker 2>That's huge.

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<v Speaker 3>But the opinion left the bank with an out, sending

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<v Speaker 3>the case back to the second Circuit, where Hallbank will

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<v Speaker 3>have a chance to make an argument for sovereign immunity

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<v Speaker 3>from prosecution under the common law. Two Justices Neil Gorsuch

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<v Speaker 3>and Samuel Alito said they would have ruled definitively that

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<v Speaker 3>the prosecution of Halkbank can go forward. Joining me is

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<v Speaker 3>an expert on constitutional law, Harold Krant, a professor with

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<v Speaker 3>the Chicago Kent College of Law. So how start by

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<v Speaker 3>explaining Halkbank's arguments here?

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<v Speaker 4>Well?

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<v Speaker 5>Haulk Bank argued is the second circuit in the Supreme

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<v Speaker 5>Court that they could not be subject to criminal jurisdiction

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<v Speaker 5>in the United States courts, and they focus on a

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<v Speaker 5>provision in the Foreign Sovereign's Community to Act, which was

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<v Speaker 5>enacted in nineteen seventy six and four in Starned Immunity

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<v Speaker 5>Act most clearly relates to civil proceedings and confers partial

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<v Speaker 5>immunity on foreign instrumentalities for suits in the federal courts,

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<v Speaker 5>but in one provision it does talk more generally, suggesting

0:13:01.000 --> 0:13:04.360
<v Speaker 5>that foreigness mentalities will be immune from any kind of

0:13:04.440 --> 0:13:07.400
<v Speaker 5>jurisdiction in the US courts. So the Supreme Court had

0:13:07.440 --> 0:13:11.320
<v Speaker 5>to determine whether that one provision in the Foreign Sovereign's

0:13:11.440 --> 0:13:15.600
<v Speaker 5>Muniact conferred immunities in criminal cases as well as in

0:13:15.679 --> 0:13:18.360
<v Speaker 5>civil and the Court concluded that given all of the

0:13:18.440 --> 0:13:22.600
<v Speaker 5>other provisions of Oren Cyberg's Muniact, which were plainly targeted

0:13:22.679 --> 0:13:27.120
<v Speaker 5>only at civil activities of foreigness frutalities that they would

0:13:27.280 --> 0:13:30.480
<v Speaker 5>construe a Foreign Cerberus Muniact in that manner and only

0:13:30.520 --> 0:13:34.080
<v Speaker 5>to focus on civil activities of foreigness and mentalities and

0:13:34.120 --> 0:13:37.600
<v Speaker 5>not cover at all any kind of potential criminal jurisdiction and.

0:13:37.559 --> 0:13:40.240
<v Speaker 3>Tell us about the line above the justices in the case.

0:13:40.800 --> 0:13:45.160
<v Speaker 5>The decision was seven to two, but the dissent disagreed

0:13:45.200 --> 0:13:48.000
<v Speaker 5>with the analysis under the Foreign Cyber's Muni Act, but

0:13:48.040 --> 0:13:51.000
<v Speaker 5>would have reached the same type of conclusion, which would

0:13:51.040 --> 0:13:54.560
<v Speaker 5>be that it's very likely that Hawk Bank will be

0:13:54.679 --> 0:13:57.960
<v Speaker 5>found to be not immune by the Second Circuit on

0:13:58.080 --> 0:14:01.120
<v Speaker 5>reman from the Supreme Court, But they would arrived at

0:14:01.120 --> 0:14:05.440
<v Speaker 5>that conclusion in a different manner than the seven justices

0:14:05.480 --> 0:14:09.000
<v Speaker 5>the majority by saying that the Foreign Sovereignties uniac applies,

0:14:09.400 --> 0:14:12.480
<v Speaker 5>but that Hawk Bank falls within the commercial activity exception.

0:14:13.120 --> 0:14:17.080
<v Speaker 3>So the opinion gives Haulbank a possible out, sending the

0:14:17.120 --> 0:14:19.960
<v Speaker 3>case back to the Second Circuit where the bank will

0:14:20.000 --> 0:14:23.160
<v Speaker 3>have a chance to argue for sovereign immunity from prosecution

0:14:23.400 --> 0:14:26.760
<v Speaker 3>under the common law. But didn't that argument already fail

0:14:26.880 --> 0:14:27.800
<v Speaker 3>in the Lower courts.

0:14:28.320 --> 0:14:32.160
<v Speaker 5>So what's bizarre about the majority opinion is that it

0:14:32.280 --> 0:14:35.640
<v Speaker 5>remands the case back to the Second Circuit to determine

0:14:35.680 --> 0:14:39.880
<v Speaker 5>whether any common law immunities would immunize hawk Bank from

0:14:40.120 --> 0:14:43.920
<v Speaker 5>the criminal trial. But in the end of the opinion,

0:14:44.080 --> 0:14:46.880
<v Speaker 5>the Second Circuit already said that even if the Foreign

0:14:46.920 --> 0:14:49.840
<v Speaker 5>Sovereigny's uniac didn't apply, and we had to look at

0:14:49.840 --> 0:14:52.960
<v Speaker 5>common law immunities, we would find that hawk Bank is

0:14:52.960 --> 0:14:56.120
<v Speaker 5>not immune for two separate reasons. So it's a little

0:14:56.200 --> 0:15:00.080
<v Speaker 5>unclear why the Supreme Court remanted this case back the

0:15:00.120 --> 0:15:03.640
<v Speaker 5>Second Circuit, and the two justices in descent sort of

0:15:03.680 --> 0:15:08.240
<v Speaker 5>berated their colleagues for leaving the Second Circuit scratching its

0:15:08.240 --> 0:15:10.920
<v Speaker 5>collective heads about what it's supposed to do now, because

0:15:10.960 --> 0:15:13.960
<v Speaker 5>it had already ruled pretty clearly on the common law

0:15:14.120 --> 0:15:16.000
<v Speaker 5>munity issue and explain.

0:15:15.720 --> 0:15:17.720
<v Speaker 3>The common law immunity issue for us.

0:15:18.520 --> 0:15:23.080
<v Speaker 5>So, even if there's no statutory immunity for hawk Bank,

0:15:23.200 --> 0:15:25.480
<v Speaker 5>in other words, that the Foreign Sovereigns Communities Act did

0:15:25.480 --> 0:15:28.680
<v Speaker 5>not protect them or cloak them with immunity, they might

0:15:28.720 --> 0:15:32.000
<v Speaker 5>still enjoy some common law immunities from suit given the

0:15:32.040 --> 0:15:34.880
<v Speaker 5>fact that they are a foreign newsru mentality, so they're

0:15:34.920 --> 0:15:38.200
<v Speaker 5>part of the foreign government. The Second Circuit combed those

0:15:38.240 --> 0:15:42.000
<v Speaker 5>authorities and said, there's two reasons to think that any

0:15:42.080 --> 0:15:45.000
<v Speaker 5>kind of immunity that existed at common law, they may

0:15:45.000 --> 0:15:47.960
<v Speaker 5>have been adopted by the United States, et cetera, wouldn't apply.

0:15:48.440 --> 0:15:51.320
<v Speaker 5>The first is because there is a line of precedent,

0:15:51.400 --> 0:15:55.200
<v Speaker 5>which was mentioned in the concurring opinions in the Supreme Court,

0:15:55.520 --> 0:15:58.560
<v Speaker 5>which hold that it's the executive that gets to make

0:15:58.600 --> 0:16:01.560
<v Speaker 5>it the decision as to whether foreigns some mentality should

0:16:01.560 --> 0:16:05.000
<v Speaker 5>be hauled into court for criminal purposes, that that's really

0:16:05.040 --> 0:16:09.240
<v Speaker 5>a political issue, and that court should defer to the executive,

0:16:09.320 --> 0:16:13.920
<v Speaker 5>meaning the precedent, in determining whether prosecutions should pursue. There's

0:16:13.920 --> 0:16:17.720
<v Speaker 5>another line of decisions that say that foreigns some mentalities

0:16:17.760 --> 0:16:21.680
<v Speaker 5>have never been immune from criminal jurisdiction as long as

0:16:21.720 --> 0:16:27.160
<v Speaker 5>the crimes arise out of commercial activities, which everybody has

0:16:27.160 --> 0:16:29.400
<v Speaker 5>held that they did in this case because it was

0:16:29.440 --> 0:16:34.160
<v Speaker 5>a banking effort to shield billions of dollars of Iranian

0:16:34.520 --> 0:16:38.280
<v Speaker 5>oil revenue. So on those two grounds, the Second Circuits said,

0:16:38.520 --> 0:16:41.080
<v Speaker 5>you know, in either one of this, there's an exception

0:16:41.160 --> 0:16:44.280
<v Speaker 5>for common law immunity if the President says, go ahead

0:16:44.280 --> 0:16:48.640
<v Speaker 5>and prosecute, and if the actions arose out of commercial activities.

0:16:48.840 --> 0:16:51.040
<v Speaker 5>So those are the two common law immunities so far

0:16:51.320 --> 0:16:54.920
<v Speaker 5>that there have been exceptions, and the Second Circuit has

0:16:54.920 --> 0:16:58.280
<v Speaker 5>already articulated them, so presumably they will do so again

0:16:58.760 --> 0:17:00.560
<v Speaker 5>upon Remand if the.

0:17:00.480 --> 0:17:04.240
<v Speaker 3>Second Circuit rejects this, as we expect they will, since

0:17:04.240 --> 0:17:06.600
<v Speaker 3>they've done it already, can this go to trial?

0:17:06.680 --> 0:17:10.840
<v Speaker 5>Then absolutely it'll go for trial, and Hawk Bank stands

0:17:10.880 --> 0:17:14.199
<v Speaker 5>to lose stands and be fined a tremendous amount if

0:17:14.240 --> 0:17:18.080
<v Speaker 5>they are found to be in fact liable for trying

0:17:18.119 --> 0:17:22.040
<v Speaker 5>to basically shield all of this Iranian oil money despite

0:17:22.160 --> 0:17:24.560
<v Speaker 5>our sanctions that we had applied to Iran.

0:17:25.160 --> 0:17:28.119
<v Speaker 3>Is there a possibility that they could work out a

0:17:28.200 --> 0:17:32.520
<v Speaker 3>deal with the US government about a penalty to pay.

0:17:33.280 --> 0:17:33.480
<v Speaker 4>Yeah.

0:17:33.520 --> 0:17:36.760
<v Speaker 5>Plea barkins are always possible, and indeed pre bargains, as

0:17:36.760 --> 0:17:40.760
<v Speaker 5>you know, are frequently entered into avoid the cost and

0:17:40.840 --> 0:17:43.320
<v Speaker 5>uncertainty of a major trial like this. So if the

0:17:43.359 --> 0:17:48.080
<v Speaker 5>Second Circuit does reject the immunity claim by Hawk Bank,

0:17:48.600 --> 0:17:52.480
<v Speaker 5>it's likely they will consider some kind of plea agreement

0:17:52.640 --> 0:17:56.359
<v Speaker 5>which might then avoid the ugliness of a protracted trial,

0:17:56.840 --> 0:18:00.960
<v Speaker 5>leaving the end result unclear for Hawk, but also in

0:18:01.080 --> 0:18:05.120
<v Speaker 5>meshing or emboiling us in continuing friction with the Turkish government.

0:18:05.480 --> 0:18:09.240
<v Speaker 3>I just want to note that Bloomberg Intelligence senior litigation

0:18:09.480 --> 0:18:14.359
<v Speaker 3>analyst Elliott Stein estimates that it's seventy percent likely that

0:18:14.480 --> 0:18:17.280
<v Speaker 3>Hulk Bank will fail to get immunity and wind up

0:18:17.320 --> 0:18:21.879
<v Speaker 3>paying a penalty that exceeds one billion dollars. Now, there's

0:18:21.960 --> 0:18:25.400
<v Speaker 3>never been a criminal prosecution of a state owned bank before,

0:18:25.800 --> 0:18:28.200
<v Speaker 3>so is this decision then precedent setting?

0:18:28.560 --> 0:18:31.040
<v Speaker 5>Well, this is the first time the Supreme Court is

0:18:31.080 --> 0:18:34.960
<v Speaker 5>ever plainly and unequivocally said that the Foreign subverigers and UNIAC,

0:18:35.000 --> 0:18:38.359
<v Speaker 5>which again was agreed to in nineteen seventy six, only

0:18:38.400 --> 0:18:42.640
<v Speaker 5>applies to civil cases. That Congress was not concerned about

0:18:42.640 --> 0:18:46.439
<v Speaker 5>criminal cases when it enacted this statute, and it was

0:18:46.480 --> 0:18:51.919
<v Speaker 5>only focused on twitter contract actions against foreign instrumentalities. So

0:18:52.000 --> 0:18:55.480
<v Speaker 5>that is the clear president setting feature of this case.

0:18:55.840 --> 0:18:58.720
<v Speaker 5>Most people thought that the Foreign muniac did not apply

0:18:58.840 --> 0:19:01.680
<v Speaker 5>to criminal activities, but people weren't sure, and there were

0:19:01.720 --> 0:19:05.919
<v Speaker 5>some different sort of dicta in lower court decisions. So

0:19:05.960 --> 0:19:08.199
<v Speaker 5>that's been put to rest, and we know that the

0:19:08.240 --> 0:19:11.960
<v Speaker 5>foreign carverge maniac only addresses civil conduct.

0:19:12.080 --> 0:19:15.359
<v Speaker 3>This is a case that didn't go down ideological lines.

0:19:15.400 --> 0:19:19.639
<v Speaker 5>Not at all. And indeed, the two concurring justices Justice

0:19:19.760 --> 0:19:23.520
<v Speaker 5>of course, that justice you know, Alito, are obviously usually

0:19:23.560 --> 0:19:28.679
<v Speaker 5>voting along with Justices Kavanaugh and Thomas, but they split

0:19:28.720 --> 0:19:29.320
<v Speaker 5>in this case.

0:19:29.920 --> 0:19:32.760
<v Speaker 3>So how let's turn now to another case where there

0:19:32.800 --> 0:19:36.800
<v Speaker 3>was no ideological split. The Supreme Court unanimously said that

0:19:36.920 --> 0:19:41.240
<v Speaker 3>companies and people facing agency investigations or complaints by the

0:19:41.320 --> 0:19:45.639
<v Speaker 3>SEC or FTC can go straight to federal court with

0:19:45.760 --> 0:19:50.000
<v Speaker 3>some constitutional challenges. So following the trend of the Supreme

0:19:50.080 --> 0:19:53.680
<v Speaker 3>Court to ham in the administrative state.

0:19:53.680 --> 0:19:57.439
<v Speaker 5>And again it's a decision which did not reflect ideological lines.

0:19:57.480 --> 0:20:00.359
<v Speaker 5>Although I agree with you, it follows a trend of

0:20:00.400 --> 0:20:04.359
<v Speaker 5>the justices to terrain in the power of the administrative state.

0:20:04.480 --> 0:20:07.400
<v Speaker 5>Those were continuing at a very heavy pace. The case

0:20:07.480 --> 0:20:10.800
<v Speaker 5>concerning the question about whether individuals and companies we are

0:20:10.840 --> 0:20:14.879
<v Speaker 5>subject to enforcement orders by administrative agencies can in the

0:20:15.320 --> 0:20:20.280
<v Speaker 5>midst of those proceedings stop and file a lawsuit in

0:20:20.600 --> 0:20:24.359
<v Speaker 5>district court to get the district court to rule on

0:20:24.880 --> 0:20:29.320
<v Speaker 5>what is termed structural challenges to the agency. Issues such

0:20:29.359 --> 0:20:33.840
<v Speaker 5>as the fact that the agency is unconstitutionally structured under

0:20:33.920 --> 0:20:38.160
<v Speaker 5>Article two of the Constitution, or that Congress delegated too

0:20:38.200 --> 0:20:42.159
<v Speaker 5>much authority to the agency under Article one of the Constitution,

0:20:42.800 --> 0:20:45.480
<v Speaker 5>or the fact that they are entitled to a jury

0:20:45.520 --> 0:20:49.720
<v Speaker 5>trial because the issue at stake relates to something that

0:20:49.840 --> 0:20:52.200
<v Speaker 5>was subject to jury trials at the time but founding.

0:20:52.520 --> 0:20:55.119
<v Speaker 5>So obviously, there's a whole panoply of these challenges that

0:20:55.160 --> 0:20:59.040
<v Speaker 5>are pending around the country. And prior to the case

0:20:59.280 --> 0:21:03.280
<v Speaker 5>Exxon that the Supreme Court decided, every lower court case said,

0:21:03.280 --> 0:21:06.800
<v Speaker 5>this is crazy to interrupt these administrative proceedings to allow

0:21:06.920 --> 0:21:10.480
<v Speaker 5>a list of some unknown constitutional questions to be aired,

0:21:10.800 --> 0:21:13.320
<v Speaker 5>because it just means it's more of a ping pong

0:21:13.400 --> 0:21:15.960
<v Speaker 5>ball between the Court of Appeals and the District Court

0:21:16.000 --> 0:21:18.600
<v Speaker 5>and the agencies. And let's group all these claims in

0:21:18.640 --> 0:21:22.880
<v Speaker 5>one together and have them aired if the party loses

0:21:23.040 --> 0:21:25.840
<v Speaker 5>before a court, and the court will then be able

0:21:25.880 --> 0:21:31.600
<v Speaker 5>to assess both statutory, procedural and constitutional claims together. Indeed,

0:21:31.880 --> 0:21:34.639
<v Speaker 5>who in Justice Cavanaugh was on the DC Circuit, he

0:21:34.840 --> 0:21:38.119
<v Speaker 5>similarly ruled that these challenges have to be grouped together.

0:21:38.400 --> 0:21:41.320
<v Speaker 5>You don't want to interrupt an administrative process while it's

0:21:41.359 --> 0:21:43.919
<v Speaker 5>going on to give the incentive to the parties to

0:21:44.560 --> 0:21:48.720
<v Speaker 5>raise these constitutional challenges. But surprisingly, in my mind, the

0:21:48.840 --> 0:21:51.879
<v Speaker 5>unanimous Supreme Court has held that we don't know what

0:21:51.920 --> 0:21:55.240
<v Speaker 5>a special claim is. They didn't give very good guidance

0:21:55.280 --> 0:21:57.920
<v Speaker 5>to the lower courts. But if you raise this certain

0:21:58.000 --> 0:22:02.120
<v Speaker 5>kind of constitutional challenges to an administrative agency, you can

0:22:02.160 --> 0:22:05.600
<v Speaker 5>go write to district court and have that adjudicated prior

0:22:05.640 --> 0:22:09.240
<v Speaker 5>to completion of an enforcement proceeding against your company or

0:22:09.280 --> 0:22:10.640
<v Speaker 5>against an individual.

0:22:10.800 --> 0:22:14.720
<v Speaker 3>What I don't quite understand is, so you have these

0:22:14.840 --> 0:22:18.240
<v Speaker 3>challenges that are constitutional challenges, so there are challenge is

0:22:18.280 --> 0:22:21.919
<v Speaker 3>that anyone can bring up? So doesn't this mean that

0:22:22.000 --> 0:22:25.280
<v Speaker 3>everyone who gets sued by the SEC or the FTC

0:22:25.400 --> 0:22:28.520
<v Speaker 3>is going to bring up these challenges and try to

0:22:28.560 --> 0:22:29.760
<v Speaker 3>take it to district court.

0:22:31.200 --> 0:22:36.960
<v Speaker 5>It's an absolute invitation for anyone subject to FDIC or

0:22:37.000 --> 0:22:42.600
<v Speaker 5>THEDA or the SEC, FDC and so forth to figure

0:22:42.600 --> 0:22:46.840
<v Speaker 5>out some kind of challenge because delay means money, and

0:22:46.880 --> 0:22:50.399
<v Speaker 5>so if your client is subject to some kind of

0:22:50.440 --> 0:22:54.280
<v Speaker 5>losing of a license or a permit or something else,

0:22:54.640 --> 0:22:57.280
<v Speaker 5>you know that time is money, and so it's a

0:22:57.359 --> 0:23:00.400
<v Speaker 5>wonderful incentive to go and figure out some kind of

0:23:00.680 --> 0:23:03.680
<v Speaker 5>So called constitutional claim that's never been raised with force

0:23:03.760 --> 0:23:07.200
<v Speaker 5>been raised by other parties, because that will then force

0:23:07.280 --> 0:23:11.560
<v Speaker 5>the district courts to schedule those arguments and gain possibly

0:23:11.600 --> 0:23:15.199
<v Speaker 5>delay for your client, and delay is money. So it's

0:23:15.240 --> 0:23:19.680
<v Speaker 5>a very impractical decision. But I think that you're right

0:23:19.720 --> 0:23:22.960
<v Speaker 5>to know that this goes along with the decisions that

0:23:23.119 --> 0:23:27.159
<v Speaker 5>are certain inscribing administrative authority. That the legal issue turns

0:23:27.200 --> 0:23:30.440
<v Speaker 5>on the question of what's Congressional intent when Congress sets

0:23:30.520 --> 0:23:34.399
<v Speaker 5>up the scheme with review of the administrative agency's final

0:23:34.440 --> 0:23:37.240
<v Speaker 5>decision in the Court of Appeals, did it intend to

0:23:37.400 --> 0:23:42.920
<v Speaker 5>implicitly preclude interlocutory or non final challenges to agency authority.

0:23:43.160 --> 0:23:46.080
<v Speaker 5>That's a legal issue, and I think it's pretty clear

0:23:46.160 --> 0:23:49.160
<v Speaker 5>in thinking about the final judgment rule that Congress has

0:23:49.200 --> 0:23:51.720
<v Speaker 5>imposed in the federal courts that when kind of sets

0:23:51.800 --> 0:23:56.040
<v Speaker 5>up these review mechanisms, it intends non final challenges to

0:23:56.160 --> 0:23:59.560
<v Speaker 5>be only decided when the review of the entire case

0:23:59.640 --> 0:24:04.439
<v Speaker 5>goes the Court of Appeals. But the Court decided otherwise unanimously,

0:24:04.520 --> 0:24:08.440
<v Speaker 5>and indeed Justice Gorcius says that we as the Court

0:24:08.480 --> 0:24:13.040
<v Speaker 5>have an unflagging obligation to exercise jurisdiction unless Congress very

0:24:13.160 --> 0:24:16.199
<v Speaker 5>very clearly tells us we shouldn't do so. And so

0:24:16.600 --> 0:24:20.000
<v Speaker 5>he's suggesting that all of these administrative review schemes unless

0:24:20.040 --> 0:24:24.199
<v Speaker 5>Congress says, and no other challenge shall be cognizable in

0:24:24.240 --> 0:24:27.760
<v Speaker 5>court prior to review on off the final decision, unless

0:24:27.760 --> 0:24:31.399
<v Speaker 5>Congress says that that just courts can entertain challenges to

0:24:31.440 --> 0:24:35.920
<v Speaker 5>administrative agencies. And what's striking about that is that simply

0:24:36.000 --> 0:24:39.520
<v Speaker 5>not the way our federal court system is set up.

0:24:40.040 --> 0:24:45.000
<v Speaker 5>Because individuals who lose summary judgment motions or companies that

0:24:45.160 --> 0:24:49.320
<v Speaker 5>lose motions to dismiss can't get those challenges, even if

0:24:49.320 --> 0:24:51.920
<v Speaker 5>they're very similar to the ones that are at play

0:24:52.200 --> 0:24:55.320
<v Speaker 5>in the Exxon case itself, they can't get those into

0:24:55.560 --> 0:24:58.840
<v Speaker 5>court of appeals until after they go through the trial

0:24:58.880 --> 0:25:01.520
<v Speaker 5>of all of their claim it's more efficient. That's what

0:25:01.680 --> 0:25:04.200
<v Speaker 5>Congress is determined. But the Court has said that even

0:25:04.280 --> 0:25:07.679
<v Speaker 5>though Congress has structured the system of appeals in that

0:25:07.720 --> 0:25:10.440
<v Speaker 5>way in the federal courts, that it has a very

0:25:10.480 --> 0:25:14.960
<v Speaker 5>different idea for the administrative agencies, that it didn't want

0:25:15.000 --> 0:25:18.439
<v Speaker 5>to give administrative agencies the same kind of respect that

0:25:18.560 --> 0:25:19.280
<v Speaker 5>district courts have.

0:25:20.400 --> 0:25:26.600
<v Speaker 3>Why are the conservatives on the Court so intent on

0:25:27.119 --> 0:25:31.920
<v Speaker 3>trying to dismantle the administrative state to give more power

0:25:31.920 --> 0:25:32.920
<v Speaker 3>to the judiciary.

0:25:33.320 --> 0:25:36.480
<v Speaker 5>I think there's a number of sort of paradoxes here.

0:25:36.480 --> 0:25:40.080
<v Speaker 5>I mean, the Court has been very accepting of strong

0:25:40.160 --> 0:25:45.480
<v Speaker 5>executive authority, but very suspicious of administrative authority. And I

0:25:45.480 --> 0:25:49.119
<v Speaker 5>guess the positive aspect of their decisions is that they

0:25:49.400 --> 0:25:53.160
<v Speaker 5>were trying to prod Congress to take more responsibility for

0:25:53.359 --> 0:25:57.480
<v Speaker 5>policy decisions that affect us all, as opposed to delegating

0:25:57.800 --> 0:26:01.879
<v Speaker 5>or allowing administrative agencies to reach such important decisions. That

0:26:02.040 --> 0:26:06.320
<v Speaker 5>is the positive part about the suspicion of administrative agency power,

0:26:06.320 --> 0:26:10.520
<v Speaker 5>because the administrative agencies do exercise these powerful policy preferences

0:26:10.640 --> 0:26:13.320
<v Speaker 5>or do reflect those policy preferences in a way that

0:26:13.359 --> 0:26:16.879
<v Speaker 5>affects all of our business and private laws, from the

0:26:16.920 --> 0:26:21.720
<v Speaker 5>pandemic to export controls to emissions of carbon dioxide. But

0:26:21.800 --> 0:26:24.840
<v Speaker 5>there is a problem because the problem is if Congress

0:26:24.880 --> 0:26:28.480
<v Speaker 5>doesn't go into the weeds and craft all these policies

0:26:28.520 --> 0:26:31.040
<v Speaker 5>with great care, the question is who's going to pick

0:26:31.080 --> 0:26:34.359
<v Speaker 5>up the slack. And so our government has been shaped

0:26:34.400 --> 0:26:36.879
<v Speaker 5>for the last seventy five years in a way that

0:26:37.080 --> 0:26:42.080
<v Speaker 5>encourages Congress to delegate to agencies and the Court is

0:26:42.119 --> 0:26:45.080
<v Speaker 5>in the process of trying to pull that back and

0:26:45.280 --> 0:26:47.600
<v Speaker 5>to say that if there's going to be any kind

0:26:47.640 --> 0:26:52.760
<v Speaker 5>of important rules, those rules should come from Congress and

0:26:52.880 --> 0:26:57.240
<v Speaker 5>not from these administrative agencies. So it's a view of

0:26:57.920 --> 0:27:00.000
<v Speaker 5>going back to the way the country was seventy five

0:27:00.000 --> 0:27:03.560
<v Speaker 5>five years ago, and there is some merit to it.

0:27:03.760 --> 0:27:06.320
<v Speaker 5>But if one doesn't have faith that Congress will take

0:27:06.400 --> 0:27:11.199
<v Speaker 5>up the challenge and exercise all of these important roles

0:27:11.240 --> 0:27:14.760
<v Speaker 5>that the Court wants it to play, then we're going

0:27:14.800 --> 0:27:18.120
<v Speaker 5>to be left in a situation where we're not being

0:27:18.119 --> 0:27:20.639
<v Speaker 5>governed by any entity very effectively.

0:27:21.320 --> 0:27:23.800
<v Speaker 3>I mean, I'm just wondering why the liberals went along

0:27:23.880 --> 0:27:27.080
<v Speaker 3>with this decision. Are they just throwing up their hands

0:27:27.119 --> 0:27:29.879
<v Speaker 3>and saying, we can't fight this anymore.

0:27:30.520 --> 0:27:33.399
<v Speaker 5>It's a great question why the liberal justices on the

0:27:33.440 --> 0:27:37.960
<v Speaker 5>Court decided to cut back the power of administrative agencies

0:27:38.000 --> 0:27:40.359
<v Speaker 5>in the Exxon case. It may be that they were

0:27:40.400 --> 0:27:42.639
<v Speaker 5>afraid that there would be a worse decision if they

0:27:42.640 --> 0:27:45.600
<v Speaker 5>didn't go along with their majority colleagues in this case.

0:27:45.800 --> 0:27:49.680
<v Speaker 5>That's one hypothesis, or for another, they may have thought

0:27:49.720 --> 0:27:53.880
<v Speaker 5>that it's healthy to air all of these constitutional challenges

0:27:53.920 --> 0:27:57.280
<v Speaker 5>the agency authority. And finally, when the courts reject most

0:27:57.320 --> 0:28:01.199
<v Speaker 5>of them, then that will be less room for disagreement

0:28:01.200 --> 0:28:05.040
<v Speaker 5>in the future, and then administrative enforcement actions can proceed

0:28:05.520 --> 0:28:08.359
<v Speaker 5>without this kind of ping pong balls in terms of

0:28:08.440 --> 0:28:12.320
<v Speaker 5>being hauled into court on these constitutional actions. But there

0:28:12.359 --> 0:28:15.479
<v Speaker 5>are dozens, if not hundreds of cases that are pending

0:28:15.520 --> 0:28:19.040
<v Speaker 5>now in which these constitutional questions have been raised, and

0:28:19.119 --> 0:28:22.480
<v Speaker 5>so these were the next five years you will see

0:28:22.640 --> 0:28:26.720
<v Speaker 5>just a courts having to decide case after case of

0:28:26.760 --> 0:28:31.320
<v Speaker 5>these innovative challenges to administrative agency authority. And that can't

0:28:31.320 --> 0:28:34.120
<v Speaker 5>be in a good and the short term for the individuals,

0:28:34.119 --> 0:28:37.000
<v Speaker 5>the courts or for the administrative agencies.

0:28:37.080 --> 0:28:39.600
<v Speaker 3>Thanks so much, Hal. That's Professor Harold Krent of the

0:28:39.680 --> 0:28:42.480
<v Speaker 3>Chicago Kent College of Law. And that's it for this

0:28:42.640 --> 0:28:45.360
<v Speaker 3>edition of The Bloomberg Law Show. Remember you can always

0:28:45.400 --> 0:28:48.320
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0:28:48.600 --> 0:28:51.600
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0:28:51.760 --> 0:28:56.800
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0:28:56.880 --> 0:28:59.880
<v Speaker 3>remember to tune into The Bloomberg Law Show every weeknight

0:29:00.080 --> 0:29:03.480
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0:29:03.520 --> 0:29:05.000
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