WEBVTT - Voting Rights Act Circuit Split, Future Wealth Tax in Question

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. Catch us weekdays

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<v Speaker 2>Welcome to the Bloomberg Law Show.

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<v Speaker 3>I'm Greg Storr and I'm Lydia Wheeler. We're filling in

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<v Speaker 3>for June Grasso, who's out this week ahead.

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<v Speaker 2>In this hour, we'll talk about a case that asks

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<v Speaker 2>the US Supreme Court to decide if Congress has the

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<v Speaker 2>authority to tax foreign earnings. Cases being closely watched for

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<v Speaker 2>its potential to stop Congress from creating a future wealth tax.

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<v Speaker 3>But first, a federal appeals court issued a ruling recently

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<v Speaker 3>that seemed to gut the Voting Rates Act, or at

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<v Speaker 3>least a key section of it. Joining us now to

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<v Speaker 3>explain it all is Carolyn Shapiro, co director of the

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<v Speaker 3>Chicago Kent College of Law Institute on the Supreme Court. So, Carolyn,

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<v Speaker 3>tell us what the a Circuit Court of Appeals did here.

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<v Speaker 4>Bisuka said that the Voting Rights Act of nineteen sixty

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<v Speaker 4>five cannot be enforced by private litigants. That the only

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<v Speaker 4>way it can be enforced, and in particular the most

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<v Speaker 4>operative part today, which is Section two can only be

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<v Speaker 4>enforced by the federal government. That's a really remarkable, dramatic,

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<v Speaker 4>and just really unwarranted holding. People have been litigating Section

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<v Speaker 4>two cases for decades, and it's sort of true that

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<v Speaker 4>there's no express Supreme Court opinion that says, in so

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<v Speaker 4>many words, there's a private right of action under Section two.

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<v Speaker 4>But that's because it's been clear for so long that

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<v Speaker 4>there's a right of action under Section two. In fact,

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<v Speaker 4>it's been so clear for so long that kind of

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<v Speaker 4>keeps reenacting the law on that assumption. This would be

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<v Speaker 4>it would be just an incredible upheaval of voting right

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<v Speaker 4>litigation and law if this is allowed to stand.

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<v Speaker 2>Can you just remind us and our listeners what the

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<v Speaker 2>Voting Rights Act does, and in particular what Section two does.

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<v Speaker 4>So, the Voting Rights Act of nineteen sixty five is

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<v Speaker 4>the law that basically made the Fifteenth Amendment, which allowed

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<v Speaker 4>African Americans to vote, made it effective. The Fifteenth Amendment,

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<v Speaker 4>of course, was a Reconstruction era amendment shortly after World

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<v Speaker 4>the Civil War, and then for many many decades it

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<v Speaker 4>was largely ineffective. States in the South found ways to

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<v Speaker 4>make it impossible or difficult for African Americans to vote,

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<v Speaker 4>and the courts basically allowed that to happen, including the

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<v Speaker 4>Supreme Court. In nineteen sixty five, Congress enacted the Voting

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<v Speaker 4>Rights Act, and that really changed everything. It made our

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<v Speaker 4>country the multi racial democracy that we support to be.

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<v Speaker 4>So it's an incredibly important piece of let's aslation. People

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<v Speaker 4>often refer to it as the crown jewel of the

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<v Speaker 4>civil rights business. Section two of the of the Voting

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<v Speaker 4>Rights That provides that where there is a practice or

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<v Speaker 4>a set of policies that make it difficult for a

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<v Speaker 4>group of minority voters to elect the representatives of their

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<v Speaker 4>choice it comparably to the way white voters can that

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<v Speaker 4>that can violate the statute. So, for example, the redistricting

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<v Speaker 4>is done in such a way so that African Americans

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<v Speaker 4>can't elect their own, their favored representatives, that can violate

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<v Speaker 4>Section two of the Voting Rights Act. It doesn't require

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<v Speaker 4>intentional discrimination. It looks to the effects of certain types

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<v Speaker 4>of decisions that states and local governments make about voting.

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<v Speaker 4>It's been very important for many years, but it's even

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<v Speaker 4>more important than it used to be because In twenty thirteen,

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<v Speaker 4>the Supreme Court made the other most significant part of

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<v Speaker 4>the voting Right tech inoperative, which is Section five, the

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<v Speaker 4>part that required certain jurisdictions to get approval before they

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<v Speaker 4>made changes in their voting systems.

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<v Speaker 3>Can you back up a little bit for us and

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<v Speaker 3>explain how this case came about. I know it was

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<v Speaker 3>a lawsuit brought by voters in Arkansas. Is that right?

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<v Speaker 5>Yeah?

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<v Speaker 4>This is an Arkansas case, and the district court in Arkansas,

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<v Speaker 4>I believe, said that it found that there was no

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<v Speaker 4>private right of action under section two of the fourteenth Amendment,

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<v Speaker 4>and it reached that decision, if I'm remembering correctly, even

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<v Speaker 4>without the state having raised the question of its own

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<v Speaker 4>accord claiming that there were. It was a jurisdictional question

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<v Speaker 4>and that therefore it was required to consider that. This

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<v Speaker 4>is a really remarkable overreach. I can't emphasize that enough.

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<v Speaker 2>Tell us about the circuit decision and the reasoning there.

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<v Speaker 2>Why did they say there was no avoute for.

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<v Speaker 4>Private They looked at the language of the statute, and

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<v Speaker 4>they looked at the language of the statute in extremely

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<v Speaker 4>isolated detail. And it is true. The language of the

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<v Speaker 4>statute doesn't contain the words private right of action, and

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<v Speaker 4>the language of the statute doesn't say in so many

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<v Speaker 4>words that private individuals can do under the statute. There

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<v Speaker 4>are many many statutes like that in the federal legislation,

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<v Speaker 4>and historically the Court used to be somewhat more open

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<v Speaker 4>to inferring of private right of action into particular statutes

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<v Speaker 4>than it has become in more recent years. However, it

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<v Speaker 4>has also said that where it's been clear that there's

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<v Speaker 4>a private right of action in the past, that that

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<v Speaker 4>had been inferred in the past, and in particular, where

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<v Speaker 4>Congress has reenacted the statute, the Court shouldn't go back

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<v Speaker 4>and reparse the language of the statute under the wonders

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<v Speaker 4>that did not exist when it was originally enactive. So

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<v Speaker 4>it looks what the atificate is to look at the

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<v Speaker 4>words of the statute in complete isolation of how the

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<v Speaker 4>statute has been applied for decades, and in complete isolation

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<v Speaker 4>of the legislative history. With a reenactment of the statute,

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<v Speaker 4>where it is extremely clear that Congress intended for people

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<v Speaker 4>to be able to bring lawsuits to enforced Section.

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<v Speaker 3>Two, what's exactly is the state arguing in this case, the.

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<v Speaker 4>State is arguing that they just can't be sued unless

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<v Speaker 4>they're being sued by the federal government, which basically means

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<v Speaker 4>that if the federal government doesn't have the resources or

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<v Speaker 4>the ability, or depending on the administration, that desire to

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<v Speaker 4>enforce the Voting Rights Act, the Voting Rights Act doesn't

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<v Speaker 4>get enforced. They're saying that a private person or a

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<v Speaker 4>private individual such as the NAAFP, or individual voters or

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<v Speaker 4>a community organization just simply can't do anything about it,

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<v Speaker 4>regardless of how blatant the violation of their voting rights are, you.

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<v Speaker 2>Know, cal And one thing that struck me about this

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<v Speaker 2>decision is that reading parts of it, at least there

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<v Speaker 2>was a congressional report from i think the House and

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<v Speaker 2>Senate Judiciary committees that said, we understand this law to

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<v Speaker 2>allow for private lawsuits. Is this one of these cases

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<v Speaker 2>where the legislative history what Congress intended and was talking

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<v Speaker 2>about says one thing, but the language of the statute

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<v Speaker 2>at least arguably says something else.

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<v Speaker 4>Well, I think that's how the Eighth took it, interpreted

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<v Speaker 4>the statute, or chose to interpret with the statute. But

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<v Speaker 4>I think that that is a real triumph of form

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<v Speaker 4>over substance. The statute itself doesn't expressly say one way

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<v Speaker 4>or the other whether there's a private right of action.

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<v Speaker 4>It certainly doesn't prohibit there from being one, and historically

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<v Speaker 4>it's been appropriate for courts to infer a private right

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<v Speaker 4>of action. The Court has again in recent years changed

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<v Speaker 4>that approach. But Congress, the Congress that enacted the law

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<v Speaker 4>before Congress changed that approach, of course, didn't know that

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<v Speaker 4>that was going to happen. They were operating on the

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<v Speaker 4>assumption that people have been doing to enforce the voting

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<v Speaker 4>right back for a long time and would continue to

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<v Speaker 4>do so. And we'll say that in our explanation of

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<v Speaker 4>our we enactment of the law. So it's I would

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<v Speaker 4>not say that the law says one thing, in the

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<v Speaker 4>legislative history says another. But that is at least in part,

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<v Speaker 4>how the Eighth Circuit tries to defend its position.

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<v Speaker 2>Well.

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<v Speaker 3>Coming up in the program, we'll dive deeper into the

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<v Speaker 3>recent voting rates ruling out of the Eighth Circuit Court

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<v Speaker 3>of Appeals with Carolyn Shapiro. Remember, you can always get

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<v Speaker 3>the latest legal news by listening to Bloomberg Law podcast

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<v Speaker 3>on Apple, Spotify, or wherever it is you get your podcasts.

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<v Speaker 2>I'm Lydia Wheeler and I'm Greg store. This is Bloomberg.

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to the Bloomberg Law Podcast. Catch the program

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<v Speaker 2>I'm Lydia Wheeler and I'm Greg Store in for June Grosso.

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<v Speaker 2>We've been speaking with Carolyn Shapiro of Chicago Kent College

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<v Speaker 2>of Law about the recent ruling out of the Eighth

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<v Speaker 2>US Circuit Court of Appeals on the Voting Rights Act. So, Carolyn,

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<v Speaker 2>we talked a lot about this ruling coming out of

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<v Speaker 2>the Circuit of a very conservative appeals court.

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<v Speaker 5>There was a.

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<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court decision a couple of years ago that perhaps

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<v Speaker 2>laid the groundwork for this, a concurring opinion by Justice

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<v Speaker 2>Neil Gorsich. Can you tell us a little bit about that.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, So this is a case called Burnovitch that came

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<v Speaker 4>out of Arizona, and in this case, it was a

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<v Speaker 4>Section two lawsuit that challenged a number of practices in

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<v Speaker 4>Arizona having to do with the ability for people to

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<v Speaker 4>use mail in ballots and things like that. It was

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<v Speaker 4>what's called a vote denial claim as opposed to vote dilution,

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<v Speaker 4>So it didn't have to do with redistricting. It had

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<v Speaker 4>to do with other practices. And the Supreme Court read

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<v Speaker 4>Section two in that context fairly narrowly, but did not

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<v Speaker 4>address the question of whether there's a private right of action,

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<v Speaker 4>and in fact that wasn't presented. Scursich wrote a concurrence

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<v Speaker 4>in which joined by Justice Thomas. In that concurrence, he said,

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<v Speaker 4>you know, nobody's raised this question, but it's been a

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<v Speaker 4>sort of a question that other courts have asked in

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<v Speaker 4>the past, and he cited a district Court opinion from

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<v Speaker 4>the nineteen eighties as his example of why this is

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<v Speaker 4>remains an open question, which I have to say not

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<v Speaker 4>it might be very persuasive, but he put it out

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<v Speaker 4>there for litigants to pick up, and of course they did.

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<v Speaker 4>That's that's why he did it. And people who read

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<v Speaker 4>the court opinions are looking for those kinds of invitations.

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<v Speaker 4>So both courts, as in the District Court in this

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<v Speaker 4>Arkansas case, and the litigants in the Arkansas case and

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<v Speaker 4>in other cases now as well, are starting to make

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<v Speaker 4>that argument and to say, hey, this is an open question,

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<v Speaker 4>maybe there's no private right of action, and pushing the

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<v Speaker 4>appeals courts to make rulings on that question.

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<v Speaker 3>So, Carolyn, we talked about how the Eighth Circuit Court

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<v Speaker 3>of Appeals here ruled there's no private right of action

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<v Speaker 3>for litigans to come and sue to enforce Section two

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<v Speaker 3>of the Voting Rights Act. But the New Orleans based

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<v Speaker 3>Fifth Circuit Court of Appeals issued a ruling recently on

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<v Speaker 3>this too. What did that court say?

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<v Speaker 4>That court said that there is a private right of action.

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<v Speaker 4>It didn't do a super deep dive into the statute

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<v Speaker 4>of this quite the same sort that the Eighth Circuit

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<v Speaker 4>did in sort of parsing the language the way the

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<v Speaker 4>Eighth Circuit did, but it basically said, you know, there's

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<v Speaker 4>always been a private right of action here, and we

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<v Speaker 4>don't think that this is there's a basis for changing

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<v Speaker 4>that in this moment. That's the law of our circuit,

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<v Speaker 4>and that's the law we're going to apply.

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<v Speaker 2>You know, Carolyn, some listeners may be thinking that there

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<v Speaker 2>was this case out of Alabama in the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 2>in its last term, and that was a lawsuit brought

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<v Speaker 2>by private litigants, and the Supreme Court did something pretty

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<v Speaker 2>significant in rejecting a republican drawn congressional map there. So,

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<v Speaker 2>can you explain how it can be if there is

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<v Speaker 2>an explanation that the Supreme Court keeps acting like there

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<v Speaker 2>is a private right of action and yet this issue

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<v Speaker 2>apparently is open enough that a federal appeals court decided

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<v Speaker 2>that there is no private right of action.

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<v Speaker 4>Well, I would dispute that really is an open question,

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<v Speaker 4>in part for exactly the reason that you say everybody

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<v Speaker 4>has assumed and has assumed is maybe the wrong word.

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<v Speaker 4>It is. It's an established feature of the law, and

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<v Speaker 4>Congress itself has assumed that there's a private right of

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<v Speaker 4>action in its re enactment of the law repeatedly. But

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<v Speaker 4>it's because it is the case that there is not

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<v Speaker 4>an opinion that says, in so many words, there is

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<v Speaker 4>a private right of action. And you have Justice cour

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<v Speaker 4>Such issuing this invitation, joined by Justice Thomas. Suddenly there's

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<v Speaker 4>an opportunity for forlitigants and courts to say, well, wait

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<v Speaker 4>a minute, let's see how clever we can be and

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<v Speaker 4>come up with an argument that what everybody's always thought

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<v Speaker 4>was true isn't true. Which this is sort of a

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<v Speaker 4>strange way, in my view, to the law to operate,

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<v Speaker 4>and I do think it's quite inconsistent with the case

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<v Speaker 4>you mentioned out of Alabama, Alan versus Milligan. In Alan

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<v Speaker 4>versus Milligan, the court went out of its way to say,

0:14:33.760 --> 0:14:37.920
<v Speaker 4>there's forty years of precedent here. It was not. The

0:14:38.040 --> 0:14:40.800
<v Speaker 4>question was not what whether there's a private right of action.

0:14:40.920 --> 0:14:44.800
<v Speaker 4>The question was how that private right of action operates

0:14:44.880 --> 0:14:47.680
<v Speaker 4>or what it takes to prove a violation of Section

0:14:47.720 --> 0:14:49.840
<v Speaker 4>two of the Voting Rights Act. The court went out

0:14:49.840 --> 0:14:52.040
<v Speaker 4>of its way to say, we are not up ending

0:14:52.280 --> 0:14:57.200
<v Speaker 4>forty decades of present forty years of precedent. It's this

0:14:57.360 --> 0:14:59.240
<v Speaker 4>is the way the law has been, and we don't

0:14:59.640 --> 0:15:03.200
<v Speaker 4>think it appropriate to change it. So well, it didn't

0:15:03.200 --> 0:15:05.720
<v Speaker 4>speak directly to the question that the Eighth Circuit has

0:15:05.760 --> 0:15:10.960
<v Speaker 4>now ruled on. It certainly indicated a significant fidelity to

0:15:11.000 --> 0:15:17.680
<v Speaker 4>an understanding of the statute that has been widespread, again

0:15:17.760 --> 0:15:20.040
<v Speaker 4>not just in the Court, also in Congress.

0:15:21.520 --> 0:15:24.680
<v Speaker 3>It sounds like there's a real circuit split here between

0:15:24.680 --> 0:15:27.560
<v Speaker 3>the Eighth Circuit and the Fifth Circuit. So isn't this

0:15:27.720 --> 0:15:31.200
<v Speaker 3>now present a question that the Supreme Court is going

0:15:31.240 --> 0:15:32.080
<v Speaker 3>to have to resolve?

0:15:33.480 --> 0:15:37.760
<v Speaker 4>Yes, I think it does. The only possibility that would

0:15:37.800 --> 0:15:40.400
<v Speaker 4>prevent that from happening would be if the Eighth Circuit

0:15:40.880 --> 0:15:44.240
<v Speaker 4>Court of Appeals takes the case en banc, which would

0:15:44.240 --> 0:15:48.920
<v Speaker 4>mean that the full Court would reconsider the question issued

0:15:49.200 --> 0:15:52.400
<v Speaker 4>the decision made by the three judge panel and there

0:15:52.480 --> 0:15:56.080
<v Speaker 4>was a dissent, so there were two judges who ruled

0:15:56.200 --> 0:15:58.760
<v Speaker 4>that there's no private right of action and one judge

0:15:58.840 --> 0:16:02.000
<v Speaker 4>who dissented. I don't know how likely it is that

0:16:02.280 --> 0:16:05.360
<v Speaker 4>Theates if it will do that, and on the assumption

0:16:05.440 --> 0:16:07.920
<v Speaker 4>that it doesn't, or if it does take it on blank,

0:16:08.000 --> 0:16:10.360
<v Speaker 4>that it comes out the same way, then yes, I

0:16:10.360 --> 0:16:12.240
<v Speaker 4>think the Supreme Court will certainly have to take this

0:16:12.320 --> 0:16:14.960
<v Speaker 4>case and we'll have to settle a question once and

0:16:15.000 --> 0:16:19.320
<v Speaker 4>for all. Based on the Alabama case, I think it's

0:16:19.560 --> 0:16:23.440
<v Speaker 4>quite unlikely that the Supreme Court would affirm the eighth

0:16:23.520 --> 0:16:23.720
<v Speaker 4>of it.

0:16:24.600 --> 0:16:26.560
<v Speaker 2>That sounds right to me in terms of where the

0:16:26.560 --> 0:16:29.760
<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court seems to be on this question. But in

0:16:29.800 --> 0:16:32.840
<v Speaker 2>the event we're both wrong. In the Supreme Court agrees

0:16:32.920 --> 0:16:36.080
<v Speaker 2>with the Eighth Circuit and says no private right of action.

0:16:36.200 --> 0:16:39.400
<v Speaker 2>Can you just describe the implications of that? What would

0:16:39.440 --> 0:16:42.320
<v Speaker 2>be left of the Voting Rights Act after that sort

0:16:42.360 --> 0:16:42.960
<v Speaker 2>of decision?

0:16:44.000 --> 0:16:50.680
<v Speaker 4>The Voting Rights Act would be really astonishingly ineffective. We

0:16:50.800 --> 0:16:54.480
<v Speaker 4>have already lost Section five, as I mentioned before, the

0:16:54.600 --> 0:16:58.920
<v Speaker 4>part of Voting Rights Act that required covered jurisdictions to

0:16:59.200 --> 0:17:02.600
<v Speaker 4>get permissions for making changes and they're voting and election system.

0:17:03.280 --> 0:17:07.680
<v Speaker 4>That was within hours after the Supreme Court issued that opinion,

0:17:07.840 --> 0:17:12.080
<v Speaker 4>and Shelby County versus Holder States that had been required

0:17:12.119 --> 0:17:17.479
<v Speaker 4>to get that kind of preclearance started enacting laws literally

0:17:17.520 --> 0:17:20.879
<v Speaker 4>immediately that would never have been able to be pre

0:17:21.000 --> 0:17:24.280
<v Speaker 4>cleared and that have had the effect of making it

0:17:24.320 --> 0:17:28.920
<v Speaker 4>harder for minority voters to exercise their rights. Section two

0:17:29.720 --> 0:17:33.639
<v Speaker 4>was actually one of the reasons that the Supreme Court said, well,

0:17:33.680 --> 0:17:37.000
<v Speaker 4>it's okay in that opinion. It's not the end of

0:17:37.040 --> 0:17:40.560
<v Speaker 4>the world for us to get rid of the operation

0:17:40.640 --> 0:17:43.320
<v Speaker 4>of Section five because there's still Section two lawsuits and

0:17:43.320 --> 0:17:47.480
<v Speaker 4>its specifically noted that those losses can be brought by individuals,

0:17:47.680 --> 0:17:52.360
<v Speaker 4>by private litigants. So on that point, the Court itself

0:17:52.400 --> 0:17:57.159
<v Speaker 4>has operated on that assumption in the absence of private plaintiffs,

0:17:57.200 --> 0:17:59.560
<v Speaker 4>the only way these lawsuits could be brought would be

0:17:59.600 --> 0:18:02.160
<v Speaker 4>by the Partment of Justice, and the Department of Justice

0:18:02.240 --> 0:18:05.800
<v Speaker 4>just simply doesn't have the resources to bring all of

0:18:05.800 --> 0:18:09.400
<v Speaker 4>the lawsuits that are brought by private plaintiffs, and under

0:18:09.400 --> 0:18:13.480
<v Speaker 4>some administrations really has indicated no interests at all and

0:18:13.600 --> 0:18:14.600
<v Speaker 4>enforcing the voting like that.

0:18:15.440 --> 0:18:17.960
<v Speaker 3>So, Carolyn, if you and Greg are both right here

0:18:18.119 --> 0:18:22.320
<v Speaker 3>and the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals decision is overturned

0:18:22.640 --> 0:18:25.639
<v Speaker 3>by the Supreme Court, does that settle all future disputes

0:18:25.720 --> 0:18:27.600
<v Speaker 3>over Section two of the Voting Rights Act.

0:18:28.440 --> 0:18:31.600
<v Speaker 4>Well, certainly doesn't settle all future disputes over Section two.

0:18:32.240 --> 0:18:34.640
<v Speaker 4>Litigates are going to come up with other arguments. There

0:18:34.640 --> 0:18:37.439
<v Speaker 4>are always going to be questions about its scope and

0:18:37.480 --> 0:18:41.879
<v Speaker 4>its application in different circumstances. But it would settle that

0:18:42.080 --> 0:18:44.560
<v Speaker 4>question whether or not there's a private light of action.

0:18:45.400 --> 0:18:48.320
<v Speaker 3>Our thanks to Carolyn Shapiro, co director of the Chicago

0:18:48.440 --> 0:18:51.840
<v Speaker 3>Kent College of Law Institute on the Supreme Court. Coming

0:18:51.920 --> 0:18:54.879
<v Speaker 3>up next on Bloomberg Law Show, we'll talk about a

0:18:54.920 --> 0:18:57.399
<v Speaker 3>tax case that could have big implications for a future

0:18:57.400 --> 0:19:00.399
<v Speaker 3>wealth tax. I'm Lydia Wheeler and I'm Greg Store.

0:19:00.760 --> 0:19:01.800
<v Speaker 2>This is Bloomberg.

0:19:09.320 --> 0:19:12.960
<v Speaker 1>You're listening to the Bloomberg Lawn Podcast. Catch us weekdays

0:19:13.000 --> 0:19:16.520
<v Speaker 1>at ten pm Easter on Bloomberg dot Com, the iHeartRadio

0:19:16.560 --> 0:19:19.320
<v Speaker 1>app and the Bloomberg Business app, or listen on demand

0:19:19.359 --> 0:19:20.920
<v Speaker 1>wherever you get your podcast.

0:19:23.240 --> 0:19:26.360
<v Speaker 2>I'm Lydia Wheeler and I'm Greg Storr in for June Grosso.

0:19:27.080 --> 0:19:29.240
<v Speaker 2>Let's get now to that big tax case the Supreme

0:19:29.280 --> 0:19:32.600
<v Speaker 2>Court is hearing over foreign earnings. It's been closely watched

0:19:32.600 --> 0:19:35.040
<v Speaker 2>for its potential to upend other parts of the tax

0:19:35.080 --> 0:19:39.919
<v Speaker 2>code and potentially affect a future wealth tax. Joining us

0:19:39.920 --> 0:19:43.399
<v Speaker 2>to discuss it is Michael Rappaport. He is a Bloomberg

0:19:43.480 --> 0:19:46.600
<v Speaker 2>Industries reporter covering tax Michael, thanks so much for joining us.

0:19:47.119 --> 0:19:49.639
<v Speaker 5>Thanks for having me so tell us.

0:19:49.680 --> 0:19:52.200
<v Speaker 2>A little background about this case. Who are the people

0:19:52.520 --> 0:19:54.880
<v Speaker 2>involved in How did they get to the Supreme Court?

0:19:55.320 --> 0:19:59.040
<v Speaker 5>Sure the planeff Sir Charleston Kathleen Moore, a retired couple

0:19:59.080 --> 0:20:02.440
<v Speaker 5>from Washington State, and they are challenging a tax bill

0:20:02.520 --> 0:20:05.560
<v Speaker 5>of fourteen thousand, seven or twenty nine dollars that they

0:20:06.119 --> 0:20:08.440
<v Speaker 5>had to pay on the earnings of Kisen Kraft, which

0:20:08.480 --> 0:20:10.960
<v Speaker 5>is a machine tool company. Based in India, in which

0:20:11.000 --> 0:20:13.400
<v Speaker 5>they'd invested because Charles Moore was a friend and former

0:20:13.480 --> 0:20:17.280
<v Speaker 5>colleague of the company's CEO. They contend that the tax

0:20:17.320 --> 0:20:20.040
<v Speaker 5>that was imposed on them is unconstitutional because it was

0:20:20.080 --> 0:20:22.280
<v Speaker 5>based on corporate earnings from kisen Kraft that were not

0:20:22.280 --> 0:20:25.440
<v Speaker 5>actually distributed to them. The lower courts ruled against them,

0:20:25.440 --> 0:20:27.639
<v Speaker 5>but they took their Supreme Court and the High Court agreed.

0:20:27.359 --> 0:20:27.679
<v Speaker 1>To hear it.

0:20:28.240 --> 0:20:30.960
<v Speaker 3>What exactly is this tax? Is a new and where

0:20:30.960 --> 0:20:31.720
<v Speaker 3>did it come from?

0:20:32.320 --> 0:20:35.480
<v Speaker 5>The tax is known as the Mandatory Repatriation Tax or

0:20:35.520 --> 0:20:38.240
<v Speaker 5>the Transition Tax, which was part of the Tax Cuts

0:20:38.240 --> 0:20:40.320
<v Speaker 5>and Jobs Act, the Big Tax the Overhault back in

0:20:40.720 --> 0:20:43.919
<v Speaker 5>twenty seventeen. This is a one time tax on companies

0:20:43.960 --> 0:20:47.439
<v Speaker 5>accumulated foreign earnings. Big US companies had been stashing their

0:20:47.480 --> 0:20:50.640
<v Speaker 5>foreign earnings overseas for many years rather than bring them

0:20:50.640 --> 0:20:52.480
<v Speaker 5>back to the US and have them taxed at US

0:20:52.480 --> 0:20:55.320
<v Speaker 5>corporate tax rates, which at the time were relatively high.

0:20:55.600 --> 0:20:58.159
<v Speaker 5>What the twenty seventeen law did, besides lowering the corporate

0:20:58.200 --> 0:21:00.600
<v Speaker 5>tax rate, was to change the whole time system so

0:21:00.640 --> 0:21:03.440
<v Speaker 5>that all earnings of US companies would be tax going forward,

0:21:03.440 --> 0:21:05.639
<v Speaker 5>no matter where in the world they were located. The

0:21:05.680 --> 0:21:09.200
<v Speaker 5>mandatary repatriation tax was a one time catchup tax imposed

0:21:09.240 --> 0:21:11.760
<v Speaker 5>on those accumulated earnings to make sure that they wouldn't

0:21:11.760 --> 0:21:15.160
<v Speaker 5>be entirely free from US taxation. But it also applies

0:21:15.240 --> 0:21:17.200
<v Speaker 5>to people like the Moors who had a significant stake

0:21:17.240 --> 0:21:20.040
<v Speaker 5>in a foreign company about thirteen percent of their case,

0:21:20.080 --> 0:21:22.159
<v Speaker 5>at thirty percent stake in Kis and craft And they

0:21:22.160 --> 0:21:24.200
<v Speaker 5>were taxing kins and Crafts earnings even though they didn't

0:21:24.200 --> 0:21:27.960
<v Speaker 5>actually receive any distribution of those earnings that falls out

0:21:27.960 --> 0:21:30.840
<v Speaker 5>of the same military repatriation tax. And the Mores claim

0:21:30.880 --> 0:21:32.760
<v Speaker 5>that that's unconstitutional.

0:21:32.800 --> 0:21:35.760
<v Speaker 2>And so why do they claim it's unconstitutional? What's the

0:21:35.920 --> 0:21:37.879
<v Speaker 2>argument that the Moors are making in this case?

0:21:38.200 --> 0:21:41.920
<v Speaker 5>This hinges on what's called realization. The Moors claim that

0:21:42.320 --> 0:21:45.520
<v Speaker 5>it's improper on the sixteenth Amendment of the Constitution, which

0:21:45.560 --> 0:21:48.400
<v Speaker 5>established the USN Tax, to tax them in this fashion

0:21:48.480 --> 0:21:52.720
<v Speaker 5>because they didn't realize didn't actually receive any distribution of

0:21:52.720 --> 0:21:56.639
<v Speaker 5>those earnings. The government's response to that is that the

0:21:56.760 --> 0:21:59.280
<v Speaker 5>tax is legal in the sixtieth Amendment, that it does,

0:21:59.320 --> 0:22:03.640
<v Speaker 5>in fact Congress to tax a shareholder's share of undistributed

0:22:03.840 --> 0:22:07.240
<v Speaker 5>or unrealized corporate earnings. As income to the shareholders. In fact,

0:22:07.280 --> 0:22:10.639
<v Speaker 5>the government says Congress has done so numerous times in

0:22:10.640 --> 0:22:12.640
<v Speaker 5>the one hundred and ten years since the sixteenth Membal

0:22:12.680 --> 0:22:16.520
<v Speaker 5>was ratified. It's imposed taxes like taxes on companies, foreign income,

0:22:16.760 --> 0:22:19.800
<v Speaker 5>and partnership taxes to follow the same principle that you

0:22:19.840 --> 0:22:22.560
<v Speaker 5>don't always have to realize income in order to tax

0:22:22.640 --> 0:22:25.200
<v Speaker 5>on it, and the court has upheld those provisions in

0:22:25.240 --> 0:22:26.080
<v Speaker 5>the past.

0:22:26.640 --> 0:22:28.239
<v Speaker 3>So what's the government arguing here?

0:22:28.320 --> 0:22:28.480
<v Speaker 5>Then?

0:22:28.520 --> 0:22:29.720
<v Speaker 3>On the other side, as I.

0:22:29.720 --> 0:22:33.080
<v Speaker 5>Said, the government's argument is that the repatriot text is legal,

0:22:34.000 --> 0:22:37.679
<v Speaker 5>that in fact, there have been cases in which unrealized

0:22:37.680 --> 0:22:40.880
<v Speaker 5>income is taxable, such as tax on foreign income, tax

0:22:40.920 --> 0:22:43.800
<v Speaker 5>tax on partnerships, and courts have upheld those provisions.

0:22:44.320 --> 0:22:48.240
<v Speaker 2>What are the key precedents here? It seems pretty remarkable

0:22:48.320 --> 0:22:51.320
<v Speaker 2>that the sixteenth Amendment has been around this long and

0:22:51.960 --> 0:22:55.359
<v Speaker 2>the Court has never clearly answered what seems to be

0:22:55.400 --> 0:22:58.160
<v Speaker 2>a pretty basic question about what it covers.

0:22:59.080 --> 0:23:02.320
<v Speaker 5>Well, I wanted to keep precedents certainly from the standpoint

0:23:02.440 --> 0:23:04.919
<v Speaker 5>of what the Moors are claiming, is a case called

0:23:05.240 --> 0:23:09.359
<v Speaker 5>Eisner versus Macomber, which is from nineteen twenty. The Moors

0:23:09.400 --> 0:23:14.159
<v Speaker 5>claim that that case rules out taxes unrealized income. What

0:23:14.200 --> 0:23:17.560
<v Speaker 5>the government says and responses is that, well, that case

0:23:17.680 --> 0:23:19.520
<v Speaker 5>was in a very limited context. It was limited to

0:23:19.600 --> 0:23:22.240
<v Speaker 5>cases in which a company pays a stock dividend to

0:23:22.320 --> 0:23:25.199
<v Speaker 5>a shareholder, and that the court has repeatedly refused to

0:23:25.240 --> 0:23:28.400
<v Speaker 5>extend that principle beyond that limited sort of circumstances.

0:23:29.680 --> 0:23:32.320
<v Speaker 3>So if the court strikes down this tax, what are

0:23:32.320 --> 0:23:34.560
<v Speaker 3>the implications for the rest of the tax code.

0:23:34.960 --> 0:23:37.000
<v Speaker 5>Well, the first and most obvious implication is if you

0:23:37.040 --> 0:23:40.840
<v Speaker 5>strike down the mandatary repatriation tax, it could trigger enormous

0:23:40.840 --> 0:23:43.679
<v Speaker 5>tax refunds for some of the giant multinational companies that

0:23:43.720 --> 0:23:46.640
<v Speaker 5>had been paying billions of dollars in these taxes over

0:23:46.640 --> 0:23:50.040
<v Speaker 5>the last several years, such as Apple, Microsoft, Pfiser. The

0:23:50.080 --> 0:23:52.359
<v Speaker 5>government has projected that the tax would bring in a

0:23:52.359 --> 0:23:55.120
<v Speaker 5>total of three hundred and forty billion dollars over ten years.

0:23:55.160 --> 0:23:58.160
<v Speaker 5>So we're talking about something that could hugely benefit big companies,

0:23:58.160 --> 0:24:01.840
<v Speaker 5>that could really blow a hole and government revenue. Beyond that,

0:24:01.880 --> 0:24:04.040
<v Speaker 5>though that, there's a lot of concern among people in

0:24:04.119 --> 0:24:06.800
<v Speaker 5>tax world, and it's kind of much roomed. Ever since

0:24:06.960 --> 0:24:08.840
<v Speaker 5>the court agreed to hear the case, that if you

0:24:08.880 --> 0:24:11.480
<v Speaker 5>strike down the repatriation tax. It also calls into question

0:24:11.840 --> 0:24:14.560
<v Speaker 5>other parts of the tax code that similarly are levied

0:24:14.600 --> 0:24:17.040
<v Speaker 5>on corporate income that hasn't been distributed to the shareholder.

0:24:17.160 --> 0:24:20.480
<v Speaker 5>The same principle behind the repatriation tax also applies in

0:24:20.520 --> 0:24:23.399
<v Speaker 5>a lot of existing provisions in tax code. So, for instance,

0:24:23.440 --> 0:24:27.199
<v Speaker 5>you have taxes on foreign income what's called Subpart F,

0:24:27.640 --> 0:24:30.800
<v Speaker 5>which applies to certain taxes on certain kinds of income

0:24:30.840 --> 0:24:33.880
<v Speaker 5>from the foreign affiliates of US companies guilty, the tax

0:24:33.960 --> 0:24:37.120
<v Speaker 5>on Global Intangible Low tax Income, which is the US

0:24:37.200 --> 0:24:40.320
<v Speaker 5>mindium tax on the company's foreign income. Taxes on partnerships

0:24:40.320 --> 0:24:43.080
<v Speaker 5>because their profits are taxable to the individual partners even

0:24:43.080 --> 0:24:45.640
<v Speaker 5>when they are even when the earnings aren't distributed. Mark

0:24:45.720 --> 0:24:49.080
<v Speaker 5>to market situations, taxes leving on the current market value

0:24:49.200 --> 0:24:52.200
<v Speaker 5>of certain kinds of assets like regulative futures contracts, even

0:24:52.200 --> 0:24:55.280
<v Speaker 5>something like taxes on the zero coupon bonds, which taxpayers

0:24:55.320 --> 0:24:57.440
<v Speaker 5>have to pay taxes on each year but don't actually

0:24:57.520 --> 0:24:59.720
<v Speaker 5>receive payment until the bond's mature. All those kinds of

0:24:59.760 --> 0:25:02.480
<v Speaker 5>wa under the same kind of principle as the mandatory

0:25:02.520 --> 0:25:06.520
<v Speaker 5>repatriation tax, and there are other such situations. Paul Ryan

0:25:06.600 --> 0:25:09.000
<v Speaker 5>the former Speaker of the House has suggested that ruling

0:25:09.000 --> 0:25:10.760
<v Speaker 5>in favor of the Moors could affect a third of

0:25:10.800 --> 0:25:11.760
<v Speaker 5>the entire tax code.

0:25:12.720 --> 0:25:17.159
<v Speaker 2>So do the Moors in their allies acknowledge what you

0:25:17.240 --> 0:25:18.920
<v Speaker 2>just said, agree with what you just said.

0:25:18.960 --> 0:25:19.560
<v Speaker 5>Do they.

0:25:21.000 --> 0:25:23.280
<v Speaker 2>Accept that this will have such a big effect on

0:25:23.320 --> 0:25:25.800
<v Speaker 2>the tax code or are they arguing, Hey, this is

0:25:25.840 --> 0:25:27.840
<v Speaker 2>actually a narrow case and there's a way you can

0:25:27.880 --> 0:25:31.560
<v Speaker 2>resolve it in our favor without having all these big implications.

0:25:32.080 --> 0:25:35.840
<v Speaker 5>But the Mores, in their supporters claim is that the

0:25:36.080 --> 0:25:39.840
<v Speaker 5>mandatary repatriation tax is distinguishable from all these other provisions,

0:25:39.880 --> 0:25:43.800
<v Speaker 5>and the details are very in the weeds and legalistic,

0:25:43.880 --> 0:25:46.920
<v Speaker 5>but basically they claim that this is something separate from

0:25:47.200 --> 0:25:49.399
<v Speaker 5>things like Subpart F and some of the other provisions,

0:25:49.600 --> 0:25:51.800
<v Speaker 5>so that you can rule in the Moor's favor and

0:25:51.800 --> 0:25:55.040
<v Speaker 5>strike down the repatriation tax and not have any of

0:25:55.080 --> 0:25:57.520
<v Speaker 5>this other stuff affected. Some of the more supporters the

0:25:57.640 --> 0:25:59.480
<v Speaker 5>US Chamber of Commerce claimed in it's front of the

0:25:59.520 --> 0:26:02.879
<v Speaker 5>court brief that the people who are concerned about this

0:26:02.960 --> 0:26:08.240
<v Speaker 5>were engaging in hysteria and barely overstating the potential impact.

0:26:08.560 --> 0:26:11.920
<v Speaker 5>What the people opposed to the More say, the people

0:26:11.960 --> 0:26:15.080
<v Speaker 5>who want to see the court uphold the mandatary repatriation tax.

0:26:15.520 --> 0:26:19.040
<v Speaker 5>Is that it's not that simple. You can't really strike

0:26:19.119 --> 0:26:22.200
<v Speaker 5>down one and preserve the rest. So if you strike

0:26:22.240 --> 0:26:24.520
<v Speaker 5>down the mandatary repatriation tax, then really could have ripple

0:26:24.520 --> 0:26:27.320
<v Speaker 5>effects and call into question a lot of these other provisions.

0:26:27.960 --> 0:26:30.560
<v Speaker 3>You mentioned that there's about three hundred and forty billion

0:26:30.640 --> 0:26:34.199
<v Speaker 3>dollars at stake here and that you know, overturning this

0:26:34.240 --> 0:26:37.000
<v Speaker 3>could really blow a hole in government revenue. Has the

0:26:37.040 --> 0:26:39.400
<v Speaker 3>government talked about kind of what they use that revenue

0:26:39.440 --> 0:26:41.679
<v Speaker 3>for and what you know the implications could be.

0:26:42.440 --> 0:26:45.600
<v Speaker 5>Well, the government attended the mandatary repatriation tax its kind

0:26:45.600 --> 0:26:48.040
<v Speaker 5>of a pay for for some of the other things

0:26:48.800 --> 0:26:51.200
<v Speaker 5>that it was some of the other changes that it

0:26:51.320 --> 0:26:53.679
<v Speaker 5>made in the tax cuts and job sects, such as

0:26:53.720 --> 0:26:56.280
<v Speaker 5>lowering the corporate tax rate from what had been thirty

0:26:56.280 --> 0:26:59.280
<v Speaker 5>five percent down to twenty one percent. This was intended,

0:27:00.240 --> 0:27:02.040
<v Speaker 5>as I said, to make up for some of that

0:27:02.080 --> 0:27:04.320
<v Speaker 5>lost revenue, and also to make sure that some of

0:27:04.359 --> 0:27:08.440
<v Speaker 5>these accumulator earnings that companies had piled up overseas over

0:27:08.480 --> 0:27:12.040
<v Speaker 5>many years wouldn't go completely untaxed. When the government decided

0:27:12.080 --> 0:27:15.160
<v Speaker 5>to change its tax system and tax all of us

0:27:15.200 --> 0:27:16.600
<v Speaker 5>companies income going forward.

0:27:17.359 --> 0:27:21.040
<v Speaker 2>Michael, let's talk briefly and we can continue after the

0:27:21.040 --> 0:27:24.119
<v Speaker 2>break that you want to about implications for a wealth tax.

0:27:24.480 --> 0:27:28.000
<v Speaker 2>These our hypothetical proposals right now, But what does this

0:27:28.119 --> 0:27:29.720
<v Speaker 2>case mean for those proposals.

0:27:30.359 --> 0:27:33.200
<v Speaker 5>A ruling in the Moors favor might preclude attempts to

0:27:33.240 --> 0:27:35.760
<v Speaker 5>impose a wealth tax because it's based on the same

0:27:35.840 --> 0:27:38.639
<v Speaker 5>kind of principles. A wealth tax would be based on

0:27:38.720 --> 0:27:41.760
<v Speaker 5>the accumulated value of a wealthy person's assets. In other words,

0:27:42.080 --> 0:27:44.960
<v Speaker 5>value that hasn't actually been monetized by the taxpayer. If

0:27:44.960 --> 0:27:47.680
<v Speaker 5>you own a stake in a public company that has

0:27:47.680 --> 0:27:51.199
<v Speaker 5>accumulated tremendously in value that's pay per wealth. You have

0:27:51.240 --> 0:27:54.040
<v Speaker 5>not actually realized that income. You haven't even sold the shares.

0:27:54.280 --> 0:27:57.920
<v Speaker 5>You haven't received that as income. As long as you

0:27:58.240 --> 0:28:01.000
<v Speaker 5>don't sell that asset, that means accumulative value is an

0:28:01.040 --> 0:28:03.480
<v Speaker 5>unrealized game. And if the court strikes down the mandatary

0:28:03.720 --> 0:28:06.879
<v Speaker 5>repatriation tax because it says you can tax unrealized games,

0:28:07.160 --> 0:28:09.240
<v Speaker 5>that could mean you can oppose a well tax because

0:28:09.320 --> 0:28:10.639
<v Speaker 5>it would tax on realized gains.

0:28:11.400 --> 0:28:14.119
<v Speaker 2>Michael tell us a little bit about this kind of

0:28:14.200 --> 0:28:17.240
<v Speaker 2>side dispute, or maybe it's a central dispute about Charles

0:28:17.280 --> 0:28:21.439
<v Speaker 2>Moore's involvement with his company. Why is that a controversy

0:28:21.480 --> 0:28:23.320
<v Speaker 2>and how might it affect the case?

0:28:24.240 --> 0:28:27.359
<v Speaker 5>Charles Moore has portrayed himself and his wife as simple

0:28:27.359 --> 0:28:31.320
<v Speaker 5>passive outside shareholders and kisen Kraft, the Indian company, issue

0:28:31.359 --> 0:28:33.440
<v Speaker 5>here that they had no control of what the Kis

0:28:33.440 --> 0:28:36.600
<v Speaker 5>and Craft distributed its urnings to shareholders. Since this case

0:28:36.680 --> 0:28:40.000
<v Speaker 5>hinges on whether undistributed corporate income can be taxed, that

0:28:40.240 --> 0:28:42.760
<v Speaker 5>could be significant. But what Charles Moore didn't say in

0:28:42.840 --> 0:28:45.239
<v Speaker 5>his followings to the Supreme Court is that and this

0:28:45.320 --> 0:28:48.800
<v Speaker 5>is shown in kisen Kraft's corporate documents. In India, Charles

0:28:48.840 --> 0:28:50.800
<v Speaker 5>Moore was essentially a corporate insider there. He was a

0:28:50.840 --> 0:28:53.479
<v Speaker 5>director of the company for five years. He received thousands

0:28:53.520 --> 0:28:55.920
<v Speaker 5>of dollars in travel reingbursons for the company, even though

0:28:55.960 --> 0:28:58.440
<v Speaker 5>he claimed in his followings that he never received any

0:28:58.480 --> 0:29:01.560
<v Speaker 5>payments from the company. He advanced only twoitter fifty thousand

0:29:01.600 --> 0:29:03.560
<v Speaker 5>downlished the Kais and Craft and the form what was

0:29:03.560 --> 0:29:06.360
<v Speaker 5>called share application money that was later refunded to him.

0:29:06.400 --> 0:29:08.200
<v Speaker 5>He appears to have sold some of the shares to

0:29:08.360 --> 0:29:11.520
<v Speaker 5>the company's CEO, as I said, was a friend and

0:29:11.640 --> 0:29:14.680
<v Speaker 5>former colleague of his. All the suggests that he would

0:29:14.680 --> 0:29:16.600
<v Speaker 5>have had at least some sort of voice in what

0:29:16.680 --> 0:29:18.520
<v Speaker 5>the COIs and Craft did in fact distrie of its

0:29:18.520 --> 0:29:21.040
<v Speaker 5>turnings to the shareholders. Now the question is does all

0:29:21.080 --> 0:29:23.080
<v Speaker 5>this matter to the case, And people in the tax

0:29:23.080 --> 0:29:26.240
<v Speaker 5>world are kind of split about that. Some people think, yes,

0:29:26.280 --> 0:29:28.960
<v Speaker 5>it does matter that the Wars haven't told the full

0:29:29.000 --> 0:29:31.320
<v Speaker 5>story to the court, that it speaks to their credibility

0:29:31.440 --> 0:29:34.440
<v Speaker 5>and to their portrayal of themselves as ordinary taxpayers and

0:29:34.480 --> 0:29:37.800
<v Speaker 5>kind of a David versus Golide situation. Other people contend well,

0:29:38.240 --> 0:29:41.760
<v Speaker 5>even if Charles Wore was more deeply involved with the

0:29:41.800 --> 0:29:44.360
<v Speaker 5>company that he said, it doesn't affect the central issue

0:29:44.360 --> 0:29:46.560
<v Speaker 5>in the case. It doesn't speak to whether the mandatary

0:29:46.560 --> 0:29:49.600
<v Speaker 5>repatriation tax is unconstitutional. It doesn't speak to whether it's

0:29:49.640 --> 0:29:52.320
<v Speaker 5>legal the tax income that the taxpayer hasn't realized. So

0:29:52.320 --> 0:29:53.760
<v Speaker 5>these people think that at the end of the day,

0:29:53.960 --> 0:29:56.920
<v Speaker 5>it does not matter to the ultimate outcome of the case.

0:29:57.680 --> 0:29:59.480
<v Speaker 5>For what it's worth, the government has not shown any

0:29:59.520 --> 0:30:01.440
<v Speaker 5>sign that it intends to make an issue out of this,

0:30:01.520 --> 0:30:03.720
<v Speaker 5>so it's very possible. It might not come up during

0:30:03.760 --> 0:30:06.600
<v Speaker 5>the oral arguments on Tuesday. We don't know whether any

0:30:06.640 --> 0:30:09.520
<v Speaker 5>of the justices have taken note of this issue, so

0:30:09.520 --> 0:30:10.719
<v Speaker 5>we'll have to wait and see about that.

0:30:11.960 --> 0:30:15.480
<v Speaker 3>You mentioned earlier about the implications that this case could

0:30:15.520 --> 0:30:18.360
<v Speaker 3>have on a future wealth tax. Can you talk about

0:30:18.440 --> 0:30:21.120
<v Speaker 3>who has been calling for a wealth tax and kind

0:30:21.120 --> 0:30:23.040
<v Speaker 3>of the history there and kind of why we don't

0:30:23.040 --> 0:30:23.640
<v Speaker 3>already have that.

0:30:24.520 --> 0:30:27.400
<v Speaker 5>Well, it's actually kind of started before the Court agreed

0:30:27.400 --> 0:30:30.200
<v Speaker 5>to take the case, because some conservative groups urged the

0:30:30.240 --> 0:30:33.880
<v Speaker 5>Court to accept to hear this case exactly for that reason,

0:30:33.920 --> 0:30:36.480
<v Speaker 5>because they want the Court to use this case to

0:30:36.640 --> 0:30:41.600
<v Speaker 5>rule future wealth tax off limits. Now, Democrats continue to

0:30:41.600 --> 0:30:44.280
<v Speaker 5>press andw with proposals for a wealth tax. The latest

0:30:44.320 --> 0:30:46.680
<v Speaker 5>attempt was introducing the Senate ships a few days ago

0:30:47.040 --> 0:30:49.320
<v Speaker 5>by Senator Ron Wide and the chairman of the Center

0:30:49.400 --> 0:30:52.640
<v Speaker 5>Finance Committee. He insists that such a tax would be constitutional.

0:30:53.080 --> 0:30:55.640
<v Speaker 5>President Biden has called for a wealth tax also or

0:30:55.680 --> 0:30:59.000
<v Speaker 5>a billionaire's tax, as a court where assets above a

0:30:59.040 --> 0:31:02.240
<v Speaker 5>certain level would be taxed, whether or not would be realized.

0:31:02.560 --> 0:31:05.320
<v Speaker 5>As of right now, however, a wealth tax is still

0:31:05.440 --> 0:31:08.400
<v Speaker 5>very much in the nascent stages. There's no indication that's

0:31:08.440 --> 0:31:12.200
<v Speaker 5>going to pass anytime soon. Congress is having difficulty agreeing

0:31:12.200 --> 0:31:16.280
<v Speaker 5>on anything much these days, and even Wide admits that

0:31:16.880 --> 0:31:18.920
<v Speaker 5>proposal of this nature probably wouldn't be acting on for

0:31:18.960 --> 0:31:19.560
<v Speaker 5>some time yet.

0:31:20.360 --> 0:31:23.160
<v Speaker 2>Michael, we only have thirty seconds left or so. But

0:31:23.840 --> 0:31:26.920
<v Speaker 2>do you have any strong feelings, based on what the

0:31:27.000 --> 0:31:29.000
<v Speaker 2>quarters that are done in the past, about how this

0:31:29.120 --> 0:31:30.800
<v Speaker 2>case is likely to come out?

0:31:31.480 --> 0:31:33.600
<v Speaker 5>It's really hard to say. I mean, part of the

0:31:33.640 --> 0:31:37.320
<v Speaker 5>reason that some of the people in tax world have

0:31:37.400 --> 0:31:41.320
<v Speaker 5>been trumpeting the potential implications of this so loudly is

0:31:41.360 --> 0:31:44.520
<v Speaker 5>because they know that the justices, while they obviously are

0:31:44.920 --> 0:31:47.360
<v Speaker 5>legal experts, are not tax law experts. Tax flow is

0:31:47.400 --> 0:31:50.720
<v Speaker 5>extremely in the weeds and detailed and complex, and they

0:31:50.720 --> 0:31:53.400
<v Speaker 5>want to make sure that the justices before they rule,

0:31:53.440 --> 0:31:55.800
<v Speaker 5>or aware of the potential implications for the rest of

0:31:55.840 --> 0:31:58.760
<v Speaker 5>the tax code. And it's really hard to say but

0:31:58.880 --> 0:32:00.800
<v Speaker 5>how the court is going to come down this, But

0:32:01.560 --> 0:32:05.880
<v Speaker 5>this particular court has shown a tendency to not confine

0:32:05.920 --> 0:32:09.680
<v Speaker 5>its rulings to narrow issues, so it's certainly in the

0:32:09.720 --> 0:32:13.360
<v Speaker 5>realm of possibility that they could rule broadly in this case.

0:32:13.440 --> 0:32:16.920
<v Speaker 5>And if they do, in factor, won't favor the Moores issues,

0:32:16.960 --> 0:32:20.040
<v Speaker 5>something that could have significant implications for other provisions in

0:32:20.080 --> 0:32:20.920
<v Speaker 5>the tax code.

0:32:21.160 --> 0:32:24.840
<v Speaker 3>That's Michael Rappaport, a senior reporter at Bloomberg Tax and Accounting.

0:32:25.160 --> 0:32:28.640
<v Speaker 3>Thanks so much for joining us. Well, Greg, One thing

0:32:28.680 --> 0:32:31.640
<v Speaker 3>we didn't chat about with Michael is the controversy here

0:32:31.800 --> 0:32:35.719
<v Speaker 3>involving Justice Alito in this case. You know over one

0:32:35.800 --> 0:32:38.760
<v Speaker 3>of the attorneys that's actually arguing, I think David Rivkin,

0:32:39.640 --> 0:32:41.520
<v Speaker 3>you know he's going to be before the court. Can

0:32:41.560 --> 0:32:45.080
<v Speaker 3>you talk about the relationship with Alito there and what's

0:32:45.120 --> 0:32:45.520
<v Speaker 3>going on?

0:32:45.760 --> 0:32:48.920
<v Speaker 2>Yeah, really unusual situation. David ri Rivken, a well known

0:32:48.920 --> 0:32:53.960
<v Speaker 2>conservative lawyer, co wrote to Wall Street Journal Articles opinion

0:32:54.000 --> 0:32:57.040
<v Speaker 2>pieces with an opinion a writer at the Wall Street

0:32:57.080 --> 0:33:00.480
<v Speaker 2>Journal in which basically gave Justice Alito a four to

0:33:00.520 --> 0:33:03.720
<v Speaker 2>say some things, and he talked about he talked about

0:33:03.800 --> 0:33:07.000
<v Speaker 2>the leak of the ruling in the abortion case. People

0:33:07.080 --> 0:33:09.960
<v Speaker 2>have said that was an inappropriate thing to happen, and

0:33:10.440 --> 0:33:13.960
<v Speaker 2>Democrats have called for Justice Alito to recuse from this

0:33:14.040 --> 0:33:17.280
<v Speaker 2>case because of David Rifkins's involvement. And then Justice Alito

0:33:17.880 --> 0:33:21.480
<v Speaker 2>back in September put out a statement in which he

0:33:21.520 --> 0:33:23.600
<v Speaker 2>said I'm not going to recuse. There's nothing out of

0:33:23.640 --> 0:33:27.719
<v Speaker 2>the ordinary about these interviews, nothing to see here, and

0:33:27.760 --> 0:33:30.360
<v Speaker 2>so every indication is he is going to participate in

0:33:30.360 --> 0:33:30.840
<v Speaker 2>this case.

0:33:32.040 --> 0:33:35.000
<v Speaker 3>Wow, that's really interesting, you know, especially given all the

0:33:35.040 --> 0:33:37.720
<v Speaker 3>ethics controversies. And that does it for this edition of

0:33:37.720 --> 0:33:40.000
<v Speaker 3>the Bloomberg Law Show. I'm Lydia Wheeler and.

0:33:39.960 --> 0:33:42.040
<v Speaker 2>I'm Greg Storr. This is being pl