WEBVTT - Corporate Sabotage

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to it Could Happen here podcast about things falling

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<v Speaker 1>apart from what you can do about it. My name

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<v Speaker 1>is Christopher Wong, and today I'm gonna be talking about sabotage.

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<v Speaker 1>But this is not the episode on sabotage that you expect.

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<v Speaker 1>I will not be discussing, for example, the destruction of machinery,

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<v Speaker 1>throwing monkey wrenches, slow down strikes, or the myriad of

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<v Speaker 1>other tactics that workers have used since time memorium to

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<v Speaker 1>strike back at their bosses. No, Instead, I'm going to

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<v Speaker 1>be talking about a far more common, an infinitely more

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<v Speaker 1>dangerous form of sabotage, corporate sabotage. Now, the most conficuous

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<v Speaker 1>form of corporate sabotage is the mass destruction of a

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<v Speaker 1>corporation's own products. The fashion company Burberry, for example, destroyed

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<v Speaker 1>three hundred and seventy million dollars of its own product

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<v Speaker 1>in one year alone. Louis Vutton and Chanel also systematically

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<v Speaker 1>destroy their own sold stock every year, joining H and

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<v Speaker 1>M and literally lighting their own sold products on fire

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<v Speaker 1>in order to prevent anyone from using them. Quote business

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<v Speaker 1>insider Richemont, the owner of Cadalier BoNT Blanc, destroyed more

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<v Speaker 1>than four million pounds of watches over a two year

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<v Speaker 1>period after an excess in goods in the Asian markets.

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<v Speaker 1>Nik has also admitted that a New York store slashed

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<v Speaker 1>unsold trainers before throwing them away, and last year an

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<v Speaker 1>Urban Outfitters employee said he was instructed to pour green

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<v Speaker 1>paints on the unsold stock. These, of course, are only

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<v Speaker 1>the stories that have made it into the press, and

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<v Speaker 1>this behavior is by no means limited to high fashion.

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<v Speaker 1>Grocery stores routinely throw away normous quantities of unsold goods,

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<v Speaker 1>and when communities realized they could feed people in need

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<v Speaker 1>by taking the still good products from grocery store dumpstairs,

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<v Speaker 1>the stories began to destroy their food intentionally. But these

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<v Speaker 1>acts of destruction, as callous and horrifically greedy as they are,

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<v Speaker 1>are by no means the extent of corporate sabotage. To

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<v Speaker 1>explain I turned to the work of the economist Thorston Veblen.

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<v Speaker 1>That one is perhaps best known today for the theory

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<v Speaker 1>of conspicuous consumption, but he wrote extensively on corporate sabotage

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<v Speaker 1>in the first part of the Engineers in the Price System,

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<v Speaker 1>a work that is broadly ignored even by his followers.

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<v Speaker 1>Febun wrote a section called on the Nature and Uses

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<v Speaker 1>of Sabotage. From that work, Writers and speakers who dilate

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<v Speaker 1>on the militarious exploits of the nation's businessmen will not

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<v Speaker 1>commonly allude to this voluminous running administration near sabotage, this

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<v Speaker 1>conscientious withdrawal of efficiency that goes into their ordinary day's work.

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<v Speaker 1>We are not used to thinking of the ordinary work

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<v Speaker 1>of a corporation being sabotage. But for Veblen there was

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<v Speaker 1>no other explanation for what he was seeing. In the

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<v Speaker 1>wake of World War One, there was an enormous explosion

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<v Speaker 1>and unemployment, an enormous need on half of the population.

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<v Speaker 1>But even as the unemployed begged to be let in

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<v Speaker 1>to create the products that could build the needs of

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<v Speaker 1>their fellow humans, business owners steadfastly refused to open their factories.

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<v Speaker 1>As Feblin explained, but for reasons of business expediency, it

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<v Speaker 1>is impossible to let these idle plants and idle workmen

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<v Speaker 1>go to work, that is to say, for reasons of

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<v Speaker 1>insufficient profit to the businessmen interested, or in other words,

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<v Speaker 1>for reasons of insufficient income to the vested interests which

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<v Speaker 1>controlled the staple industries and so regulate the output of product.

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<v Speaker 1>Feblen was not alone in observing these are similar conditions.

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<v Speaker 1>John Maynard Keynes, writing during the depression, observed newly precisely

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<v Speaker 1>the same thing. For Canes, the solution simply was to

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<v Speaker 1>have the government step into increased demand. But for Veblen

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<v Speaker 1>dismissed the core of the problem. The real problem was

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<v Speaker 1>at a core of absentee owners had the ability to

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<v Speaker 1>shut down the factories in the first place by simple

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<v Speaker 1>virtue of their ownership, Feblen argued, was simply sabotage, no

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<v Speaker 1>different from the hated strikes of the I w W

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<v Speaker 1>that's so racked and perturbed the capitalist ruling class of

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<v Speaker 1>his time. At least, the workers could argue that they

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<v Speaker 1>were simply fighting for a better share of what they

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<v Speaker 1>had created. Absentee owners, on the other hand, who had

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<v Speaker 1>no actual involvement in the production process whatsoever, simply carried

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<v Speaker 1>out sabotage on an enormous scale in order to secure

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<v Speaker 1>their own returns, and this was true even in times

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<v Speaker 1>they weren't marked by massive depressions in order to make

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<v Speaker 1>payments to capitalists, Feblin argued, who expect a certain rate

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<v Speaker 1>of return on their investment. Corporations must maintain prices at

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<v Speaker 1>such a level that they can meet their returns, and

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<v Speaker 1>the only way they can do this is sabotage. For

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<v Speaker 1>the good of business, it is necessary to curtail production

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<v Speaker 1>of the means of life on pain of unprofitable prices,

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<v Speaker 1>at the same time that the increasing need of all

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<v Speaker 1>sorts of necessities of life must be met in some

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<v Speaker 1>passable fashion on pain of popular disturbances, as it will

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<v Speaker 1>always come of popular distrust when they passed a limit

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<v Speaker 1>of tolerance. The sabotage Feblan argue was simply a product

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<v Speaker 1>of the price system. Any production that was too efficient

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<v Speaker 1>would simply and inevitably be sabotaged for private gain, because

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<v Speaker 1>in order to maintain prices that would maintain the returns

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<v Speaker 1>of investors, it was necessary when sure that production never

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<v Speaker 1>became too efficient to produce too many goods. Feplin used

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<v Speaker 1>as his example the twentieth century post office, but we

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<v Speaker 1>could just as easily point to Trump sabotaging the post

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<v Speaker 1>office in a dual bid to privatize the service by

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<v Speaker 1>causing it to collapse and prevent mail and votes from

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<v Speaker 1>being counted as part of his attempt to win the

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<v Speaker 1>two thousand twenty election. In their book Capitalist Power Condis,

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<v Speaker 1>Samshawan Bickler, and Jonathan Needson take Feplin's argument and expand

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<v Speaker 1>on it, noting that capitalism, far from encouraging productivity at large,

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<v Speaker 1>makes things inefficient on purpose. They used the example of

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<v Speaker 1>public transportation, which is by bay essentially any measure, a

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<v Speaker 1>significantly more efficient way of moving people around the US

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<v Speaker 1>as an example. In the US and the nineteen forties,

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<v Speaker 1>a hundred electric rail lines were brought up and destroyed

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<v Speaker 1>by car companies. Those same companies likewise twice destroyed incredibly

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<v Speaker 1>efficient and popular electric cars, once in the nineteen thirties

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<v Speaker 1>and again in the nineteen eighties because the profit rate

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<v Speaker 1>was lower than that of gas cars. They then set

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<v Speaker 1>out to cause everyone to forget that they had actually

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<v Speaker 1>done this until Elon Musk figured out a way to

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<v Speaker 1>sell electric cars that was profitable, namely by selling himself

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<v Speaker 1>as a brand and not the cars themselves. Now, if

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<v Speaker 1>capitalism was simply destroying its own products in order to

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<v Speaker 1>create Elon Musks, you could argue that the system at

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<v Speaker 1>least produced advancements before it stopped them. But the most

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<v Speaker 1>violent forms of sabotage are reserved for productive systems that

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<v Speaker 1>are simultaneously efficient and outside of capitalist control together. Perhaps

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<v Speaker 1>the best known example of this is the East British

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<v Speaker 1>East India companies the industrialization of the Indian textile industry,

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<v Speaker 1>not to be outmatched by their British forebearers. American settlers

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<v Speaker 1>and their allies in the American military sterminated the buffalo

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<v Speaker 1>herds of the Great Plains in an attempt to starve

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<v Speaker 1>out the indigenous tribes that lived there. In doing so,

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<v Speaker 1>they destroyed it enormously doctive and sustainable agricultural system. They

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<v Speaker 1>did so precisely because the system was efficient, so efficient,

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<v Speaker 1>in fact, that it allowed indigenous tribes to repeatedly defeat

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<v Speaker 1>the American army and defence of their lands. We are

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<v Speaker 1>used to thinking of capitalism as the system of production,

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<v Speaker 1>but here, amidst the fields of buffalo corpses something else

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<v Speaker 1>entirely capitalism appearing in its true form, a system of

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<v Speaker 1>organized sabotage. To fully untangle what this means, let us

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<v Speaker 1>return to Feblin. Feblin divided capitalism into two separate processes.

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<v Speaker 1>The first he called industry industry Feblin argued, has existed

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<v Speaker 1>long before capitalism and will continue to exist long after

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<v Speaker 1>it has a bit Clear and niets and put it

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<v Speaker 1>quote when considered an isolation from emporary business institutions. The

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<v Speaker 1>principal goal of industry it's raison, according to Veblen, is

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<v Speaker 1>the efficient production of quality goods and services for the

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<v Speaker 1>betterment of human life. Industry is an inherently collective undertaking.

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<v Speaker 1>The basis is cooperation and integration, the creation of communal

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<v Speaker 1>knowledge that allows production and scientific advance to occur, and

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<v Speaker 1>coordination and cooperation between people to create things for each other.

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<v Speaker 1>Left to its own devices, industry would simply produce goods

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<v Speaker 1>for people. It has no concern for profitability, rates of returns,

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<v Speaker 1>or capitalization. Unfortunately, capitalism is defined by private ownership. This

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<v Speaker 1>is what Veblen calls business. Business is a system of

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<v Speaker 1>power that extracts wealth from industry by means of sabotage

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<v Speaker 1>production to serve human need. The basis of industry is

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<v Speaker 1>useless to business unless it can be turned into a

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<v Speaker 1>revenue stream. It does this by taking control of industry

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<v Speaker 1>and its products and the restricting access to it. Part

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<v Speaker 1>Clear and Nichs input it the most important feature of

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<v Speaker 1>private ownership is not that it enables those who own,

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<v Speaker 1>but that it disables those who do not. Technically, anyone

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<v Speaker 1>can get in someone else's car and drive away, But

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<v Speaker 1>given order to sell all of Warren Buffett shares in

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<v Speaker 1>Berkshire hathaway, the purpose of private ownership is wholly and

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<v Speaker 1>only an institution of exclusion. An institutional exclusion is a

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<v Speaker 1>matter of organized power. As we can see from the

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<v Speaker 1>genocide on the Plans, This power is no abstract force.

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<v Speaker 1>Beblin tends to focus on the power of absentee owners

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<v Speaker 1>to stop production, and for good reason, but business stands

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<v Speaker 1>in the way of industry in more immediate ways too.

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<v Speaker 1>After all, the purpose of cooperative industry is to make

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<v Speaker 1>goods to improve our lives. And yet in between us

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<v Speaker 1>and the proceeds that industry creates to slerve our needs,

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<v Speaker 1>there is a cash register in a cop Even the

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<v Speaker 1>creators of a Louis Vuitton bag, or for that matter,

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<v Speaker 1>a tomato, have no claim on it. Its business takes over,

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<v Speaker 1>and business would rather destroy it than see it fall

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<v Speaker 1>into their hands. The famous Russian anarchist theorist Peter Kirpopkin

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<v Speaker 1>was writing along similar lines to Veblen just a few

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<v Speaker 1>years before Feblen, it seems, have been exposed to anarchist

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<v Speaker 1>ideas through his association with the Industrial workers of the World.

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<v Speaker 1>In early nineteen hundreds, it was not altogether unusual for

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<v Speaker 1>economists to move in radical circles. The great Italian economist

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<v Speaker 1>Piero's Raffles smuggled pens and papers to Antonio Gramsey, while Grumsey,

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<v Speaker 1>the head of the Italian Communist Party, was a prisoner

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<v Speaker 1>with the Italian fascist regime. Grapha would later extract the

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<v Speaker 1>writings that Crampsy had written in prison Unlesian Gramsey's prison

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<v Speaker 1>notebooks onto the world. But Veblin was unique even among

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<v Speaker 1>these economists for the extent that he incorporated radical theories

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<v Speaker 1>directly into his work. As you've seen was his adoption

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<v Speaker 1>of sabotage as a way of thinking about capitalism. This

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<v Speaker 1>led Veblen to call the end of the system of

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<v Speaker 1>what he described as vested interests and absentee owners. Febulance solution, however,

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<v Speaker 1>which he described as a quote sovietive technicians would manage

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<v Speaker 1>production for all society leaves a lot to be desired for.

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<v Speaker 1>So let us return to the source Herscropotkin in the

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<v Speaker 1>Conquest of Bread the minds, so they represent the labor

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<v Speaker 1>of several generations, and derive their sole value from the

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<v Speaker 1>requirements of the industry of a nation and the density

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<v Speaker 1>of the population. The minds also belonged to the few,

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<v Speaker 1>and these few restrict the output of coal, are prevented

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<v Speaker 1>entirely if they find a more profitable investments for their capital. Machinery, too,

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<v Speaker 1>has become the exclusive property of the few. And even

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<v Speaker 1>when a machine and contestedly represents an improvements added to

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<v Speaker 1>the original rough invention by three or four generations of workers,

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<v Speaker 1>it nonetheless belongs to a few owners. And if the

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<v Speaker 1>descendants of the very inventor who constructed the first machine

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<v Speaker 1>for lace building a century ago were to present themselves

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<v Speaker 1>today at a lace factory and bail or Nottingham and

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<v Speaker 1>demand their rights, they would be told hands off, this

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<v Speaker 1>machine is not yours, and they would be shot down

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<v Speaker 1>if they attempted to take possession of it. Here we

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<v Speaker 1>see the competition between two different kinds of rights. On

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<v Speaker 1>the one hand, the right of industry, the right of creativity,

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<v Speaker 1>the right of those who produce and care for each

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<v Speaker 1>other to be able to determine where are the proceeds

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<v Speaker 1>of their labor go. From industry's point of view, this

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<v Speaker 1>is to each other, to those in need, into society

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<v Speaker 1>as a whole. On the other hand, there is the

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<v Speaker 1>right of property, the right of men with guns to

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<v Speaker 1>throw oysters into the ocean because it's not profitable for

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<v Speaker 1>anyone to eat them. Capitalism has developed a myriad of

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<v Speaker 1>iterations precisely the same principle, and the world is now

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<v Speaker 1>infested by them. Patent trolls haunt they already fraught waters

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<v Speaker 1>of intellectual property, buying up patents for cheap or on

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<v Speaker 1>rare occasions, creating something themselves for the sole purpose, or

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<v Speaker 1>preventing anyone else from using it, making money by suing

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<v Speaker 1>anyone who dares try. Large corporations, of course, to precisely

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<v Speaker 1>the same thing, see for example, Disney's War. In the

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<v Speaker 1>concept of anything, anything at all, falling into the public domain,

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<v Speaker 1>the sabotage, and on this all four of our interlocutors

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<v Speaker 1>Veblin Kropotkin clear needs and degree as long as private

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<v Speaker 1>ownership exists, because sabotage is all private ownership really is.

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<v Speaker 1>But it is not simply enough to answer corporate sabotage

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<v Speaker 1>with their own sabotage. As Veblin pointed out, this is

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<v Speaker 1>simply the ordinary state of affairs under capitalism. For Capotkin,

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<v Speaker 1>the answer was simple. This rich endowments, painfully one builded, fashioned,

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<v Speaker 1>or invented by our ancestors, must become common property, so

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<v Speaker 1>that the collective interest of men may gain forbid the

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<v Speaker 1>greatest good for all. There must be appropriate ation the

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<v Speaker 1>well being of all the end expropriation. The means how

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<v Speaker 1>precisely to go about doing such a thing has been

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<v Speaker 1>the subject of endless debate for nearly two hundred years,

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<v Speaker 1>And I am not arrogant enough to propose to solve

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<v Speaker 1>the problem here. But a system where a company can

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<v Speaker 1>prevent even the US government from attempting to produce ventilators

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<v Speaker 1>by simply buying up the company that won the contract

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<v Speaker 1>and refusing to fill the order to maintain the value

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<v Speaker 1>of the ventilators it was already producing. Is a system

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<v Speaker 1>based on nothing less than ensuring that people will die

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<v Speaker 1>for or five percent rate of return. If we are

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<v Speaker 1>to have any hope of stopping the ravages that climate

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<v Speaker 1>change promises for our future, we cannot afford to be

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<v Speaker 1>sabotaged at every step,