WEBVTT - Widespread Poverty is Solvable

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<v Speaker 1>Pushkin. I am Mayve Higgins, and this is solvable interviews

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<v Speaker 1>with the world's most innovative thinkers working to solve the

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<v Speaker 1>world's biggest problems. My solvable is putting the beneficiary as

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<v Speaker 1>the focus of the aid and philanthropic sector and not

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<v Speaker 1>the donor. We're letting the beneficiary choose where they want

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<v Speaker 1>to spend the capital and taking that decision out of

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<v Speaker 1>our own hands. That's Michael Faye, the co founder and

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<v Speaker 1>president of Give Directly. Now imagine this. You're watching TV,

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<v Speaker 1>or you're on your phone and you see some terrible disaster,

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<v Speaker 1>or you read a story about extreme poverty in a

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<v Speaker 1>country far from yours. If you want to help, and

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<v Speaker 1>if you're moved to do something, the action you take

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<v Speaker 1>will most likely be to send money. There are NGOs

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<v Speaker 1>and aid organizations all over the world. Perhaps you'll find

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<v Speaker 1>one working in that country or specializing in the type

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<v Speaker 1>of aid you'd think is needed there, and you send

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<v Speaker 1>them a donation. Then you feel a little bit better.

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<v Speaker 1>But it's important to check, isn't it How effective is

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<v Speaker 1>that aid system? Is it measured? Is it working for

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<v Speaker 1>the people that it's supposed to be helping? And how

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<v Speaker 1>can you even check that in the first place. Today,

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<v Speaker 1>governments and donors are trying to find out how their

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<v Speaker 1>money can make the biggest difference, and increasingly they're turning

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<v Speaker 1>to a promising new tool, cash transfers, in other words,

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<v Speaker 1>giving people cold hard cat. I guess it's not that

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<v Speaker 1>new anymore because since the year two thousand, a growing

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<v Speaker 1>number of developing countries have introduced these cash transfers instead

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<v Speaker 1>of giving aid in the form of goods or services,

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<v Speaker 1>and more recently, donors and development banks have begun championing

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<v Speaker 1>these programs. Cash transfer programs have spread from a few

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<v Speaker 1>middle income countries to basically all regions of the world.

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<v Speaker 1>So you can understand why a growing number of voices

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<v Speaker 1>are calling for an end to paying the middleman in

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<v Speaker 1>the shape of aid organizations, and those voices are asking

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<v Speaker 1>why not just give directly to the people who need it. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>our guest, Michael Faye, founded his organization Give Directly to

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<v Speaker 1>do just that. His organization are currently testing a universal

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<v Speaker 1>basic income in order to try and permanently end extreme

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<v Speaker 1>poverty for thousands of people and Kenya by guaranteeing those

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<v Speaker 1>people an income high enough to meet their basic needs. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>if that works. They're planning to do the same in

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<v Speaker 1>other regions. We'll see the initiative launched in November twenty

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen and it's going along now. It's set to run

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<v Speaker 1>for twelve years. Let's hear all about it now in

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<v Speaker 1>this conversation with Jacob Weisberg. So, Michael's the nature of

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<v Speaker 1>this problem is the problem? Extreme poverty? Is at all poverty?

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<v Speaker 1>What should we be thinking about trying to solve here?

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<v Speaker 1>I think there are all sorts of these problems. There's

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<v Speaker 1>extreme poverty. There are people that are poor because they

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<v Speaker 1>were born in extremely poor location. There are people Interack

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<v Speaker 1>that are suffering post genocide and trying to rebuild lives.

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<v Speaker 1>And then I was recently in Uganda in a refugee

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<v Speaker 1>camp where people have been for thirty years and don't

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<v Speaker 1>have the capital to really build and move on in

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<v Speaker 1>their lives. And why is this the problem you're focusing on.

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<v Speaker 1>I know your background is economics. How do you find

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<v Speaker 1>yourself running an international aid organization. We slowly tripped into it.

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<v Speaker 1>So I did my PhD in development and at that

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<v Speaker 1>time we were studying what worked and didn't work in

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<v Speaker 1>poverty alleviation, and the reality was that before the early

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<v Speaker 1>two thousands, this isn't something we spent much time on.

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<v Speaker 1>If you are a pharmaceutical company, you might test your drug,

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<v Speaker 1>but if you're a GEO or an aid organization, you

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<v Speaker 1>weren't necessarily testing whether what you did was effective. What

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<v Speaker 1>we learned in that period is that a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>what we were doing was not as effective as we

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<v Speaker 1>had hoped, and this simple idea of just giving people

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<v Speaker 1>cash actually worked pretty well. Where does that idea come from?

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, the idea that you replace something complicated with

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<v Speaker 1>something simple. When it comes to internationally, it's the simplest idea,

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<v Speaker 1>and we should take no credit for it. I think

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<v Speaker 1>it's been an idea that's been out there for a

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<v Speaker 1>very long time, but it's unsettling. We think people will

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<v Speaker 1>waste the money, we think they'll stop working, and that's

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<v Speaker 1>just not what the evidence tells us. So there was

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<v Speaker 1>a moral judgment at the heart of the old aid

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<v Speaker 1>system that you have to give people. You have to

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<v Speaker 1>give money to deserving people, or you have to give

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<v Speaker 1>them specific kinds of help, food, clothing that won't be

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<v Speaker 1>wasted or lead to moral squal or whatever it is.

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<v Speaker 1>I think that's right, and I think there's a certain

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<v Speaker 1>implicit paternalism and a lot of what we were doing

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<v Speaker 1>we thought, oh, we'll give this person the goat, we said,

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<v Speaker 1>goat is great for their life, or we'll give them

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<v Speaker 1>this specific nutrition intervention. And as you reflect upon that,

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's important to ask why why do we

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<v Speaker 1>think this person is going to waste money? I certainly

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<v Speaker 1>don't want to receive my salary in bags of rice

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<v Speaker 1>or corn. I'd like salary in dollars, so I get

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<v Speaker 1>to choose. But why do we treat other people differently?

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<v Speaker 1>So is your premise that giving cash instead is more

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<v Speaker 1>just and fair, or that it's more effective or both.

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's a bit of all. I think we

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<v Speaker 1>should measure the impact of cash and compare it to

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<v Speaker 1>other things. Us the aid sector philanthropists should have to

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<v Speaker 1>make the argument to a recipient that we're doing more

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<v Speaker 1>good with the money than they could themselves. And I

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<v Speaker 1>think that's the minimum bar we should meet, and we

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<v Speaker 1>often talk about that being the index fund or the

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<v Speaker 1>benchmark for other interventions. But I also think there's an

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<v Speaker 1>element about dignity choice. And when you talk to the recipients,

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<v Speaker 1>they'll tell you that. They'll say this is not a

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<v Speaker 1>large village. There's actually one village in Library with only

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<v Speaker 1>seven people. But we all have different needs. I may

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<v Speaker 1>need to send my child to secondary school and pay

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<v Speaker 1>school fees. Someone else may want to feed their newborn,

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<v Speaker 1>and somebody else may want to buy a motorbike to

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<v Speaker 1>start a business. It's impossible to know that from here.

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<v Speaker 1>But the people who do know their needs are the

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<v Speaker 1>people themselves now, being a group of academic economists who

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<v Speaker 1>started this organization, I think you did something unusual as

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<v Speaker 1>you set it up as a kind of study. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>so we started with an evaluation, so before we got going,

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<v Speaker 1>we knew that there are other cash evaluations that cash

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<v Speaker 1>transfers were an effective means of helping people, but we

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<v Speaker 1>wanted to make sure that we give directly we're also

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<v Speaker 1>as effective. So we did that before even launching publicly.

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<v Speaker 1>And what have you learned from the studies you've done?

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<v Speaker 1>I guess I mean talk a little bit about that.

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<v Speaker 1>I know you started first in Kenya and have expanded

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<v Speaker 1>in East Africa now elsewhere. But what are the oldest

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<v Speaker 1>experiments in cash transfers now? Tell you Yeah, and we're

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<v Speaker 1>not even the oldest. Before us, there are cash programs

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<v Speaker 1>in Brazil, Mexico, many places. So let's start with what

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<v Speaker 1>it's not and what everybody's worried about. People do not

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<v Speaker 1>spend it on alcohol and drugs, and they do not

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<v Speaker 1>stop working. And I think that's been shown across contexts.

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<v Speaker 1>What people do do is they spend the money well,

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<v Speaker 1>and how they spend it is really context specific. So

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<v Speaker 1>you'll see projects that gave money to grandparents in South

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<v Speaker 1>Africa and that seems to have gone largely towards nutrition.

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<v Speaker 1>You'll see other programs where business income increased. You'll see

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<v Speaker 1>programs that during the cash transfer program itself you actually

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<v Speaker 1>saw a fall in HIV and STD prevalence. The range

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<v Speaker 1>is wide, but that's sort of the point of cash

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<v Speaker 1>is that people have different needs and we should expect

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<v Speaker 1>the outcomes to be based on the specific needs. Now,

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<v Speaker 1>that's the idea of cash transfers, which is that if

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<v Speaker 1>you want to aid, you should give money and not

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<v Speaker 1>bags of rice or a goad. And then there's the

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<v Speaker 1>idea of universal basic income, which is the version of

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<v Speaker 1>that that people are talking about in the developed world

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<v Speaker 1>as well. But your large scale experiments in Africa are

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<v Speaker 1>with UBI universal basic income, right, yeah. So universal basic

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<v Speaker 1>income has come to me in a lot of things

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<v Speaker 1>in the media, and in my view, it's something very specific.

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<v Speaker 1>So it's universal. So you don't go and try to

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<v Speaker 1>find the poorest person in the village. You give it

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<v Speaker 1>to everybody. Everybody in the village, everybody in the village.

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<v Speaker 1>It could be everybody in the country, depending on how

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<v Speaker 1>broad your scope. It's basic so it's not a large

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<v Speaker 1>amount of money. It's a small enough amount of money

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<v Speaker 1>that you can get by. So in the case of Kenya,

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<v Speaker 1>we're giving seventy five cents a day, which is the

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<v Speaker 1>food poverty line, and then it's an income, so it's

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<v Speaker 1>over a long period of time. This isn't a one

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<v Speaker 1>time transfer or not. We're actually doing the first long

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<v Speaker 1>term universal basic income that's ever been done anywhere. That's

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<v Speaker 1>in Kenya, and people will be getting money for twelve years.

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<v Speaker 1>Tell me what's happened in one of these Kenyon villages

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<v Speaker 1>where you're conducting this experiment with universal basic income, I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>how things change? What is it like? Yeah, so I

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<v Speaker 1>can give you the anecdotes, I can't give you the

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<v Speaker 1>evidence quite yet. We're doing the evaluation and that hasn't

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<v Speaker 1>come out yet, but adotally it's incredibly interesting. So I

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<v Speaker 1>think you see many of the kind of standard spending decisions,

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<v Speaker 1>whether it's on school fees or food or a pair

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<v Speaker 1>of houses that you might see elsewhere. But I think

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<v Speaker 1>there's a social element of the universality that makes it

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<v Speaker 1>a bit different than some of the other programs. And

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<v Speaker 1>I think a recent recipients said it best when he said, look,

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<v Speaker 1>before Universal Basic Income, there was rich and poor in

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<v Speaker 1>the village. Now we're all Universal Basic Income recipients. We

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<v Speaker 1>can talk about the twenty two dollars a month that

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<v Speaker 1>we're receiving as a community, and we can have that

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<v Speaker 1>conversation openly in a way that we wouldn't talk about

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<v Speaker 1>our investments or funding otherwise. The second thing you see

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<v Speaker 1>is you actually see a pooling of resource. Is because

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<v Speaker 1>of this, you see groups of ten people that will

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<v Speaker 1>actually start lending to each other. So each month, one

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<v Speaker 1>person out of that group will take all the money

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<v Speaker 1>so that they can make an investment, and the next

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<v Speaker 1>month you'll see someone else. And then you see other

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<v Speaker 1>pro social behaviors. So I was in the house of

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<v Speaker 1>a village elder and she said, you know what's really

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<v Speaker 1>amazing one of my jobs is to break up marital disputes,

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<v Speaker 1>and I usually have two to three marital disputes a

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<v Speaker 1>month that I need to intervene. I haven't had one

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<v Speaker 1>in four and a half months. And you give to

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<v Speaker 1>every adult in the village, So in a family, husband wife,

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<v Speaker 1>not the children obviously that they get a larger grant

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<v Speaker 1>depending on how many children they have. No so the

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<v Speaker 1>children will get if they're eighteen and above. So once

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<v Speaker 1>they're a team, they'll start receiving basic income as well.

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<v Speaker 1>But it's at the individual level. And as you say,

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<v Speaker 1>the results aren't in and I know you have kind

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<v Speaker 1>of control villages where you're not doing this, But what

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<v Speaker 1>do you hope to see from this experiment? What do

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<v Speaker 1>you hope it will show. The beauty of cash is

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<v Speaker 1>that where agnostic, which is I don't have a preference

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<v Speaker 1>for what a recipient spends money on. And that's different

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<v Speaker 1>than a lot of how we've historically thought about aid

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<v Speaker 1>and structured the sector. So some organizations might have a

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<v Speaker 1>mandate for shelter for food security for children, in which

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<v Speaker 1>case the organization would hope that they'd see a food

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<v Speaker 1>security outcome or an education outcome. I don't have specific hopes.

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<v Speaker 1>I hope this improves people's lives and that you don't

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<v Speaker 1>see any of the things that you might worry about.

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<v Speaker 1>But given just the kind of magnitude of evidence on

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<v Speaker 1>cash at this point, I'm not particularly concerned about that.

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<v Speaker 1>But if you're giving someone a thousand dollars a year,

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<v Speaker 1>or you'd like to see that they are in some

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<v Speaker 1>sense a thousand dollars a year better off, well they

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<v Speaker 1>should be at least a thousand dollars better off, and

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<v Speaker 1>that's sort of it. They will be at least a

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<v Speaker 1>thousand dollars better off. Maybe they invest it in a

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<v Speaker 1>motorbike and they start working, so that compounds over time.

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<v Speaker 1>And one element of cash that people often forget is

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<v Speaker 1>that cash is very pro market. So if I get

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<v Speaker 1>a thousand dollars, I need to spend that thousand dollars.

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<v Speaker 1>So if I spend it on improving my home, I

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<v Speaker 1>might actually be paying someone in the next village to

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<v Speaker 1>do that, and that person may spend the money. And

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<v Speaker 1>there is a paper that is forthcoming that suggests that

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<v Speaker 1>there's a strong positive impact on even those that haven't

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<v Speaker 1>received the cash. It sounds obvious. It's the point that

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<v Speaker 1>you give a thousand dollars and someone gets a thousand

0:12:40.596 --> 0:12:43.996
<v Speaker 1>dollars of benefit. But the benchmark isn't that. The benchmark

0:12:44.116 --> 0:12:47.236
<v Speaker 1>is a thousand dollars spent on aid in the conventional

0:12:47.276 --> 0:12:51.076
<v Speaker 1>aid world doesn't necessarily produce anything like a thousand dollars

0:12:51.116 --> 0:12:53.356
<v Speaker 1>in benefit. In fact, a lot of it is lost

0:12:53.476 --> 0:12:56.876
<v Speaker 1>in the friction and transaction costs of delivering it. It's

0:12:56.876 --> 0:12:59.516
<v Speaker 1>exactly right. It's back to basics. Even that basic question

0:12:59.556 --> 0:13:03.116
<v Speaker 1>of if you start with a thousand dollars on another program,

0:13:03.436 --> 0:13:05.716
<v Speaker 1>how much value winds up in the hands of recipient

0:13:06.356 --> 0:13:08.316
<v Speaker 1>is a question that we really just don't know the

0:13:08.356 --> 0:13:12.036
<v Speaker 1>answer to as a sector. And the other aspect of this,

0:13:12.276 --> 0:13:14.516
<v Speaker 1>I always think of this story. There's a program that

0:13:14.596 --> 0:13:18.036
<v Speaker 1>gave coupons to buy goats, and this was in Pakistan,

0:13:18.436 --> 0:13:20.756
<v Speaker 1>and you take your coupon to the business owner and

0:13:20.836 --> 0:13:22.916
<v Speaker 1>you'd give him the coupon and he'd give you a goat.

0:13:23.596 --> 0:13:25.916
<v Speaker 1>And they sent monitors to evaluate the program, and the

0:13:25.956 --> 0:13:29.676
<v Speaker 1>monitors sitting outside and every person comes coupon goat, coupon goat,

0:13:29.676 --> 0:13:32.556
<v Speaker 1>and it looks great. At some point he says, Tom,

0:13:32.716 --> 0:13:35.436
<v Speaker 1>you know, all the goats just look so so similar

0:13:35.996 --> 0:13:39.516
<v Speaker 1>in this market, and walk around the back and realize

0:13:39.516 --> 0:13:41.996
<v Speaker 1>that after people would get their goat, they just sell

0:13:42.036 --> 0:13:44.516
<v Speaker 1>it back to the shopkeeper. There is one goat in

0:13:44.556 --> 0:13:47.196
<v Speaker 1>the village. And what you forget is that when you

0:13:47.236 --> 0:13:50.436
<v Speaker 1>give people things that they don't want or don't need,

0:13:51.076 --> 0:13:53.276
<v Speaker 1>they can just sell them to buy what they do

0:13:53.356 --> 0:13:55.916
<v Speaker 1>want and do need. And now we spend all this

0:13:56.036 --> 0:13:59.756
<v Speaker 1>time designing the sophisticated program to get people goats. Everyone

0:13:59.796 --> 0:14:02.916
<v Speaker 1>loves a goat, and everyone's just sold their goat for cash.

0:14:03.196 --> 0:14:05.436
<v Speaker 1>How does it actually work in these villages? Is someone

0:14:05.556 --> 0:14:08.316
<v Speaker 1>handing out piles of cash every month? No, they're doing

0:14:08.356 --> 0:14:12.436
<v Speaker 1>this on their phones mostly, so it surprisingly complicated. The operations.

0:14:12.436 --> 0:14:15.476
<v Speaker 1>It seems simple, but there's a lot of work. So

0:14:15.516 --> 0:14:18.596
<v Speaker 1>we have to go find the people that we want

0:14:18.596 --> 0:14:21.756
<v Speaker 1>to target, look for the extreme poor, validate that they

0:14:21.796 --> 0:14:23.956
<v Speaker 1>are who they say they are, and that we're not

0:14:24.036 --> 0:14:27.036
<v Speaker 1>having people try to game the system. People squatting in houses,

0:14:27.316 --> 0:14:29.396
<v Speaker 1>people cheating, we do all sorts of things. We actually

0:14:29.436 --> 0:14:32.556
<v Speaker 1>pay people to try to cheat our own system. To

0:14:32.716 --> 0:14:35.676
<v Speaker 1>understand how robust it is, you have a view of

0:14:35.716 --> 0:14:38.276
<v Speaker 1>white hat hackers, it's exactly what we have. Yeah, wow,

0:14:38.556 --> 0:14:40.516
<v Speaker 1>And that's a bit of putting the recipient at the center.

0:14:40.516 --> 0:14:43.276
<v Speaker 1>It's how prone to fraud is your system. We also

0:14:43.356 --> 0:14:47.156
<v Speaker 1>do customer satisfaction surveys where you treat it with respect,

0:14:47.676 --> 0:14:50.636
<v Speaker 1>and then we pay people and incentivize them based on it,

0:14:50.756 --> 0:14:53.236
<v Speaker 1>because we want to be treating the recipient as the

0:14:53.316 --> 0:14:56.356
<v Speaker 1>customer and not the donor, even though the donor is paying.

0:14:56.596 --> 0:14:58.916
<v Speaker 1>But how does the Kenyon villager actually get her money?

0:14:58.956 --> 0:15:01.196
<v Speaker 1>Does it show up on her soul phone? Does she

0:15:01.276 --> 0:15:03.476
<v Speaker 1>have them all get a text that says you've received

0:15:03.476 --> 0:15:06.956
<v Speaker 1>a thousand shillings from give directly. They then can take

0:15:06.996 --> 0:15:10.116
<v Speaker 1>that to a local shopkeeper or whomever and exchange that

0:15:10.196 --> 0:15:13.516
<v Speaker 1>for physical cash and then spend the physical cash. So

0:15:13.556 --> 0:15:15.676
<v Speaker 1>this is digital end to end. We can sit here

0:15:15.676 --> 0:15:19.676
<v Speaker 1>in this room and send digital money to someone's phone

0:15:19.796 --> 0:15:23.076
<v Speaker 1>in a Kenyan refugee settlement. I mean they're engaging in

0:15:23.116 --> 0:15:26.436
<v Speaker 1>some cases and transactions that people in the developed world

0:15:26.476 --> 0:15:29.916
<v Speaker 1>don't have access to. Right Is this because they had

0:15:29.956 --> 0:15:33.156
<v Speaker 1>Venmo Before we had Venmo, Well, skip some of the

0:15:33.196 --> 0:15:37.036
<v Speaker 1>technology we had and went straight to what were wells. Yeah,

0:15:37.316 --> 0:15:39.876
<v Speaker 1>which is there was no banking. There was no financial

0:15:39.876 --> 0:15:43.196
<v Speaker 1>inclusion or digital finance for a large swath of the

0:15:43.236 --> 0:15:47.676
<v Speaker 1>world's population, and now everybody has an ATM and bank

0:15:47.956 --> 0:15:51.756
<v Speaker 1>in their pocket, and that's completely changed what's feasible. So

0:15:51.796 --> 0:15:53.716
<v Speaker 1>if you go back when we started this a decade

0:15:53.796 --> 0:15:56.756
<v Speaker 1>or so ago, you had the evidence that this thing

0:15:56.796 --> 0:15:59.956
<v Speaker 1>we thought was really silly worked and you had the

0:15:59.996 --> 0:16:02.996
<v Speaker 1>technology to actually make it feasible. But it wasn't that simple.

0:16:03.076 --> 0:16:04.676
<v Speaker 1>I am and I know you had to set up

0:16:04.796 --> 0:16:10.356
<v Speaker 1>essentially a separate company to help facilitate these transfers across

0:16:10.436 --> 0:16:14.236
<v Speaker 1>international borders. Right. Yeah, the opportunity of mobile payments is there,

0:16:15.316 --> 0:16:18.396
<v Speaker 1>as is always the case, the execution and operations is

0:16:18.436 --> 0:16:20.956
<v Speaker 1>more challenging than you would like. So we wound up

0:16:20.956 --> 0:16:25.156
<v Speaker 1>setting up Segovia, which is an enterprise payments company that

0:16:25.196 --> 0:16:28.316
<v Speaker 1>was actually recently acquired by Crown Agents Bank. Now cash

0:16:28.396 --> 0:16:32.836
<v Speaker 1>is a bit of a buzzword now in the development world.

0:16:32.996 --> 0:16:37.876
<v Speaker 1>I think institutions and organizations that haven't traditionally been involved

0:16:37.916 --> 0:16:40.716
<v Speaker 1>in cash transfers are now talking about them. Is what

0:16:40.756 --> 0:16:42.476
<v Speaker 1>they want to be doing or part of what they

0:16:42.516 --> 0:16:45.236
<v Speaker 1>want to be doing. What's really happening there? Is it

0:16:45.356 --> 0:16:49.356
<v Speaker 1>your idea catching on or are you antagonistic to a

0:16:49.396 --> 0:16:52.556
<v Speaker 1>lot of the existing aid at infrastructure. We should take

0:16:52.596 --> 0:16:54.796
<v Speaker 1>no credit for the idea. The idea of giving people

0:16:54.916 --> 0:16:58.076
<v Speaker 1>money goes back millennia. So there's been a real shift,

0:16:58.596 --> 0:17:01.596
<v Speaker 1>certainly in the rhetoric and the commitments people are making.

0:17:02.116 --> 0:17:05.036
<v Speaker 1>I think it is going to be hard to move

0:17:05.076 --> 0:17:09.836
<v Speaker 1>this sector. In many ways. Cash fits everywhere. Cash impacts

0:17:09.876 --> 0:17:14.196
<v Speaker 1>all of the objectives people have, nutrition, education, and so on,

0:17:14.276 --> 0:17:16.516
<v Speaker 1>but it also fits nowhere. It may not be the

0:17:16.596 --> 0:17:20.796
<v Speaker 1>single best intervention for a single outcome, and that's something

0:17:21.276 --> 0:17:23.796
<v Speaker 1>that we're going to have to wrestle as a sector.

0:17:24.596 --> 0:17:26.836
<v Speaker 1>The way I think of it is there is a

0:17:26.916 --> 0:17:30.236
<v Speaker 1>lot of capital going to aid one hundred and fifty

0:17:30.236 --> 0:17:35.516
<v Speaker 1>billion dollars of development assistance now. Historically almost all of

0:17:35.556 --> 0:17:39.116
<v Speaker 1>that has been decided by the donor what we spend

0:17:39.156 --> 0:17:41.756
<v Speaker 1>that money on. Now, you may not think one hundred

0:17:41.756 --> 0:17:45.516
<v Speaker 1>percent of it should shift to recipient choice, but I

0:17:45.556 --> 0:17:47.596
<v Speaker 1>think all of us would agree that it should be

0:17:47.596 --> 0:17:50.596
<v Speaker 1>more than zero percent. They should get to vote and

0:17:50.756 --> 0:17:55.916
<v Speaker 1>choose over some fraction of that capital spend. But it

0:17:55.956 --> 0:18:00.796
<v Speaker 1>points to, among other things, a much smaller development infrastructure.

0:18:00.836 --> 0:18:03.836
<v Speaker 1>There are fewer people I imagine, working for gift directly

0:18:04.316 --> 0:18:07.716
<v Speaker 1>than some of the more traditional organizations we're talking about

0:18:07.756 --> 0:18:11.236
<v Speaker 1>that have large numbers of people on the ground involved

0:18:11.276 --> 0:18:15.276
<v Speaker 1>in the delivery of physical aid. Yeah, that may be true.

0:18:15.636 --> 0:18:18.916
<v Speaker 1>Give directly. We have two hundred and fifty or so employees,

0:18:18.916 --> 0:18:22.196
<v Speaker 1>so it's not a small number of employees, and it

0:18:22.276 --> 0:18:25.916
<v Speaker 1>certainly still takes work. But yeah, you'd be spending less

0:18:25.916 --> 0:18:29.516
<v Speaker 1>time making the decisions. I recently heard a story from

0:18:29.516 --> 0:18:32.676
<v Speaker 1>an AID worker that was a recent cash convert, and

0:18:32.676 --> 0:18:34.956
<v Speaker 1>I said, well, what did it. Well, you know, we

0:18:34.956 --> 0:18:38.796
<v Speaker 1>were just spending months and months internally debating what brand

0:18:38.836 --> 0:18:42.556
<v Speaker 1>of food we should be buying for this settlement. We

0:18:42.596 --> 0:18:45.996
<v Speaker 1>don't need to spend months debating. We can give the

0:18:46.076 --> 0:18:48.996
<v Speaker 1>money and let the household decide what brand of food,

0:18:49.036 --> 0:18:51.316
<v Speaker 1>or maybe they don't even want food. Michael, I wanted

0:18:51.316 --> 0:18:54.596
<v Speaker 1>to ask you about disaster relief. I think there were calls,

0:18:54.716 --> 0:18:58.236
<v Speaker 1>especially after the hurricane and flooding in Houston, for some

0:18:58.356 --> 0:19:02.476
<v Speaker 1>kind of direct cash type model to get help to

0:19:03.476 --> 0:19:06.836
<v Speaker 1>victims of the storm faster, and I know you're trying

0:19:06.876 --> 0:19:09.636
<v Speaker 1>to set something like that up. Yeah, we should give

0:19:09.796 --> 0:19:12.316
<v Speaker 1>Felix credit. Felix Salmon wrote an op ed saying we

0:19:12.316 --> 0:19:14.996
<v Speaker 1>need give directly in Houston, and then Felix Salmon, the

0:19:15.636 --> 0:19:18.116
<v Speaker 1>journalist journalists now at Axios, and then we set up

0:19:18.156 --> 0:19:22.196
<v Speaker 1>and did cash transfers in Houston. I think disasters spend

0:19:22.316 --> 0:19:25.436
<v Speaker 1>is off in some of the least efficient spend in

0:19:25.476 --> 0:19:28.156
<v Speaker 1>the sector that you see. I was in Houston and

0:19:28.236 --> 0:19:32.036
<v Speaker 1>you saw piles of used clothes, piles of water bottles,

0:19:32.076 --> 0:19:35.196
<v Speaker 1>a food truck serving rice and beans. Now that sounds

0:19:35.236 --> 0:19:38.596
<v Speaker 1>great until you realize that the tap is working and

0:19:38.596 --> 0:19:42.516
<v Speaker 1>people can get water from their faucet, that the Walmart

0:19:42.556 --> 0:19:46.316
<v Speaker 1>and other restaurants are open down the street, and that

0:19:46.436 --> 0:19:49.436
<v Speaker 1>what people need is different. Some people need to repair

0:19:49.476 --> 0:19:51.316
<v Speaker 1>their car because it was flooded and they can't get

0:19:51.356 --> 0:19:54.516
<v Speaker 1>to work. Some people need to rebuild their house. So

0:19:54.556 --> 0:19:56.596
<v Speaker 1>we did cash transfers in Houston. What we're going to

0:19:56.636 --> 0:20:00.756
<v Speaker 1>do next and just announced the partnership with Google is

0:20:00.756 --> 0:20:04.556
<v Speaker 1>actually something called prepositioning. It's when we raise the money

0:20:04.596 --> 0:20:08.396
<v Speaker 1>on already in advance of the disaster, and that'll allow

0:20:08.476 --> 0:20:10.876
<v Speaker 1>us to be on the around immediately following the disaster.

0:20:11.116 --> 0:20:13.716
<v Speaker 1>And how will that work? I mean if Houston happened,

0:20:13.716 --> 0:20:16.276
<v Speaker 1>and now, how would you determine who gets aid and

0:20:16.356 --> 0:20:18.716
<v Speaker 1>how would you be delivering it? Yeah, So it's a

0:20:18.716 --> 0:20:22.996
<v Speaker 1>combination of damage from the storm and poverty levels, so

0:20:23.036 --> 0:20:26.716
<v Speaker 1>you want to find high damage obviously and those most

0:20:26.756 --> 0:20:30.156
<v Speaker 1>in need. The way we've delivered it in the US

0:20:30.396 --> 0:20:33.676
<v Speaker 1>was through debit cards, so we didn't use mobile money

0:20:33.716 --> 0:20:36.636
<v Speaker 1>in the US, and going forward will likely use something

0:20:36.676 --> 0:20:40.076
<v Speaker 1>called hyperwallet, which is just a very flexible card product.

0:20:40.676 --> 0:20:43.276
<v Speaker 1>So people get essentially a gift card that they can

0:20:43.436 --> 0:20:46.276
<v Speaker 1>use to anywhere. Feel what's getting the roof fixed or

0:20:46.476 --> 0:20:49.676
<v Speaker 1>whatever whatever. They It's essentially cash, but it's stored on

0:20:49.676 --> 0:20:52.676
<v Speaker 1>a card. But how do you determine who gets how much?

0:20:52.796 --> 0:20:55.196
<v Speaker 1>Is it a function of how much you have divided

0:20:55.276 --> 0:20:59.636
<v Speaker 1>by how many qualified victims or recipients. So I think

0:20:59.636 --> 0:21:02.196
<v Speaker 1>it's one of the hardest questions, how much versus how

0:21:02.196 --> 0:21:05.396
<v Speaker 1>many people. I think historically the sector has always opted

0:21:05.396 --> 0:21:07.916
<v Speaker 1>for a high number of people, and I think we've

0:21:07.956 --> 0:21:10.476
<v Speaker 1>likely gone too far where we want the headline we've

0:21:10.516 --> 0:21:13.076
<v Speaker 1>served a million people. Well, if we've given a million

0:21:13.076 --> 0:21:15.956
<v Speaker 1>people a dollar, we probably haven't done much good. So

0:21:15.996 --> 0:21:18.916
<v Speaker 1>we try to be thoughtful. We try to price how

0:21:18.996 --> 0:21:21.756
<v Speaker 1>much we give to what the investments are that people

0:21:21.796 --> 0:21:24.036
<v Speaker 1>need to make. So what would a car repair look like?

0:21:24.356 --> 0:21:26.276
<v Speaker 1>What would it look like to pay rent for a year.

0:21:26.636 --> 0:21:30.076
<v Speaker 1>Those sorts of things. People react emotionally, which is on

0:21:30.116 --> 0:21:34.436
<v Speaker 1>the one hand, wonderful and understandable, but can produce very

0:21:34.876 --> 0:21:39.276
<v Speaker 1>irrational results. I think people came forward and gave over

0:21:39.356 --> 0:21:43.476
<v Speaker 1>a billion dollars to restore Notre Dame after the fire,

0:21:43.796 --> 0:21:46.516
<v Speaker 1>and probably none of that money is needed because the

0:21:46.516 --> 0:21:49.756
<v Speaker 1>French government would ultimately pay for it. But whether it's

0:21:49.796 --> 0:21:52.436
<v Speaker 1>needed or not, it's probably more than it's needed, and

0:21:52.516 --> 0:21:55.556
<v Speaker 1>certainly money that would be better spent elsewhere. Whether it's

0:21:55.596 --> 0:21:58.076
<v Speaker 1>more or less, I don't know in the specific examples.

0:21:58.076 --> 0:22:00.876
<v Speaker 1>I think the timing is what's really flawed, which is

0:22:00.916 --> 0:22:03.476
<v Speaker 1>you look at some of these disaster funds and they

0:22:03.516 --> 0:22:07.036
<v Speaker 1>still haven't spent the money years and years after the disaster.

0:22:08.316 --> 0:22:12.436
<v Speaker 1>That's awful. People need money immediately to start rebuilding their lives.

0:22:13.116 --> 0:22:15.796
<v Speaker 1>Cash actually provides an avenue to do that pretty quickly.

0:22:16.316 --> 0:22:18.236
<v Speaker 1>We can get that cash out quickly. We don't need

0:22:18.276 --> 0:22:21.436
<v Speaker 1>to wait years to pick a grant recipient who may

0:22:21.476 --> 0:22:23.356
<v Speaker 1>repair a building or whatnot. We can just give it

0:22:23.396 --> 0:22:25.796
<v Speaker 1>to the individuals. I wanted to come back to the

0:22:25.916 --> 0:22:30.436
<v Speaker 1>universal basic income idea and ask you about it here

0:22:30.436 --> 0:22:33.636
<v Speaker 1>in the United states where it's there are some experiments

0:22:33.676 --> 0:22:36.436
<v Speaker 1>taking place, and there's also a lot of controversy around

0:22:36.476 --> 0:22:40.476
<v Speaker 1>the idea, partly because some people see it as a

0:22:40.596 --> 0:22:44.196
<v Speaker 1>kind of answer to the loss of jobs through to

0:22:44.636 --> 0:22:48.156
<v Speaker 1>robotics and AI. Are you involved in that debate at all?

0:22:48.196 --> 0:22:49.516
<v Speaker 1>What do you think about it? I think it's a

0:22:49.516 --> 0:22:53.836
<v Speaker 1>complicated question in the US, and I think how we

0:22:53.916 --> 0:22:57.236
<v Speaker 1>fund a true universal basic income there's a real question

0:22:57.276 --> 0:23:01.076
<v Speaker 1>mark around that. But I think the elements of universal

0:23:01.076 --> 0:23:04.596
<v Speaker 1>basic income I think we can take to current social programs.

0:23:05.076 --> 0:23:06.836
<v Speaker 1>So if you look at some of the poorest people

0:23:06.836 --> 0:23:08.916
<v Speaker 1>in this country, they face some of the highest marginal

0:23:09.396 --> 0:23:12.716
<v Speaker 1>rates because as they earn more money, they lose more benefits,

0:23:13.156 --> 0:23:16.076
<v Speaker 1>in some cases approaching one hundred percent of the money

0:23:16.116 --> 0:23:18.276
<v Speaker 1>they're earning. I think that's a problem that's a real

0:23:18.316 --> 0:23:21.236
<v Speaker 1>disincentive to work. If we could flatten that, make it

0:23:21.276 --> 0:23:25.556
<v Speaker 1>more universal, and remove that disincentive, that's valuable. I think

0:23:25.836 --> 0:23:28.516
<v Speaker 1>food stamps and other programs that may be limiting to

0:23:28.636 --> 0:23:31.756
<v Speaker 1>people and may not be exactly what they need probably

0:23:31.796 --> 0:23:34.476
<v Speaker 1>can be improved. So I think there are the principles

0:23:34.476 --> 0:23:36.676
<v Speaker 1>of universal basic income that we can apply to other

0:23:36.716 --> 0:23:39.836
<v Speaker 1>social programs. While we wait to see what the actual

0:23:39.876 --> 0:23:43.116
<v Speaker 1>impact of a universal basic income is. But you don't

0:23:43.156 --> 0:23:45.356
<v Speaker 1>see it so much as an answer to the problem

0:23:45.436 --> 0:23:47.996
<v Speaker 1>of the loss of the jobs, the decline of work,

0:23:48.076 --> 0:23:50.516
<v Speaker 1>or replacement for work. I think we're going to certainly

0:23:50.556 --> 0:23:53.276
<v Speaker 1>need something if that happens. And one thing I always

0:23:53.276 --> 0:23:55.636
<v Speaker 1>say is I don't know what the likelihood of that

0:23:55.676 --> 0:23:58.796
<v Speaker 1>happening is. I do know with confidence that it's between

0:23:58.876 --> 0:24:03.556
<v Speaker 1>zero and and given that there's some chance that you

0:24:03.676 --> 0:24:07.356
<v Speaker 1>have mass unemployment from automation, we should be starting to

0:24:07.396 --> 0:24:10.156
<v Speaker 1>think about what those solutions are and starting to trial

0:24:10.196 --> 0:24:14.156
<v Speaker 1>them and understand what the implications are unsolvable. We always

0:24:14.196 --> 0:24:18.716
<v Speaker 1>like to ask what people listening can do. In this case,

0:24:18.716 --> 0:24:23.556
<v Speaker 1>it seems pretty simple. It's give cash, right, Give cash,

0:24:23.636 --> 0:24:27.476
<v Speaker 1>I think, learn a bit about what our beneficiaries lives

0:24:27.476 --> 0:24:30.236
<v Speaker 1>are like. Go to live dot give directly dot org,

0:24:30.916 --> 0:24:36.196
<v Speaker 1>which is an unfiltered streaming feed from recipients. Start a

0:24:36.236 --> 0:24:40.516
<v Speaker 1>conversation with friends or family about cash. People love debating

0:24:40.956 --> 0:24:42.956
<v Speaker 1>whether or not giving is a good or bad thing.

0:24:43.716 --> 0:24:46.636
<v Speaker 1>Always looking for really talented people to work at give Directly.

0:24:46.676 --> 0:24:49.676
<v Speaker 1>So there's lots to do. Can you decide when you

0:24:49.836 --> 0:24:52.396
<v Speaker 1>go to the give directly website, whether to give money

0:24:52.436 --> 0:24:56.876
<v Speaker 1>to a village in Kenya or a refugee camp in Uganda.

0:24:56.956 --> 0:24:59.636
<v Speaker 1>I mean, the different programs or places you're involved in

0:24:59.676 --> 0:25:02.796
<v Speaker 1>are all there. So we let people choose which project

0:25:02.796 --> 0:25:05.196
<v Speaker 1>to give to. We don't let people choose which individual

0:25:05.956 --> 0:25:08.756
<v Speaker 1>And it's that's something you've thought about. I'm sure it is.

0:25:08.836 --> 0:25:12.716
<v Speaker 1>But obviously with the more traditional kinds of aids, part

0:25:12.716 --> 0:25:14.876
<v Speaker 1>of the marketing of it and part of the appeal

0:25:15.196 --> 0:25:20.276
<v Speaker 1>is you're helping this person, this child. Here's her picture. Yeah,

0:25:20.316 --> 0:25:24.476
<v Speaker 1>And sometimes that's honest, and sometimes it's less honest. Even

0:25:24.556 --> 0:25:27.236
<v Speaker 1>in the honest cases, I think it's a bit problematic

0:25:27.236 --> 0:25:31.436
<v Speaker 1>because people have a tendency to fund kind of attractive

0:25:31.516 --> 0:25:35.116
<v Speaker 1>people and not the types of people that you necessarily

0:25:35.116 --> 0:25:38.716
<v Speaker 1>design a social program for. So you're in your case,

0:25:38.916 --> 0:25:41.676
<v Speaker 1>you don't see the individuals. You see the play, don't

0:25:41.676 --> 0:25:44.756
<v Speaker 1>see the individuals. We could wind up chasing the attractive

0:25:44.756 --> 0:25:47.076
<v Speaker 1>recipients around ken you to give cash, and that's probably

0:25:47.116 --> 0:25:50.596
<v Speaker 1>a both complicated and bad social policy. To conclude, I

0:25:50.596 --> 0:25:52.316
<v Speaker 1>wonder if you can give me your sense of the

0:25:52.356 --> 0:25:56.916
<v Speaker 1>overall picture. There's another interesting debate going on about extreme poverty.

0:25:57.316 --> 0:26:00.716
<v Speaker 1>There are statistics that show it's gotten dramatically better in

0:26:01.116 --> 0:26:05.276
<v Speaker 1>recent decades. At the same time, it seems in places

0:26:05.396 --> 0:26:08.396
<v Speaker 1>more shocking and worse than ever. Do you think we're

0:26:08.436 --> 0:26:11.796
<v Speaker 1>winning the fight against extreme poverty. We've made a lot

0:26:11.796 --> 0:26:15.676
<v Speaker 1>of progress in extreme poverty. I think it's going to

0:26:15.716 --> 0:26:18.356
<v Speaker 1>be harder going forward because it is concentrated in places

0:26:18.356 --> 0:26:21.596
<v Speaker 1>with conflict weaker states, So it will certainly be harder.

0:26:22.116 --> 0:26:23.876
<v Speaker 1>But as I think about that problem, there are two

0:26:23.956 --> 0:26:27.636
<v Speaker 1>numbers that helped me dimensionalize it. So if you look

0:26:27.676 --> 0:26:31.676
<v Speaker 1>at the poverty gap over the last forty years or so,

0:26:31.676 --> 0:26:34.636
<v Speaker 1>so this is the amount of money that would mathematically

0:26:34.676 --> 0:26:37.436
<v Speaker 1>be required to take every person above poverty. So if

0:26:37.436 --> 0:26:39.316
<v Speaker 1>you're at a dollar and the poverty lines of dollar ninety,

0:26:39.356 --> 0:26:42.316
<v Speaker 1>it's ninety cents for you. So that's been falling, which

0:26:42.356 --> 0:26:45.556
<v Speaker 1>is great news over time, and it's probably somewhere around

0:26:45.596 --> 0:26:48.796
<v Speaker 1>eighty billion today. On the other side is foreign aid,

0:26:49.156 --> 0:26:53.076
<v Speaker 1>how much money we send to extremely poor places, and

0:26:53.116 --> 0:26:56.156
<v Speaker 1>that's been increasing, which is also good news, and stands

0:26:56.156 --> 0:26:59.956
<v Speaker 1>about one hundred and fifty billion today. What happened eight

0:27:00.036 --> 0:27:02.356
<v Speaker 1>years or so ago is those two graphs crossed for

0:27:02.396 --> 0:27:05.556
<v Speaker 1>the first time, which is that there is now at

0:27:05.716 --> 0:27:09.556
<v Speaker 1>double the amount of aid spent that would mathematically be

0:27:09.676 --> 0:27:14.036
<v Speaker 1>required to end extreme poverty via closing the poverty gap,

0:27:14.036 --> 0:27:16.076
<v Speaker 1>And of course there's nuance behind that. Of course, we

0:27:16.116 --> 0:27:19.036
<v Speaker 1>can't just snap our fingers and drop money on those

0:27:19.076 --> 0:27:21.876
<v Speaker 1>that need it most. But just to think about the

0:27:21.916 --> 0:27:24.756
<v Speaker 1>relative dimensions that makes me think that this is very possible.

0:27:25.636 --> 0:27:29.276
<v Speaker 1>Those are fascinating numbers. It suggests that one hundred percent efficiency,

0:27:29.356 --> 0:27:33.596
<v Speaker 1>were it possible, would eliminate extreme poverty if we could

0:27:33.596 --> 0:27:36.076
<v Speaker 1>all do magic and get cash. We can't do magic yet,

0:27:36.476 --> 0:27:38.076
<v Speaker 1>but we can do a whole lot better than we

0:27:38.116 --> 0:27:40.116
<v Speaker 1>did ten years ago at the advent of mobile money,

0:27:40.516 --> 0:27:44.996
<v Speaker 1>new technologies, and we're getting there. Michael, thanks for joining

0:27:45.036 --> 0:27:48.676
<v Speaker 1>us on. Thanks so much. Oh I love to see it.

0:27:49.116 --> 0:27:53.156
<v Speaker 1>As Michael Fay said, the social element of the universality

0:27:53.396 --> 0:27:56.676
<v Speaker 1>is really interesting. Here in the US, we're grappling with

0:27:56.836 --> 0:28:00.316
<v Speaker 1>growing inequality. I'm not saying that it's as serious as

0:28:00.356 --> 0:28:03.116
<v Speaker 1>the poverty in the countries Michael works in, but I'm

0:28:03.116 --> 0:28:06.516
<v Speaker 1>saying that there are lessons for us here too. Also,

0:28:06.556 --> 0:28:09.436
<v Speaker 1>he uses the phrase the beauty of cash. I just

0:28:09.436 --> 0:28:11.956
<v Speaker 1>think it's such a good tattoo idea. Don't you like,

0:28:12.036 --> 0:28:14.076
<v Speaker 1>you would have to have small print too, Stating your

0:28:14.116 --> 0:28:17.076
<v Speaker 1>tattoo is an anti poverty measure, but that only makes

0:28:17.076 --> 0:28:22.396
<v Speaker 1>it more cool. Solvable is a collaboration between Pushkin Industries

0:28:22.436 --> 0:28:26.916
<v Speaker 1>and the Rockefella Foundation, with production by Laura Hyde, Hester Kant,

0:28:26.996 --> 0:28:30.756
<v Speaker 1>Laura Sheeter, and Ruth Barnes from Chalk and Blade. Pushkin's

0:28:30.756 --> 0:28:35.716
<v Speaker 1>executive producer is Neia LaBelle, Research by Sheer, Vincent, engineering

0:28:35.756 --> 0:28:39.476
<v Speaker 1>by Jason Gambrel and the great Folks at GSI Studios.

0:28:39.956 --> 0:28:43.636
<v Speaker 1>Original music composed by Pascal Wise and special thanks to

0:28:43.876 --> 0:28:48.956
<v Speaker 1>Maggie Taylor, Heather Fine, Julia Barton, Carli Mgliori, Jacob Weisberg,

0:28:48.996 --> 0:28:52.556
<v Speaker 1>and Malcolm Gladwell. You can learn more about solving today's

0:28:52.596 --> 0:28:58.236
<v Speaker 1>biggest problems at Rockefella Foundation dot org, slash Solvable. I'm

0:28:58.276 --> 0:29:00.196
<v Speaker 1>Mave Higgins, Now got solve It.