WEBVTT - Affirmative Action in Corporate World Targeted

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 2>The opinion issue today by the United States Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 2>marks the beginning of the restoration of the color blind

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<v Speaker 2>legal covenant that binds together our multi racial, multi ethnic nation.

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<v Speaker 1>Conservative activist Edward Blum won his decades long fight against

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<v Speaker 1>affirmative action in college admissions in June. Now Blum is

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<v Speaker 1>turning his attention to the corporate world. He's suing Fearless Fund,

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<v Speaker 1>an Atlanta based venture capital firm that supports black women

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<v Speaker 1>who own small businesses, accusing it of unlawful racial discrimination

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<v Speaker 1>and using the same playbook he used to get rid

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<v Speaker 1>of affirmative action in colleges. Joining me is Anthony Michael Christ,

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<v Speaker 1>a professor at the Georgia State University Knowledge of Law

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<v Speaker 1>tell us about Blum and his anti affirmative action efforts.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, so, Blum is part of the group individuals who

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<v Speaker 3>have been kind of on a wor path for lack

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<v Speaker 3>of a better term, against all kinds of race conscious programming,

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<v Speaker 3>and namely, what most people might be familiar with is

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<v Speaker 3>the recent Supreme Court ruling about race conscious student admissions

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<v Speaker 3>policies at Harvard and UNC Chapel Hill. There was a

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<v Speaker 3>challenge under the fourteenth Amendment and under the Civil Rights

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<v Speaker 3>Act in nineteen sixty four, which was successful. And so

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<v Speaker 3>now you know, Blum and associated groups are certainly moving

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<v Speaker 3>a pace and trying to take that with victory and

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<v Speaker 3>expand its footprints into other spaces.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah.

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<v Speaker 1>So the space he try and expand into is an

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<v Speaker 1>Atlanta based venture capital fund and the lawsuit specifically targets

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<v Speaker 1>a grand program that awards twenty thousand dollars to black

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<v Speaker 1>women entrepreneurs.

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<v Speaker 3>So this is a group that was founded in twenty

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<v Speaker 3>nineteen and it was three black women who decided that

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<v Speaker 3>there needed to be more investment in black owned businesses,

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<v Speaker 3>and so this entity was created in order to fundraise

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<v Speaker 3>from a variety of investors. And so they were very

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<v Speaker 3>successful in getting big investors like Bank of America in General,

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<v Speaker 3>Mills and JP Mortgage Chase and the Lights. And what

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<v Speaker 3>they were going to do would be to provide grants

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<v Speaker 3>to help entrepreneurs get a good start and invest in

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<v Speaker 3>their businesses and their future endeavors with their small businesses.

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<v Speaker 3>And so there is this backlash from Blum and other

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<v Speaker 3>folks who believe that that kind of targeted investment in

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<v Speaker 3>certain minority owned businesses is unlawful and should not be

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<v Speaker 3>permissible under federal law.

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<v Speaker 1>With the affirmative action suits, he formed a group called

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<v Speaker 1>Students for Fair Admissions and he sued on behalf of

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<v Speaker 1>Asian American students. Here, he's formed a group called American

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<v Speaker 1>Alliance for Equal Rights and it purports to represent and

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<v Speaker 1>sixty white and Asian business owners who are ineligible for

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<v Speaker 1>these grants based on their race. Is he using the

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<v Speaker 1>same playbook?

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<v Speaker 4>So?

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<v Speaker 3>I think that's a really interesting tactic. I think part

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<v Speaker 3>of it is, perhaps, you know, to be able to

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<v Speaker 3>identify the group and fundraise off of that, and to

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<v Speaker 3>kind of give the litigations greater public exposure. You know,

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<v Speaker 3>that is certainly something that I think folks have tried

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<v Speaker 3>before in a variety of ways, right to get the

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<v Speaker 3>most sympathetic kinds of clients when you go before federal

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<v Speaker 3>judiciary and impact litigation. I think it's really kind of

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<v Speaker 3>consistent with that trend and that trajectory and that history.

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<v Speaker 3>And here the people that they have organized, and I

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<v Speaker 3>think this is particularly true in the Harbord case, right

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<v Speaker 3>that they're looking for individuals who are you know, perhaps

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<v Speaker 3>the most sympathetic and I think that that's part of

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<v Speaker 3>the strategy here, and part of the strategy is the

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<v Speaker 3>fundraise and to kind of build on all these victories

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<v Speaker 3>that they're starting to aggregate in the federal judiciary and

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<v Speaker 3>really make a litigation based movement out of that. And

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<v Speaker 3>so I think we need to understand what Blum is

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<v Speaker 3>doing here, both in terms of traditional strategy right to

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<v Speaker 3>get the most sympathetic kinds of plaintiffs, but also there's

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<v Speaker 3>an aim here to build an infrastructure here to support

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<v Speaker 3>long term litigation strategies.

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<v Speaker 1>I know that you know, with the Harvard case, a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of Asian Americans and Asian American students at Harvard

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<v Speaker 1>disagreed with that lawsuit, oh absolutely.

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<v Speaker 3>And I think part of the strategy here and was

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<v Speaker 3>shoot in the Harvard case, is that you know, very

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<v Speaker 3>oftentimes there are segments of people who you know, recoil

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<v Speaker 3>at this idea of reverse discrimination, right, This idea that

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<v Speaker 3>white Americans are somehow a beliegued group of people doesn't

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<v Speaker 3>really sit well with a good chunk of Americans. And

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<v Speaker 3>so I think there was a really calculated strategy there

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<v Speaker 3>to use a non white group in order to lodge

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<v Speaker 3>this complaint against Harvard, and we're seeing that kind of

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<v Speaker 3>tactic repeated here. So again, I think it's this idea of,

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<v Speaker 3>you know, you want to bring your most sympathetic potential plaintiffs,

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<v Speaker 3>but they're certainly not to be a uniformity in any

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<v Speaker 3>group in terms of how they respond to being kind

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<v Speaker 3>of put front and center or being used to justify

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<v Speaker 3>and that litigation strategy.

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<v Speaker 1>He claims that there's a violation of section nineteen eighty

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<v Speaker 1>one of the Civil Rights Act.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah. So Section nineteen eighty one is an old law

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<v Speaker 3>from the reconstruction era. Its origins date back to the

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<v Speaker 3>thirteenth Amendment, and it was passed in eighteen sixty six

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<v Speaker 3>really in response to the Black Codes in the South,

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<v Speaker 3>where say, the first post Civil War governments that were

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<v Speaker 3>coming up back in former Confederate states were passing laws

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<v Speaker 3>that were incredibly restrictive of recently freed persons and their

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<v Speaker 3>ability to contract and their ability to buy and rent

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<v Speaker 3>and access property. And so the The Rights Act of

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<v Speaker 3>eighteen sixty six was passed in order to ensure that

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<v Speaker 3>all recently freed persons, all non white persons, enjoyed and

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<v Speaker 3>this is basically the verbiage that the law uses enjoyed

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<v Speaker 3>this same right as white persons. And so this particular

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<v Speaker 3>part of that Civil Rights Act is now codified in

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<v Speaker 3>section nineteen eighty one. And what's important about this is,

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<v Speaker 3>unlike say the Civil Rights Act in nineteen sixty four

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<v Speaker 3>and Title seven, section nineteen eighty one applies to all

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<v Speaker 3>contractual relationships, so it's not just employment. So it covers

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<v Speaker 3>a large number of entities, you know, it's not limited

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<v Speaker 3>to just employment relationships. And so that's really a big

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<v Speaker 3>question here because at the end of the day, you know,

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<v Speaker 3>I think there's those serious debates to be had whether

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<v Speaker 3>a small grant funding program is really a contractual relationship. Now,

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<v Speaker 3>the terms under which these grants are given, you know,

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<v Speaker 3>the Fearless Fund does basically say that it creates a

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<v Speaker 3>contractual relationship for the grant recipient to do the work

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<v Speaker 3>consistent with what the grant's purpose is for. And so

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<v Speaker 3>there's a real interesting question there about what kind of

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<v Speaker 3>relationship exists between these entrepreneurs who are receiving these grants

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<v Speaker 3>and the Fearless Fund. So I think it's a really

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<v Speaker 3>novel question in some ways. It will be interesting to

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<v Speaker 3>see how the federal court here in Atlanta deals with that.

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<v Speaker 1>Let's say this is successful, does that open up a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of corporations to lawsuits if they have contracts, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>which preference minorities in some way?

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<v Speaker 3>Certainly, I think it opens up the doors to challenging

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<v Speaker 3>preferences for you know, minority owned businesses and subcontracts. It

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<v Speaker 3>opens up the door to attacking other programs like the

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<v Speaker 3>Fearless fun It also potentially opens up the door to

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<v Speaker 3>maybe attacking scholarship programs that are targeted towards certain affinity

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<v Speaker 3>groups or certain racial groups. So for Sec. Nineteen eighty

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<v Speaker 3>one to apply, though, it really would have to be

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<v Speaker 3>a contractual relationship. So if a case like this was successful,

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<v Speaker 3>there would be certainly some if not many, programs in

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<v Speaker 3>the corporate world which would be subject to litigation and attack.

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<v Speaker 3>And there might be some other areas that you know,

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<v Speaker 3>advocates like Blum might well try to target for future litigation.

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<v Speaker 3>If I think at the end of the day, there

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<v Speaker 3>would be some significant change in how multiple businesses conduct

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<v Speaker 3>their practices and the kinds of opportunities that they affirmatively

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<v Speaker 3>provide and they consciously consider race in their process.

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<v Speaker 1>And Blum said, this lawsuit is the first of many

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<v Speaker 1>that he intends to file through this group to contest

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<v Speaker 1>race based corporate practices. How important is this lawsuit as

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<v Speaker 1>an opening salvo.

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<v Speaker 3>I think it's a huge risk in terms of the

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<v Speaker 3>kinds of programs that have existed throughout corporate America. There

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<v Speaker 3>are two main avenues of attack that the business community

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<v Speaker 3>will see in this space. There will be and there

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<v Speaker 3>are questions about affirmative action programs under Title seven in

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<v Speaker 3>the employment setting. And then there are these kinds of

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<v Speaker 3>contractual quosi contractual relationships that are removed from the employment

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<v Speaker 3>space but which are very important in the business community

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<v Speaker 3>as well. And we see both of those things simultaneously

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<v Speaker 3>being undertaken by Blum and folks like him. So it's

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<v Speaker 3>really a very perilous time for any business or any

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<v Speaker 3>corporation that has race conscious programming of any kind. And

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<v Speaker 3>I think we'll really have to see what the federal

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<v Speaker 3>courts do with it going forward, but certainly, you know,

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<v Speaker 3>it's a space that people should watch if they're particularly

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<v Speaker 3>concerned about issues of diversity, equity, and inclusion in the

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<v Speaker 3>corporate space.

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<v Speaker 1>So he's also launched a new campaign with a website

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<v Speaker 1>called West Point not fair. It asks were you rejected

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<v Speaker 1>from West Point or the Naval Academy or the Air

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<v Speaker 1>Force Academy, It maybe because you're the wrong race. So

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<v Speaker 1>would you just explain how there was a footnote in

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court affirmative action cases that exempted military academies

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<v Speaker 1>and now it appears he's going to try to go

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<v Speaker 1>after that footnote.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah. So an important part of the Grass and Grutterer

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<v Speaker 3>decisions which upheld affirmive action in certain contexts in the

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<v Speaker 3>early two thousands out of the University of Michigan, was

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<v Speaker 3>that there were impa is articulated by former military braath

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<v Speaker 3>about how affirmative action and how race conscious programming was

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<v Speaker 3>important in order to ensure a diverse military, and that

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<v Speaker 3>a diverse military was essential for national security, and that

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<v Speaker 3>diversity was a real important strength in order to preserve

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<v Speaker 3>better decision making and better unit cohesion and things of

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<v Speaker 3>that nature. And so that the Supreme Court, I think,

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<v Speaker 3>in the recent UNC Harvard case acknowledged that there might

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<v Speaker 3>be a significantly different and perhaps constitutionally justifiable reason to

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<v Speaker 3>have race conscious programs or race conscious admissions in the

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<v Speaker 3>military academy is given that line of history that goes

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<v Speaker 3>back to those cases from the early two thousands, and

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<v Speaker 3>so they were essentially exempted from the decision that came

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<v Speaker 3>out this past June. And so now that's where we're

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<v Speaker 3>at where it'll take an additional challenge that specifically targets

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<v Speaker 3>the military academy for the federal courts to weigh. And

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<v Speaker 3>so BLOB is now using the UNC Harvard decision to

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<v Speaker 3>kind of go the next step and challenge any kind

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<v Speaker 3>of race conscious programming in the military academy.

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<v Speaker 1>Although that might not be an area the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>wants to wade into. We'll have to wait and see.

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<v Speaker 1>Thank you so much. That's Anthony Michael Christ, Professor at

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<v Speaker 1>Georgia State University College of Law.

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<v Speaker 4>Honorable the Chief Justice and the Associate Justices of the

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<v Speaker 4>Supreme Court of the United States. Oh yay, oh yay,

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<v Speaker 4>oh yay. All persons having business before the Honorable the

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<v Speaker 4>Supreme Court of the United States are admonished to give

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<v Speaker 4>their attention. So the court is now sitting.

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<v Speaker 1>When the Supreme Court kicks off its next term on

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<v Speaker 1>the first Monday in October, it will be off to

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<v Speaker 1>a slow start. The justices will hear just six cases

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<v Speaker 1>in October, even though they have ten slots available. In addition,

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<v Speaker 1>they have just over half the number of cases they

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<v Speaker 1>normally hear for the first three months of the term.

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<v Speaker 1>Joining me is someone who's looked into this all the numbers,

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Laws, Supreme Court reporter Kimberly Strawbridge Robinson. So it

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<v Speaker 1>appears that the Court will be off to a slow

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<v Speaker 1>start in October.

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<v Speaker 5>Yeah, well, it actually may be surprising to some listeners,

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<v Speaker 5>but that's been a recent trend of the Supreme Court.

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<v Speaker 5>And we hear so much about these huge, big cases

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<v Speaker 5>that the justices are deciding, but on the whole, they've

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<v Speaker 5>actually been deciding a lot less and it looks like

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<v Speaker 5>this next term is going to follow that. At least

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<v Speaker 5>at the start. The justices released to their first sitting

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<v Speaker 5>of arguments for October and there's just six cases on

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<v Speaker 5>the docket, which is you know, as E've been saying

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<v Speaker 5>something that's a trend.

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<v Speaker 1>Why is this? Why have they been cutting back on

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<v Speaker 1>cases year after year?

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<v Speaker 5>Well, it's been at its highest in the nineteen eighties,

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<v Speaker 5>they were deciding some one hundred and fifty cases. Now

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<v Speaker 5>we're around sixty at best. So it's slowly happening, and

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<v Speaker 5>there's not a real reason that anybody's been able to

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<v Speaker 5>put their thumb on. You know, the Supreme Court justices

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<v Speaker 5>themselves have said that they are aware that the case

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<v Speaker 5>flowed is getting lighter, and they're looking for cases, but

0:13:12.240 --> 0:13:14.480
<v Speaker 5>that they're just not there for them. You know. Other

0:13:14.480 --> 0:13:16.480
<v Speaker 5>people say, you know, there are plenty of cases for

0:13:16.559 --> 0:13:19.760
<v Speaker 5>the justices here, but there's really no one reason that

0:13:19.840 --> 0:13:21.760
<v Speaker 5>I can think of for why this keeps happening.

0:13:22.160 --> 0:13:25.679
<v Speaker 1>And in contrast, is the shadow docket, which are the

0:13:25.679 --> 0:13:29.079
<v Speaker 1>cases that are not argued or fully briefed. Is that

0:13:29.120 --> 0:13:30.520
<v Speaker 1>getting larger.

0:13:30.960 --> 0:13:33.240
<v Speaker 5>It is getting larger, and we're seeing you know, the

0:13:33.280 --> 0:13:37.199
<v Speaker 5>emergency doctor used to be mostly about death penalty cases,

0:13:37.520 --> 0:13:40.760
<v Speaker 5>you know, trying to stop executions that are getting ready

0:13:40.800 --> 0:13:44.200
<v Speaker 5>to happen imminently. But during the Obama administration, during the

0:13:44.200 --> 0:13:47.360
<v Speaker 5>Trump administration, and now continuing on into the Biden administration,

0:13:47.760 --> 0:13:50.679
<v Speaker 5>we're seeing so many of these culture war cases coming

0:13:50.760 --> 0:13:53.720
<v Speaker 5>up to the justices, and they've been more willing to

0:13:53.920 --> 0:13:56.360
<v Speaker 5>jump in at early stages rather than sort of let

0:13:56.360 --> 0:13:58.760
<v Speaker 5>them play out in the lower courts. And so not

0:13:58.840 --> 0:14:01.880
<v Speaker 5>only are those things to be happening without breathing an argument.

0:14:01.960 --> 0:14:04.280
<v Speaker 5>But there have been some cases you think about the

0:14:04.360 --> 0:14:07.120
<v Speaker 5>vaccine mandate, the abortion a lot of Texas where they've

0:14:07.120 --> 0:14:09.440
<v Speaker 5>actually said, you know, we do need briefing an argument

0:14:09.480 --> 0:14:12.240
<v Speaker 5>on this, and they've set a really expedited process for those.

0:14:12.360 --> 0:14:15.440
<v Speaker 5>And even still with those added cases, the case flowed

0:14:15.480 --> 0:14:17.040
<v Speaker 5>overall is really low.

0:14:17.400 --> 0:14:20.640
<v Speaker 1>So how many cases were decided last term and how

0:14:20.640 --> 0:14:22.880
<v Speaker 1>does that compare to prior terms.

0:14:23.520 --> 0:14:27.600
<v Speaker 5>Well, last term they decided just under sixty cases. If

0:14:27.640 --> 0:14:29.760
<v Speaker 5>you look at the Supreme Court's website, it will say

0:14:29.880 --> 0:14:33.080
<v Speaker 5>the justices here about seventy cases each term. So the

0:14:33.120 --> 0:14:35.760
<v Speaker 5>little out of dates, but you know, as I've been

0:14:35.800 --> 0:14:38.200
<v Speaker 5>saying each year, it's sort of been ticking down. We

0:14:38.360 --> 0:14:42.120
<v Speaker 5>had a historical load during twenty twenty or twenty twenty one,

0:14:42.160 --> 0:14:44.920
<v Speaker 5>whenever the court was disrupted for the pandemic.

0:14:45.000 --> 0:14:45.800
<v Speaker 3>But without that.

0:14:45.760 --> 0:14:48.040
<v Speaker 5>Blip, we're still seeing this kind of flowed to decline.

0:14:48.080 --> 0:14:50.520
<v Speaker 5>And so the six cases that they have kicking off

0:14:50.600 --> 0:14:53.560
<v Speaker 5>their first sitting is something I haven't seen in a

0:14:53.560 --> 0:14:54.280
<v Speaker 5>really long time.

0:14:54.760 --> 0:14:58.680
<v Speaker 1>The Justices did just take the case over Purdue Pharma's

0:14:59.080 --> 0:15:03.760
<v Speaker 1>six billion dollars opioid settlement off the shadow docket and

0:15:03.840 --> 0:15:07.440
<v Speaker 1>scheduled it for arguments in the December sitting, So are

0:15:07.440 --> 0:15:08.960
<v Speaker 1>they likely to add more cases.

0:15:09.200 --> 0:15:11.840
<v Speaker 5>What happens is that why the justices are taking their

0:15:11.840 --> 0:15:15.000
<v Speaker 5>summer breaks and doing teaching gigs. All these cases will

0:15:15.040 --> 0:15:17.200
<v Speaker 5>sort of build up over the summertime, and then the

0:15:17.360 --> 0:15:19.960
<v Speaker 5>justices come back in September to what we call the

0:15:20.000 --> 0:15:23.200
<v Speaker 5>Long Conference and they'll grant a handful of cases.

0:15:22.880 --> 0:15:23.320
<v Speaker 3>Off of that.

0:15:23.480 --> 0:15:26.800
<v Speaker 5>But those cases, because there has to be briefing before

0:15:26.800 --> 0:15:29.760
<v Speaker 5>they can be argument, those cases probably won't get hurt

0:15:29.880 --> 0:15:32.640
<v Speaker 5>until twenty twenty four, so still in this term. But

0:15:32.920 --> 0:15:35.000
<v Speaker 5>the cases that the justices have now are the ones

0:15:35.040 --> 0:15:36.680
<v Speaker 5>that sort of stuck with through.

0:15:36.480 --> 0:15:37.120
<v Speaker 3>The end of the year.

0:15:37.320 --> 0:15:39.240
<v Speaker 1>And I take it there hasn't been a slowed down

0:15:39.400 --> 0:15:42.920
<v Speaker 1>in surf petitions, which the parties file to ask the

0:15:42.920 --> 0:15:44.080
<v Speaker 1>court to take their case.

0:15:44.720 --> 0:15:46.600
<v Speaker 5>No, there's not been a slowdown in the number of

0:15:46.640 --> 0:15:48.840
<v Speaker 5>filings that they get. You know, we see a lot

0:15:48.880 --> 0:15:52.120
<v Speaker 5>of cases dealing with everything from guns to abortion to

0:15:52.440 --> 0:15:55.840
<v Speaker 5>admin law, and for some reason or another, the justices

0:15:55.920 --> 0:15:58.400
<v Speaker 5>just can't get for to agree that it's cases they

0:15:58.400 --> 0:15:59.040
<v Speaker 5>need to take up.

0:15:59.360 --> 0:16:01.920
<v Speaker 1>So let's talk about a couple of the cases that

0:16:02.000 --> 0:16:05.280
<v Speaker 1>are coming up in October, and in one the Consumer

0:16:05.360 --> 0:16:09.400
<v Speaker 1>Financial Protection Board will be under fire again at the court.

0:16:09.600 --> 0:16:13.840
<v Speaker 1>We already saw in twenty twenty where the court rule

0:16:13.960 --> 0:16:17.600
<v Speaker 1>that the president can fire the director for any reason.

0:16:18.120 --> 0:16:18.320
<v Speaker 3>Right.

0:16:18.400 --> 0:16:21.440
<v Speaker 5>So, as you mentioned, this is the latest challenge to

0:16:21.480 --> 0:16:24.200
<v Speaker 5>the CFPD, which of course came up in the wake

0:16:24.320 --> 0:16:27.760
<v Speaker 5>of the two thousand and eight financial crisis. You mentioned

0:16:27.880 --> 0:16:30.680
<v Speaker 5>that twenty twenty case. The more the Supreme Court, you know,

0:16:30.760 --> 0:16:33.480
<v Speaker 5>did rule against the CSPV, but they were able to

0:16:33.560 --> 0:16:35.960
<v Speaker 5>sort of lighten the blow a little bit and they

0:16:36.000 --> 0:16:38.600
<v Speaker 5>just sort of struck that provision, but less the CFPB

0:16:38.720 --> 0:16:41.080
<v Speaker 5>as a whole in place and it was able to

0:16:41.120 --> 0:16:45.400
<v Speaker 5>go on mostly businesses normal. This case presents a much

0:16:45.520 --> 0:16:49.240
<v Speaker 5>bigger challenge to the Supreme Court and the CFPB if

0:16:49.280 --> 0:16:52.560
<v Speaker 5>they do find if they agree with the challengers here,

0:16:52.600 --> 0:16:55.880
<v Speaker 5>who are saying that the funding mechanism that funds the

0:16:55.960 --> 0:17:00.280
<v Speaker 5>agency is unconstitutional. And you know, the cfpv's funding mechanism

0:17:00.680 --> 0:17:03.200
<v Speaker 5>is a little complex, but basically, you know, the argument

0:17:03.240 --> 0:17:06.440
<v Speaker 5>is that it bypasses Congress, that really takes Congress's role

0:17:06.480 --> 0:17:09.720
<v Speaker 5>over the purse out of the CSPB, and that that

0:17:09.920 --> 0:17:12.160
<v Speaker 5>in and of itself is unconstitutional.

0:17:12.600 --> 0:17:15.280
<v Speaker 1>The Biden administration is saying that it could cast out

0:17:15.320 --> 0:17:18.680
<v Speaker 1>on every action the agency has taken for twelve years,

0:17:18.760 --> 0:17:22.440
<v Speaker 1>and it could have implications for the Federal Reserve Board,

0:17:22.480 --> 0:17:25.399
<v Speaker 1>the FDIC, and the Controller of the Currency.

0:17:26.680 --> 0:17:29.840
<v Speaker 5>That's right. So you know, there are other agencies, very

0:17:29.840 --> 0:17:32.480
<v Speaker 5>important agencies like the ones you mentioned, who are funded

0:17:32.520 --> 0:17:35.879
<v Speaker 5>in a similar way, and so you know, the implications

0:17:36.080 --> 0:17:40.440
<v Speaker 5>beyond the cfpbre are pretty enormous. But even within the CSPP,

0:17:40.600 --> 0:17:43.120
<v Speaker 5>you know, these are really a string of cases that

0:17:43.160 --> 0:17:46.520
<v Speaker 5>the justices have been very closely trying to police the

0:17:46.640 --> 0:17:50.280
<v Speaker 5>power between the judiciary, the executive and Congress. And they've

0:17:50.280 --> 0:17:52.280
<v Speaker 5>been tinkering a lot of these cases. And what we've

0:17:52.280 --> 0:17:55.560
<v Speaker 5>seen is why they've made pretty sweeping constitutional rulings sort

0:17:55.560 --> 0:17:58.280
<v Speaker 5>of digging out that power. They've really tried to limit

0:17:58.320 --> 0:18:00.600
<v Speaker 5>the effect it has. So, you know, so they do

0:18:00.640 --> 0:18:03.159
<v Speaker 5>what they've done in the past, and the actions the

0:18:03.200 --> 0:18:06.800
<v Speaker 5>CFPP had taken will probably be okay. What will be

0:18:06.880 --> 0:18:09.639
<v Speaker 5>the big question is how they move forward without that

0:18:09.760 --> 0:18:12.119
<v Speaker 5>funding mechanism. That really seems like they'll have to go

0:18:12.119 --> 0:18:13.440
<v Speaker 5>to Congress for something.

0:18:13.160 --> 0:18:16.600
<v Speaker 1>Like that, And the Court is going to hear an

0:18:16.760 --> 0:18:21.680
<v Speaker 1>argument in a challenge to Congressional redistricting in South Carolina.

0:18:22.080 --> 0:18:24.080
<v Speaker 1>Tell us about that.

0:18:24.080 --> 0:18:28.800
<v Speaker 5>That's right. I mean this may sound familiar or because well,

0:18:28.840 --> 0:18:31.240
<v Speaker 5>the Supreme Court, you know, at the end of its term,

0:18:31.320 --> 0:18:35.040
<v Speaker 5>we've decided a similar case out of Alabama. These redistricting

0:18:35.080 --> 0:18:37.000
<v Speaker 5>cases kind of have a fast track up to the

0:18:37.000 --> 0:18:39.040
<v Speaker 5>Supreme Court, so we talk about them a lot. We have,

0:18:39.400 --> 0:18:41.720
<v Speaker 5>you know, one or two or three every year. This

0:18:41.760 --> 0:18:44.080
<v Speaker 5>one comes out of South Carolina, but it's very similar

0:18:44.080 --> 0:18:48.000
<v Speaker 5>to that Alabama case. In it, black and minority voters

0:18:48.040 --> 0:18:52.600
<v Speaker 5>say that a Republican led redistricting process to draw maps

0:18:52.800 --> 0:18:56.600
<v Speaker 5>unconstitutionally used race. So that's you know, this time it's

0:18:56.680 --> 0:19:00.200
<v Speaker 5>involving South Carolina. You know, all of these cases when

0:19:00.200 --> 0:19:01.800
<v Speaker 5>we look at the House and how close it is,

0:19:02.080 --> 0:19:05.520
<v Speaker 5>have major implications for the balance of power between Republicans

0:19:05.560 --> 0:19:07.440
<v Speaker 5>and Democrats. So it's going to be another big one.

0:19:07.600 --> 0:19:11.200
<v Speaker 1>Yeah, And Republicans say they were motivated by politics, which

0:19:11.240 --> 0:19:14.240
<v Speaker 1>is permissible, not race, which is not. Well, that's due

0:19:14.280 --> 0:19:16.960
<v Speaker 1>to a Supreme Court opinion from a couple of years ago.

0:19:18.080 --> 0:19:20.360
<v Speaker 5>That is, you know, the Supreme Court really had been

0:19:20.480 --> 0:19:23.199
<v Speaker 5>for a long time really not sure whether or not

0:19:23.320 --> 0:19:27.679
<v Speaker 5>federal courts could police sort of challenges to partisanship in

0:19:27.720 --> 0:19:31.399
<v Speaker 5>the redistricting process. Ultimately, you know, a few years ago

0:19:31.800 --> 0:19:34.480
<v Speaker 5>they decided no, there's no real way for federal courts

0:19:34.520 --> 0:19:37.480
<v Speaker 5>to wag through this. They left the possibility for state

0:19:37.520 --> 0:19:39.840
<v Speaker 5>courts to do it. But as we saw in the last term,

0:19:39.920 --> 0:19:42.280
<v Speaker 5>that can get even messy as well. You know, it's

0:19:42.280 --> 0:19:44.960
<v Speaker 5>not really clear sort of who has the authority within

0:19:45.000 --> 0:19:48.439
<v Speaker 5>the states to make that determination. So as long as

0:19:48.520 --> 0:19:51.639
<v Speaker 5>you know there's sort of this loocal for partisanship, I

0:19:51.640 --> 0:19:54.600
<v Speaker 5>think it's going to be hard for mostly Democrats to

0:19:54.640 --> 0:19:58.320
<v Speaker 5>be making these claims of racial German. But that said,

0:19:58.400 --> 0:19:59.760
<v Speaker 5>I think, you know, we all we have to do

0:19:59.800 --> 0:20:02.320
<v Speaker 5>is to that Alabama case where it was pretty surprising

0:20:02.400 --> 0:20:05.040
<v Speaker 5>ruling out of the court, but they decide with the

0:20:05.040 --> 0:20:06.680
<v Speaker 5>Democrats in that case.

0:20:07.280 --> 0:20:09.960
<v Speaker 1>So, Kimberly, last term there were some blockbuster cases on

0:20:10.000 --> 0:20:15.080
<v Speaker 1>affirmative action, voting rights, President Biden's student loan forgiveness plan,

0:20:16.000 --> 0:20:19.600
<v Speaker 1>gay rights versus religious rights. Do you see any blockbusters

0:20:19.640 --> 0:20:21.000
<v Speaker 1>coming up next term?

0:20:22.080 --> 0:20:24.560
<v Speaker 5>Well, two that are on the court docket right now

0:20:24.600 --> 0:20:27.760
<v Speaker 5>really stand out to me. One of them is similar

0:20:27.960 --> 0:20:30.879
<v Speaker 5>to the CFAD case we talked about. It has to

0:20:30.920 --> 0:20:33.600
<v Speaker 5>deal with administrative law and sort of the balance of

0:20:33.680 --> 0:20:37.600
<v Speaker 5>power between administrative agencies and courts. And this is really

0:20:37.600 --> 0:20:41.600
<v Speaker 5>taking aim as a foundational principle an administrative law called

0:20:41.600 --> 0:20:45.399
<v Speaker 5>the Chevron doctrine. The Court is considering just mixing that

0:20:45.480 --> 0:20:48.360
<v Speaker 5>all together. So that's going to be a really big one.

0:20:48.480 --> 0:20:51.680
<v Speaker 5>I'm not exaggerating when I say that it has implications

0:20:51.680 --> 0:20:55.000
<v Speaker 5>that could potentially reach to every aspect of American lives.

0:20:55.119 --> 0:20:57.879
<v Speaker 5>You just think about how big the administrative state is

0:20:57.960 --> 0:21:00.919
<v Speaker 5>and how much agencies do in this country. You know,

0:21:00.960 --> 0:21:05.040
<v Speaker 5>the impact is really hard to state. And then the

0:21:05.080 --> 0:21:08.280
<v Speaker 5>other one that has already been granted by the Justices

0:21:08.440 --> 0:21:11.600
<v Speaker 5>is another gun case from the court. I'm not entirely

0:21:11.640 --> 0:21:14.320
<v Speaker 5>sure that the justices were super excited to take a

0:21:14.359 --> 0:21:16.879
<v Speaker 5>second amendment so quickly on the heels of, you know,

0:21:16.920 --> 0:21:19.920
<v Speaker 5>their big decisions a couple of terms ago. But this one,

0:21:20.200 --> 0:21:24.280
<v Speaker 5>the lower court had ruled on constitution a federal law

0:21:24.320 --> 0:21:28.280
<v Speaker 5>that prohibited individuals with a domestic violence restraining order against

0:21:28.280 --> 0:21:30.919
<v Speaker 5>them from having guns. And it sort of really feels

0:21:30.960 --> 0:21:34.119
<v Speaker 5>like that's the case that the justices have to decide

0:21:34.359 --> 0:21:36.000
<v Speaker 5>since it's striking down a federal law.

0:21:36.280 --> 0:21:38.760
<v Speaker 1>Thanks so much for being on the Bloomberg Law Show. Kimberly,

0:21:39.160 --> 0:21:43.719
<v Speaker 1>that's Bloomberg Law, Supreme Court Reporter Kimberly, Strawbridge Robinson and

0:21:43.760 --> 0:21:45.920
<v Speaker 1>that's it for this edition of The Bloomberg Law Show.

0:21:46.280 --> 0:21:48.600
<v Speaker 1>Remember you can always get the latest legal news on

0:21:48.680 --> 0:21:52.960
<v Speaker 1>our Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify,

0:21:53.119 --> 0:21:58.200
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0:21:58.560 --> 0:22:01.159
<v Speaker 1>And remember to tune into The Bloomberg Gloss Show every

0:22:01.200 --> 0:22:05.120
<v Speaker 1>weeknight at ten pm Wall Street Time. I'm June Grosso

0:22:05.240 --> 0:22:06.840
<v Speaker 1>and you're listening to Bloomberg