WEBVTT - DOJ Drops Objections to Texas Voter ID Law (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>The Trump administration does a complete one eighty reversing the

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Department's position on voting rights. Under President Obama, the

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Department led high profile challenges against strict voter i

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<v Speaker 1>D laws and states, including the toughest in the nation,

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<v Speaker 1>the Texas Voter ID law. The Justice Department under Attorney

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<v Speaker 1>General Jeff Sessions told the federal judge yesterday that it

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<v Speaker 1>was withdrawing a key claim in that lawsuit. During his

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<v Speaker 1>confirmation hearing, Sessions was questioned sharply over his past record

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<v Speaker 1>of opposing voting rights measures. I deeply understand the history

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<v Speaker 1>of civil rights in our country and the horrendous impact

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<v Speaker 1>that relentless and systemic discrimination and the denial of voting

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<v Speaker 1>rights has had on our African American brothers and sisters.

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<v Speaker 1>A fellow Senator, Corey Booker of New Jersey, even testified

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<v Speaker 1>against Sessions. He will be expected to defend voting rights,

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<v Speaker 1>but his record indicates the he won't. This is the

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<v Speaker 1>second time in a week the Trump administration reversed course

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<v Speaker 1>in the Justice department stance in a major civil rights case.

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<v Speaker 1>Our guests are Rick hass In, a professor at the

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<v Speaker 1>University of California, Irvine School of Law and founder of

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<v Speaker 1>the Election Law Blog, and Richard Brafald, professor at Columbia

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<v Speaker 1>University Law School. Rick did this reversal by the Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Department and withdrawal of the claim that Texas enacted this

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<v Speaker 1>law with discriminatory intent surprise you. It didn't surprise me.

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<v Speaker 1>I think that we know that both M. Jeff Sessions

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<v Speaker 1>and Donald Trump have different views on voting rights and

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<v Speaker 1>the potential for voter fraud than Barack Obama and Loretta

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<v Speaker 1>Lynch did. This was actually just the first step. It

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<v Speaker 1>was just the Department of Justice withdrawing from one little

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<v Speaker 1>piece of the case. Uh. And there's still more to come,

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<v Speaker 1>and I expect that we're going to see more reversals,

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<v Speaker 1>not only in this case, but in other cases like

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<v Speaker 1>it going forward. Rich a fault. What's the the significance

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<v Speaker 1>of the the discrimintory discriminatory intent part of this case?

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<v Speaker 1>That there's still the discriminatory effect part of this case

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<v Speaker 1>that the Justice Department is still involved in, Sure it

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<v Speaker 1>may go more towards remedies. One consequence of finding a

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<v Speaker 1>discribinatory intent is that a court could throw the entire statute,

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<v Speaker 1>the entire Texas law that I posed various new requirements

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<v Speaker 1>in order to vote, as opposed to just knocking out

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<v Speaker 1>the particular piece that was determined to have a discriminatory effect.

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<v Speaker 1>If you see discriminatory intent, the entire statute is tainted.

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<v Speaker 1>The other possibility is there is a provision of the

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<v Speaker 1>Voting Rights Act, as we all know, the so called

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<v Speaker 1>UH the cover jurisdiction provision that required preclearance of voting

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<v Speaker 1>law changes in certain states, which included Texas. That was

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<v Speaker 1>knocked out effectively knocked out by the Supreme Court in

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<v Speaker 1>but there's still a provision in the law that provides

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<v Speaker 1>as a remedy if jurisdictions are found to have committed

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<v Speaker 1>serious voting writes violation. There's a provision in the law

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<v Speaker 1>that allows what some people called the bail in placing

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<v Speaker 1>that particular jurisdiction in a situation where it has it

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<v Speaker 1>will have to see preclearance of a voting law changes

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<v Speaker 1>for a period of time, subject to the approval of

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<v Speaker 1>a court. So the real issues are remedy. UH, you

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<v Speaker 1>could not get more of a statute. And also whether

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<v Speaker 1>it might have been possible to bail in Texas to

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<v Speaker 1>require preclearance of Texas voting changes going forward, Rick, what

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<v Speaker 1>effect does it have on the case that the Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Department has pulled out of that provision? The other plaintiffs

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<v Speaker 1>in the case are still going forward. Well, that's right,

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<v Speaker 1>So it doesn't scuttle the claim. The judge is hearing

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<v Speaker 1>the claim today and will issue a ruling which will

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<v Speaker 1>probably be appealed. And so, uh, what does it matter

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<v Speaker 1>that DJ has done this? Well? It matters in a

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<v Speaker 1>few ways. First, I think it's a symbolic thing that

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<v Speaker 1>shows that the Department of Justice is going to be

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<v Speaker 1>standing with those states that are making it hard to

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<v Speaker 1>register and vote, rather than standing with the planeffs who

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<v Speaker 1>have been suing in those states. Second, if d o

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<v Speaker 1>J drops this one claim but remains in the case,

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<v Speaker 1>I think that gives d o J a chance to

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<v Speaker 1>try to influence things to help Texas, even though it's

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<v Speaker 1>still uh nominally on the other side. So, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>one issue that the trial court is going to have

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<v Speaker 1>to face later on is, assuming there's a discriminatory effect

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<v Speaker 1>found and not a discriminatory intent, what should the remedy be,

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<v Speaker 1>the permanent remedy be? How do you soften this law

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<v Speaker 1>and keep it on the books, and you can imagine

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<v Speaker 1>the Department of Justice offering support for what Texas would

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<v Speaker 1>like to do, which is probably much less than what

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<v Speaker 1>plaintiffs want to do. And finally, I think that courts,

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<v Speaker 1>especially if this makes to the Supreme Court, tend to

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<v Speaker 1>listen to the position of the U. S Government and

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<v Speaker 1>the Department of Justice. It can have influence and so

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<v Speaker 1>it could actually affect how this case ultimately gets resolved.

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<v Speaker 1>What is the position of the United States government takes

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<v Speaker 1>on these very contentious kinds of issues, Lee Rick. The

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<v Speaker 1>Texas legislature did introduce a new voter I D bill.

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<v Speaker 1>Does that solve any of the problems of the former bill? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>this was one of the reasons that the Department of

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<v Speaker 1>Justice first tried to delay the hearing that's being held

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<v Speaker 1>today on discriminatory intent and also said it was pulling

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<v Speaker 1>out of the whole discriminatory intent claim to give the

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<v Speaker 1>state a chance to fix the problems. Now, it's not

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<v Speaker 1>clear how passing a new law would fix any problem

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<v Speaker 1>with past discriminatory intent, but it could fix the problem

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<v Speaker 1>with discriminatory effect, that is, if all the court ends

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<v Speaker 1>up saying is that the law had a racially discriminatory

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<v Speaker 1>impact on protect a minority voters. Then in terms of

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<v Speaker 1>the remedy, the Fifth Circuit said, well, maybe you should

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<v Speaker 1>listen to what the state thinks is the best way

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<v Speaker 1>to remedy things. So it could have relevance going forward.

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<v Speaker 1>It's not clear if anything's actually going to happen in

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<v Speaker 1>the Texas legislature. I think a lot is going to

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<v Speaker 1>depend on what happens on this amature intent, But it's

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<v Speaker 1>kind of a lot of different moving parts. There is

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<v Speaker 1>supposed to be some deference to how the UH state

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<v Speaker 1>legislature wants to fix these kinds of problems. Richard talked

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<v Speaker 1>to us about why the plaintiffs were alleging there was

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<v Speaker 1>a discriminatory UH intent in this case. Was there especially

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<v Speaker 1>strong evidence that Texas was doing this for a racially

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<v Speaker 1>discriminatory purpose? Um? And how does that compare to you know,

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<v Speaker 1>other states around the country where we have voter ID lawsuits. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>one of the evidences that when the kinds of i

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<v Speaker 1>D that the state would allow as as legitimate idea

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<v Speaker 1>to be brought into the voting do you want to vote?

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<v Speaker 1>There was evidence that so the i D was UH,

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<v Speaker 1>the kinds of evidence that white voters are more likely

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<v Speaker 1>to have like hunting licenses would be counted I das,

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<v Speaker 1>like university i d s, college i d s, which

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<v Speaker 1>might have been more commonly use by minority voters, were

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<v Speaker 1>not counted. So there's a number of incident aspects of

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<v Speaker 1>the lawn terms of what what both the impact but

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<v Speaker 1>aspects of it. This seemed to be that we're arguably

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<v Speaker 1>designed to have an impact, and whenever discriminatory impact is

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<v Speaker 1>easier to prove the discriminatory intent. But they are related

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<v Speaker 1>and if the if aspects of the law seemed like

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<v Speaker 1>they were fine tune to treat a certain result, it

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<v Speaker 1>will often be presumed that they were UH, and that

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<v Speaker 1>I think was part of the argument the the intent

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<v Speaker 1>sort of helps back up the effect. The intent also

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<v Speaker 1>brings to bear just the issues like the timing, the

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<v Speaker 1>way in which the law was pushed through, why it

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<v Speaker 1>was adopted when it was, the statements by some of

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<v Speaker 1>the some of the supporters after the fact statements and

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<v Speaker 1>to be fair, UH and other and other aspects surrounding

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<v Speaker 1>the adoption. There's rarely, rarely pure smoking gun evidence of intent,

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<v Speaker 1>but often some of the evidence that supports effect will

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<v Speaker 1>also support intent. In terms of why it's important to

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<v Speaker 1>make it. It It does make it a stronger, a more

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<v Speaker 1>dramatic case, and also I think it does it could

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<v Speaker 1>potentially to a stronger remedy. A similar case was the

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<v Speaker 1>one that was that was brought in North Carolina, and

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<v Speaker 1>there you actually had the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals,

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<v Speaker 1>the court that sits civil court that is jurisdiction over

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<v Speaker 1>North Carolina, actually saying that the way in which that

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<v Speaker 1>state's law was designed, I think they used surgically precisely

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<v Speaker 1>think uh to focus on minority voters. And I think

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<v Speaker 1>that the court here didn't use that language the district court,

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<v Speaker 1>but there were some aspects that suggest a similarity. Rick,

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<v Speaker 1>Let's look forward the Trump's administration's change in strategy that

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<v Speaker 1>we see coming. Could that empower other conservative control states

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<v Speaker 1>to follow Texas lead and tighten their voter I D laws?

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<v Speaker 1>Could it lead to changes in voting rights decisions ahead? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I think that this is the first step towards that.

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<v Speaker 1>I think knowing that there will be a Department of

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<v Speaker 1>Justice that's going to come in and sue will be

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<v Speaker 1>um give some leeway to some of these states, but

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<v Speaker 1>there's still be private plans who are going to sue.

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<v Speaker 1>I think ultimately it's going to come down to how

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<v Speaker 1>the courts treat these questions. And so this Texas case

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<v Speaker 1>actually went up to the Supreme Court, and I think

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<v Speaker 1>it was maybe about a month ago. The Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>declined to hear the case, and Chief Justice Roberts, in

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<v Speaker 1>an unusual move, uh issued a statement saying, Uh, we're

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<v Speaker 1>not hearing this now, but that's because this case is

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<v Speaker 1>still in process and we might hear it later. And

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<v Speaker 1>so I think ultimately it's going to be whether the

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<v Speaker 1>lower courts and probably the Supreme Court gives the green light.

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<v Speaker 1>If what Texas and North Carolina did are found by

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court to be just fine, then I think

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<v Speaker 1>we'll see lots of other states with Republican legislatures passing

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<v Speaker 1>similar legislation. Richard, we only have about thirty seconds. But

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<v Speaker 1>Rick wrote the other day that he thinks the Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Department ultimately will end up on the other side of

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<v Speaker 1>these cases. Do you agree with that. It's hard to know,

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<v Speaker 1>but it's certainly a very plausible speculation. But Justice Partment

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<v Speaker 1>did not withdraw from the case. The just said it

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<v Speaker 1>was withdrawing support from a particular claim they're still in

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<v Speaker 1>the case, and I think, as Rick may have suggested earlier,

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<v Speaker 1>when this case reaches since remedial phase, they may come

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<v Speaker 1>in on the side of Texas in terms of saying

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<v Speaker 1>what the Texas latures rich leature has done. If they

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<v Speaker 1>do anything is adequate in that case, they would not

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<v Speaker 1>only be not supporting the plaintiffs, but they would be

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<v Speaker 1>coming adverse. So it's hard to tell right now, but

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<v Speaker 1>it wouldn't be a big surprise. Thank you both for

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<v Speaker 1>being on Bloomberg Law. That's Professor Richard Brufault of Columbia

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<v Speaker 1>University Law School and Professor Rick Hasson of the University

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<v Speaker 1>of California Irvine School of Law.