WEBVTT - What Does China’s Economic Slowdown Mean For the Communist Party?

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Audio Studios, podcasts, radio news China's economy is in

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<v Speaker 1>a slowdown. To get a better picture of how the

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<v Speaker 1>slowing economy is affecting people on the ground, Bloomberg talked

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<v Speaker 1>to people across a range of incomes and industries.

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<v Speaker 2>People with their own companies, entrepreneurs, people working in the

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<v Speaker 2>financial sector, but also people working as window cleaners, people

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<v Speaker 2>supplementing their income as d D drivers.

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<v Speaker 1>Rebecca Chung Wilkins is Bloomberg's correspondent for the Economy and

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<v Speaker 1>Government team in Hong Kong. None of the people Bloomberg

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<v Speaker 1>spoke to wanted us to record their voices for fear

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<v Speaker 1>of repercussions in China, but by and large, people did

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<v Speaker 1>tell us that they aren't feeling as well off as

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<v Speaker 1>they did five years ago. One of them is mister Kwang,

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<v Speaker 1>who asked us to use just his last name.

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<v Speaker 2>He is an entrepreneur, so he's a commodity trader in

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<v Speaker 2>his forties, and a few years ago he started his

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<v Speaker 2>own company, running his own outfit.

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<v Speaker 1>Essentially in the pre COVID years, Huang was pretty successful

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<v Speaker 1>and had a cushy life.

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<v Speaker 2>He bought an apartment in this very trendy district of Shenjen.

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<v Speaker 2>He also bought himself and treated himself to a Tesla

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<v Speaker 2>Model X.

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<v Speaker 1>But things have really changed for him in the last

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<v Speaker 1>few years. Huang says business has never been tougher.

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<v Speaker 2>So his business essentially predicated on buying energy from generators

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<v Speaker 2>and selling this to small factories. And what he told

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<v Speaker 2>us is that he finds that these factories aren't wanting

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<v Speaker 2>to lock in chower contracts that as long as they

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<v Speaker 2>previously would, and it's essentially because they're just not sure

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<v Speaker 2>that there is going to be continued strong demand for

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<v Speaker 2>their products.

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<v Speaker 1>All that meant Huang has had to make some hard

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<v Speaker 1>decisions about his own business.

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<v Speaker 2>Ultimately, he's ended up sacking five employees in his life

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<v Speaker 2>firm because he has this worsening outlook over the market

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<v Speaker 2>for twenty twenty four and he talks about having last

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<v Speaker 2>year to become a sort of so called run fan nane.

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<v Speaker 1>Okay, wait, wait, so you have to explain what is

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<v Speaker 1>run funan.

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<v Speaker 2>So ruan fan nan is this expression that literally translates

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<v Speaker 2>as something like a sort of soft rice man. But

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<v Speaker 2>this idea of being a soft man and not being

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<v Speaker 2>able to provide for your family, and it's really a

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<v Speaker 2>joke about the fact that he had to rely on

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<v Speaker 2>his wife's income to take care as his family last year.

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<v Speaker 1>What Huang is experiencing is a new reality for many

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese citizens.

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<v Speaker 2>Mister Huang also tells us that he's far from alone

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<v Speaker 2>in this situation. He talks about how a lot of

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<v Speaker 2>the private business owners that he knows are trapped in

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<v Speaker 2>this debt cycle, so they're borrowing new loans to pay

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<v Speaker 2>old ones, and even those who were, for example, considering

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<v Speaker 2>having more kids have had to cancel those plans because

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<v Speaker 2>they can't afford to grow their family right now.

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<v Speaker 1>Rebecca says, the negative sentiments the downturn is stirring up

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<v Speaker 1>could be a real problem for the ruling Communist Party,

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<v Speaker 1>and that's because for decades the party has held power

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<v Speaker 1>through a kind of bargain with the Chinese people.

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<v Speaker 2>So one way to think about this bargain or this

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<v Speaker 2>relationship is as a kind of social contract. Essentially, people

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<v Speaker 2>accept fewer freedoms in exchange for a promise of a

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<v Speaker 2>better life. So Chinese people don't necessarily have an active

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<v Speaker 2>say in how they're being governed. They don't get to

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<v Speaker 2>vote in elections, but what they do get for the

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<v Speaker 2>last several decades is a rapid increase in their prosperity. Now,

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<v Speaker 2>some political scientists debate whether you can really call this

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<v Speaker 2>a social contract because ordinary Chinese people don't have a

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<v Speaker 2>say in that exchange. But there is still this broader question,

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<v Speaker 2>which is what happens when that promise of prosperity, when

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<v Speaker 2>that bargain starts to falter. And now we see that

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<v Speaker 2>it isn't necessarily breaking down entirely, but we are starting

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<v Speaker 2>to see these signs that the bargain is beginning to fray.

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to The Big Take Asia from Bloomberg News. I'm wanh.

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<v Speaker 1>Every week we take you inside some of the world's

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<v Speaker 1>biggest and most powerful economies and the markets, tycoons, and

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<v Speaker 1>businesses that drive this ever shifting region. Today on the show,

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<v Speaker 1>China's economic miracle is ending. So how does President shi

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<v Speaker 1>Jinping keep up the bargain that the communist parties had

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<v Speaker 1>with its people for decades? So there are a number

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<v Speaker 1>of reasons why people in China aren't feeling great about

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<v Speaker 1>the economy right now. The most looming setback is the

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<v Speaker 1>property sector.

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<v Speaker 2>So the bulk of household wealth in China is actually

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<v Speaker 2>held in real estate. About seventy percent of family assets

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<v Speaker 2>are tied up in property, and for more than decade

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<v Speaker 2>there was too much property speculation, too much building, and

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<v Speaker 2>too much debt. And the consequence ultimately of this whole

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<v Speaker 2>housing boom was that China was left with a huge

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<v Speaker 2>amount of overcapacity in the real estate sector. Bluebug Economics

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<v Speaker 2>estimates that at the start of the twenty twenties, China

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<v Speaker 2>was building about thirty percent more property than it actually

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<v Speaker 2>needed each year.

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<v Speaker 1>At the end of twenty twenty one, one of China's

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<v Speaker 1>biggest developers, ever Grant, defaulted on its bonds. Basically, they

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<v Speaker 1>were unable to pay their debt to investors. Their default

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<v Speaker 1>was followed by more than three dozen firms that also

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<v Speaker 1>struggled to manage their debt loads. Rebecca says the collapse

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<v Speaker 1>in the property market has people feeling pessimistic about making

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<v Speaker 1>other kinds of investments.

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<v Speaker 2>So Chinese people have gone from thinking I've got this

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<v Speaker 2>asset which is hugely valuable and accruing more value each

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<v Speaker 2>year I'm rich to now thinking I've got this asset

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<v Speaker 2>which I thought was really valuable, but maybe it isn't,

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<v Speaker 2>and I just don't feel quite as rich as I

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<v Speaker 2>did a few years ago.

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<v Speaker 1>Another reason why some Chinese people aren't feeling quite as

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<v Speaker 1>rich as wage cuts. The Common Prosperity Agenda, one of

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<v Speaker 1>Schijenping's signature policies, brought crackdowns on multiple industries, technology, property, education,

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<v Speaker 1>and even gaming, and that of course led to massive

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<v Speaker 1>job and wage cuts. It aimed to close the wealth

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<v Speaker 1>gap and lift the country's poorest. Here's what Bloomberg's chief

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<v Speaker 1>economist Tom Orlick has to say on the policy.

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<v Speaker 3>What's the motivation for the Common Prosperity Agenda. Well, I

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<v Speaker 3>think it's partly that China had a big problem with inequality.

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<v Speaker 3>The rich were getting really, really rich, but a bunch

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<v Speaker 3>of people were being left behind. So Common Prosperity is

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<v Speaker 3>partly about addressing that problem. It's also about how to

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<v Speaker 3>deal with a slower growing economy. When the economy is

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<v Speaker 3>growing eight, nine, ten percent, everyone's getting richer, everyone's feeling happy,

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<v Speaker 3>everyone's supportive of Communist Party rule. When the economy is

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<v Speaker 3>just growing four or five percent, well, you need to

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<v Speaker 3>pay a bit more attention to how that four or

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<v Speaker 3>five percent is getting shared out to make sure everyone's

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<v Speaker 3>getting a little bit of the pie now.

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<v Speaker 1>To be clear, the official data show average incomes are

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<v Speaker 1>still rising, more slowly, but still rising, but other indicators

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<v Speaker 1>suggest that things might be less positive.

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<v Speaker 3>We look at business surveys. They show factories and offices

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<v Speaker 3>thinking more about shedding workers than adding workers. We look

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<v Speaker 3>at a survey from the Central Bank, which suggests that

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<v Speaker 3>households are getting more and more pessimistic about their future earnings.

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<v Speaker 3>So we don't have perfect clarity on what's happening in

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<v Speaker 3>China's labor market or what's happening with China's wages, but

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<v Speaker 3>the data we do have suggests a minimum wage grate

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<v Speaker 3>is slowing, and perhaps there are some more serious problems there.

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<v Speaker 1>All that leads to a shrinking of household spending. People

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<v Speaker 1>aren't buying new houses or having kids.

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<v Speaker 2>So, just like mister Huang mentioned when he talked to us,

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<v Speaker 2>some of his friends no longer want to have children,

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<v Speaker 2>or they're delaying plans to have children because they just

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<v Speaker 2>don't feel like they can afford to. And this is

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<v Speaker 2>a bigger problem that people don't necessarily want to have

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<v Speaker 2>babies if they're worried about being able to afford a

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<v Speaker 2>bigger apartment to house another child. As well as account

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<v Speaker 2>for all the extra cost things like education, medical care. Essentially,

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<v Speaker 2>it's this concern that they're worried about whether or not

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<v Speaker 2>they have enough money and just how much is going

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<v Speaker 2>to cost to have a bigger family.

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<v Speaker 1>So, Rebecca, at the beginning of the show, we mentioned

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<v Speaker 1>the bargain between China's rule and Communist Party and the

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese people. Right, you give his control, we make you

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<v Speaker 1>prosperous now, and his current leadership is facing an ongoing

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<v Speaker 1>real estate crisis. You've got slowing growth and income and

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<v Speaker 1>a low fertility rate, among other things. On top of that,

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<v Speaker 1>many Chinese may not be as hopeful about their futures

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<v Speaker 1>right now. Is China's social contract being renegotiated here?

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<v Speaker 2>So the way we frame this question in our story

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<v Speaker 2>is in terms of Ronald Reagan's famous question to US

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<v Speaker 2>voters back in nineteen eighty, which is, are you better

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<v Speaker 2>off than you were four years ago? And of course,

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<v Speaker 2>back in nineteen eighty, for many American voters, the resounding

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<v Speaker 2>answer to that question was no, I'm worse off, which

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<v Speaker 2>is why Jimmy Carter lost the election and Ronald Reagan

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<v Speaker 2>entered the White House. Now, China doesn't have elections, but

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<v Speaker 2>it does have politics, and one of the reasons why

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<v Speaker 2>politics in China has been so stable is because the

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<v Speaker 2>Chinese Communist Party for much of the past for decades,

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<v Speaker 2>have been able to deliver this really stellar increase in prosperity.

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<v Speaker 2>So if you ask Chinese people, are you better off

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<v Speaker 2>than new we are five years ago, which is the

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<v Speaker 2>length of China's presidential term, at almost any point over

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<v Speaker 2>the past forty years, the answer would most likely have

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<v Speaker 2>been yes, I'm much better off than I was. But

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<v Speaker 2>under Jinping the answer is quite a bit more complicated.

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<v Speaker 2>So while average households are still seeing their incomes rising,

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<v Speaker 2>they are rising at a much slower pace than they were,

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<v Speaker 2>and anyone who put their nest egg in say Chinese

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<v Speaker 2>real estate or equities, will have taken a pretty significant hit.

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<v Speaker 2>So Chinese households aren't necessarily feeling richer than they did,

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<v Speaker 2>and in fact, many of them might be feeling poorer.

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<v Speaker 1>There was one moment where that prosperity evaporated at the

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<v Speaker 1>end of the nineteen eighties, where inflation and unemployment shut up.

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<v Speaker 1>That was when we saw a genuine challenge to the

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<v Speaker 1>authority of the Communist Party. That culminated in the bloody

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<v Speaker 1>crackdown at Tieneman Square. So, Rebecca, where are we now?

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<v Speaker 2>Well, we're certainly not in anything like as dire a

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<v Speaker 2>situation as the end of the nineteen eighties. Back then

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<v Speaker 2>we saw real incomes we actually falling, for example. But

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<v Speaker 2>even so we are seeing this shift from a long

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<v Speaker 2>period of rapid rises in prosperity to a much more

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<v Speaker 2>complicated situation where incomes are growing more slowly, wealth is falling.

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<v Speaker 2>And all of that does mean there is a change

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<v Speaker 2>in the social contract or a change in the relationship

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<v Speaker 2>between the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people.

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<v Speaker 1>After the break, how President Sheijinping is managing the fraying

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<v Speaker 1>of the social contract. The sound you're hearing is from

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<v Speaker 1>the white Paper movement in twenty twenty two. That's when

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<v Speaker 1>protesters held up blank sheets of paper to oppose COVID

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<v Speaker 1>controls in Shanghai, and it eventually brought a rapid end

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<v Speaker 1>to the lockdown that lasted two months. Since then, there

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<v Speaker 1>has been striking developments in demonstrations in China over the

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<v Speaker 1>past year.

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<v Speaker 2>Freedom Houses China Descent Monitor, for example, calculated that about

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<v Speaker 2>eighty percent of all the protests that they documented for

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<v Speaker 2>twenty twenty three were related to the economy. We're seeing

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<v Speaker 2>an increasing number of protests related to the economic strains

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<v Speaker 2>that people are feeling these days, including failed real estate projects,

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<v Speaker 2>but that isn't bubbling up into widespread protests that present

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<v Speaker 2>any kind of existential challenge to the Party. What's really

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<v Speaker 2>rare to see coordinated widespread protests in China because of

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<v Speaker 2>the sort of tightly controlled nature of society, which is

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<v Speaker 2>heavily surveiled. So typically protests in China's quite small scale,

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<v Speaker 2>is quite sporadic, spontaneous in nature, and it very rarely

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<v Speaker 2>targets the central government or President Shei Jinping himself directly

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<v Speaker 2>with criticism. If we do see criticism of authorities, it's

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<v Speaker 2>more often directed, for example, to local governments or local

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<v Speaker 2>authorities who they may feel have not sufficiently protected them

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<v Speaker 2>against certain risks.

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<v Speaker 1>But Tom says it's important to keep the recent slowdown

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<v Speaker 1>in context. The average Chinese household is still much better

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<v Speaker 1>off than they were, say, forty years ago, and that

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<v Speaker 1>buys the Party a certain amount of goodwill from the people. Plus,

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<v Speaker 1>things are bad, but they aren't that bad.

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<v Speaker 3>We don't have mass unemployment we don't have average incomes falling.

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<v Speaker 3>We don't have a financial crisis. So we're talking about

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<v Speaker 3>a slowdown for many, a stagnation for some, but we're

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<v Speaker 3>not talking about an economic crisis.

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<v Speaker 1>Meanwhile, the Pilot Bureau, China's highest policy making body, is

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<v Speaker 1>signaling that it will take action to help support the economy.

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<v Speaker 3>So in economics, as in fairy tales, the magic number

0:14:10.640 --> 0:14:14.880
<v Speaker 3>is very often three, and I see three planks to

0:14:14.920 --> 0:14:18.800
<v Speaker 3>the Chinese Communist Party's strategy to deal with this new

0:14:18.920 --> 0:14:24.440
<v Speaker 3>problem of slower income growth and falling wealth. The first

0:14:24.480 --> 0:14:28.320
<v Speaker 3>strategy is to stimulate. We're not seeing the big bazooka

0:14:28.400 --> 0:14:32.960
<v Speaker 3>stimulus that we've seen in past Chinese downturns, but Beijing

0:14:33.200 --> 0:14:36.200
<v Speaker 3>has definitely got out a bunch of water pistols, and

0:14:36.240 --> 0:14:39.480
<v Speaker 3>it's trying to doubt the flames in the property sector

0:14:39.880 --> 0:14:43.200
<v Speaker 3>and ensure that incomes and wealth don't fall too far.

0:14:44.160 --> 0:14:47.480
<v Speaker 3>The second part of the strategy is something that political

0:14:47.520 --> 0:14:55.120
<v Speaker 3>scientists call preventative repression. That's the technological panopticon, which gives

0:14:55.200 --> 0:14:59.680
<v Speaker 3>China's one point four billion citizens the strong sense that

0:14:59.720 --> 0:15:05.080
<v Speaker 3>weather they're online or walking on the street, somebody's watching them.

0:15:05.360 --> 0:15:07.880
<v Speaker 3>And the third part of the strategy is what Shei

0:15:07.960 --> 0:15:12.440
<v Speaker 3>Jinpin calls common prosperity. It's the idea that the pie

0:15:12.560 --> 0:15:15.160
<v Speaker 3>is going to grow more slowly, but it's going to

0:15:15.160 --> 0:15:18.320
<v Speaker 3>be shared out in a more equitable way. It's kind

0:15:18.360 --> 0:15:22.440
<v Speaker 3>of a grab bag of different policies, finds for the

0:15:22.520 --> 0:15:28.000
<v Speaker 3>tech monopolies, instructions to the gig economy, companies to pay

0:15:28.080 --> 0:15:32.320
<v Speaker 3>their workers at least a living wage. The crackdown on

0:15:32.320 --> 0:15:35.960
<v Speaker 3>the real estate sector, which is causing enormous pain for

0:15:36.080 --> 0:15:40.400
<v Speaker 3>Chinese economy writ large, but is also bringing down house

0:15:40.440 --> 0:15:43.840
<v Speaker 3>prices and making them more affordable to first time buyers.

0:15:44.160 --> 0:15:47.120
<v Speaker 1>And Rebecca says it's important to remember that the Chinese

0:15:47.160 --> 0:15:51.160
<v Speaker 1>economy has multiple engines for growth. It's not just about

0:15:51.160 --> 0:15:54.600
<v Speaker 1>real estate. She says. The government is eyeing new growth drivers.

0:15:55.080 --> 0:15:58.560
<v Speaker 2>One way to think about the Chinese economy is like

0:15:58.720 --> 0:16:02.720
<v Speaker 2>an aeroplane that has two or four engines, so different

0:16:02.760 --> 0:16:05.920
<v Speaker 2>engines and different things that are driving it. Now. Property

0:16:06.080 --> 0:16:09.040
<v Speaker 2>is one of those engines, but there are other things too.

0:16:09.040 --> 0:16:12.000
<v Speaker 2>There are things like exports that rely on global demand.

0:16:12.400 --> 0:16:15.960
<v Speaker 2>And what we're kind of currently underway is a plan

0:16:16.160 --> 0:16:19.200
<v Speaker 2>by seats in Pying and Buy Beijing to change what

0:16:19.360 --> 0:16:23.160
<v Speaker 2>engines are driving that plane and what is essentially keeping

0:16:23.160 --> 0:16:26.880
<v Speaker 2>that plane up in the air. And as that happens, naturally,

0:16:26.920 --> 0:16:30.360
<v Speaker 2>of course you get quite a bit of disruption. And

0:16:30.400 --> 0:16:32.640
<v Speaker 2>if you're on the plane you look at that property

0:16:32.680 --> 0:16:34.920
<v Speaker 2>engine and it looks like it's on fire. Of course,

0:16:34.920 --> 0:16:37.440
<v Speaker 2>people start to panic, You start to really worry.

0:16:37.720 --> 0:16:39.880
<v Speaker 1>Yeah, And of course it's not going to be helpful

0:16:39.920 --> 0:16:41.240
<v Speaker 1>to tell people not to panic.

0:16:41.760 --> 0:16:44.360
<v Speaker 2>Absolutely, it doesn't help to see one of those engines

0:16:44.400 --> 0:16:47.240
<v Speaker 2>caught on fire. And it's very hard then to try

0:16:47.360 --> 0:16:52.960
<v Speaker 2>and restore confidence. Ultimately, the goal is to get consumers

0:16:53.080 --> 0:16:54.800
<v Speaker 2>back on the streets and spending.

0:16:54.880 --> 0:16:55.480
<v Speaker 1>It's hard to.

0:16:55.480 --> 0:16:58.640
<v Speaker 2>Do that if you see property in the state that

0:16:58.680 --> 0:17:00.680
<v Speaker 2>it is. It's hard to be convince that you should

0:17:00.680 --> 0:17:02.960
<v Speaker 2>go out and invest in a business. But that's not

0:17:03.120 --> 0:17:06.640
<v Speaker 2>to say that, of course, the economy is anywhere close

0:17:06.680 --> 0:17:09.240
<v Speaker 2>to the precipice of collapse, because you definitely still have

0:17:09.400 --> 0:17:12.119
<v Speaker 2>these other engines of growth, and in the meantime, Beijing is,

0:17:12.119 --> 0:17:15.639
<v Speaker 2>of course China institute these other mechanisms. So look at,

0:17:15.680 --> 0:17:20.640
<v Speaker 2>for example, the three new drivers, things like solar panels, evs, batteries,

0:17:21.040 --> 0:17:23.480
<v Speaker 2>where the hope is that they will start to make

0:17:23.600 --> 0:17:25.880
<v Speaker 2>up some of the losses that you're seeing in other

0:17:25.920 --> 0:17:26.879
<v Speaker 2>parts of the economy.

0:17:29.119 --> 0:17:32.480
<v Speaker 1>And to better understand Reagan's question, are you better off

0:17:33.000 --> 0:17:36.159
<v Speaker 1>in the China context, Bloomberg looked at two data sets,

0:17:36.320 --> 0:17:40.320
<v Speaker 1>one on economic growth and another on political freedom. Bloomberg's

0:17:40.320 --> 0:17:44.960
<v Speaker 1>analysis suggests China has come full circle in those two respects.

0:17:45.359 --> 0:17:49.160
<v Speaker 2>So we looked at IMF data on China's GDP growth,

0:17:49.680 --> 0:17:52.840
<v Speaker 2>and we looked at a political science data set on

0:17:53.000 --> 0:17:56.359
<v Speaker 2>freedom in China that includes things like freedom of the press,

0:17:56.440 --> 0:18:00.479
<v Speaker 2>freedom for academics, and freedom to express your opinion public,

0:18:00.520 --> 0:18:03.680
<v Speaker 2>for example. And these two data sets, when you bring

0:18:03.760 --> 0:18:07.399
<v Speaker 2>them together and look at how growth and freedom have

0:18:07.520 --> 0:18:11.400
<v Speaker 2>evolved in China over the last forty years, they tell

0:18:11.440 --> 0:18:14.680
<v Speaker 2>a really striking story. So back at the start of

0:18:14.720 --> 0:18:18.360
<v Speaker 2>the reform era, or even before the reform era began,

0:18:19.000 --> 0:18:22.119
<v Speaker 2>we see that growth was really weak and freedom was

0:18:22.160 --> 0:18:26.040
<v Speaker 2>really constrained. And then if we go through and look

0:18:26.400 --> 0:18:33.000
<v Speaker 2>later during China's leadership under Dengxilping, freedom's expanded and growth accelerated.

0:18:33.440 --> 0:18:37.840
<v Speaker 2>Under Jang Zamin, freedoms remained in place and growth remained strong.

0:18:38.200 --> 0:18:41.680
<v Speaker 2>And then finally under Hujin Tao, you saw the beginnings

0:18:41.720 --> 0:18:45.320
<v Speaker 2>of a slowdown in growth, the beginnings of an erosion

0:18:45.760 --> 0:18:50.399
<v Speaker 2>of social freedoms. Finally, under Shejinping, the erosion of growth

0:18:50.440 --> 0:18:53.960
<v Speaker 2>and the narrowing of social freedoms has continued to the

0:18:54.000 --> 0:18:57.720
<v Speaker 2>point where China has almost come full circle, with growth

0:18:57.920 --> 0:19:02.119
<v Speaker 2>slower and freedoms more strained. Though it is important to

0:19:02.240 --> 0:19:06.439
<v Speaker 2>bear in mind, of course, living standards under President cy

0:19:06.520 --> 0:19:10.640
<v Speaker 2>j In Ping versus under mauzadong a much much higher.

0:19:14.320 --> 0:19:16.840
<v Speaker 1>Thanks for listening to The Big Take Asia podcast from

0:19:16.840 --> 0:19:20.760
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg News. I'm wan ha. This episode was produced by

0:19:20.800 --> 0:19:24.679
<v Speaker 1>Young Young, Naomi Um, Jessica Beck, and David Fox. It

0:19:24.720 --> 0:19:28.280
<v Speaker 1>was mixed by Blake Maples and fact checked by Adriana Tapia.

0:19:29.240 --> 0:19:31.959
<v Speaker 1>It was edited by Caitlin Kenney, Daniel ten Kate, and

0:19:32.000 --> 0:19:35.960
<v Speaker 1>Ben Holland. There was additional assistants from Emily Cadman, Alan

0:19:36.080 --> 0:19:40.480
<v Speaker 1>Juan Chen Hua When Eric Jue, Jennifer Welch, and Nick

0:19:40.520 --> 0:19:44.240
<v Speaker 1>Hallmark Name with Shaven and Kim Gettlelson are our senior producers.

0:19:44.560 --> 0:19:48.080
<v Speaker 1>Nicole Beemster Bower is our executive producer. Sage Bauman is

0:19:48.080 --> 0:19:51.400
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg's head of Podcasts. Please follow and review The Big

0:19:51.440 --> 0:19:54.280
<v Speaker 1>Take Asia Wherever you listen to podcasts, it helps new

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