WEBVTT - Election Meltdown in the Iowa Caucuses

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>The confusion and chaos surrounding the Iowa caucuses reveals the

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<v Speaker 1>distrust many voters have in the fairness and accuracy of

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<v Speaker 1>American elections. Assurances from Iowa Democratic Party Chair Troy Price

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<v Speaker 1>that the data was always secure did not quiet renewed

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<v Speaker 1>concerns about that state's first in the Nation caucus. I

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<v Speaker 1>have caucused for twenty years, and I know how important

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<v Speaker 1>it is for to our party, to our states, and

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<v Speaker 1>to everyone from our neighbors to new voters to be

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<v Speaker 1>able to come together all across the state. We want

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<v Speaker 1>Iowans to be confident in the results and in the process,

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<v Speaker 1>and we are going to take the time that we

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<v Speaker 1>need to make sure that we do just that. Joining

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<v Speaker 1>me as election law expert, Richard Hassan a professor at

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<v Speaker 1>u C Irvine Law School. His new book is Election Meltdown,

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<v Speaker 1>Dirty Tricks, Distrust, and the Threat to American Democracy. You

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<v Speaker 1>discuss four factors that are increasing mistrust in our elections.

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<v Speaker 1>The escalation of voter suppression, in competence in the administration

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<v Speaker 1>of elections, foreign and domestic dirty tricks, and inflammatory rhetoric.

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<v Speaker 1>If you had to list the most important of these,

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<v Speaker 1>which would it be, Well, I don't know that I

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<v Speaker 1>can name one, because a lot of these things work together.

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<v Speaker 1>So the biggest concern about voter suppression, I think, is

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<v Speaker 1>not how many people are not being able to vote,

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<v Speaker 1>but what it does to people's confidence in the process.

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<v Speaker 1>So take voter ID laws for example. We know that,

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<v Speaker 1>in part thanks to countermeasures, they don't seem to have

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<v Speaker 1>a big effect on turnout. There are other laws that

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<v Speaker 1>are more suppressive that you have an effect on turnout,

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<v Speaker 1>but claims of voter fraud there are used to justify

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<v Speaker 1>laws like voter ID laws convinced Republicans that voter fraud

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<v Speaker 1>is a major problem, and the laws that are passed

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<v Speaker 1>in response to the claims of voter fraud convinced Democrats

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<v Speaker 1>and voter suppression is a major problem. And so we

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<v Speaker 1>have a double whammy where both sides believe that people

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<v Speaker 1>are cheating in the elections, and it feeds into a

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<v Speaker 1>general mistrust of the process. You mentioned that Phish feed

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<v Speaker 1>Kobak is arguably the most important voting rights trial so

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<v Speaker 1>far in the twenty one century. Tell us why, and

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<v Speaker 1>this is a good example of a counter example to

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<v Speaker 1>voter I D laws where we're not sure that they

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<v Speaker 1>have a big effect. Kansas had passed a law that

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<v Speaker 1>required if you wanted to register to vote, not each

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<v Speaker 1>time you go vote, but if you want to register

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<v Speaker 1>and be eligible to vote, you had to produce documentary

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<v Speaker 1>proof of citizenship. So show me your paper's law, come

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<v Speaker 1>up with your birth certificate or your naturalization certificate if

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<v Speaker 1>you want to be able to register to vote. And

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<v Speaker 1>we know that before a federal district court imposed a

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<v Speaker 1>pluminary junction against this requirement, about thirty thousand people had

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<v Speaker 1>their voter registrations suspended. They were not able to register,

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<v Speaker 1>and they would not have been able to vote had

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<v Speaker 1>the court not acted. So that's a pretty significant effect

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<v Speaker 1>at issue in Fish versus Kobec. It was a complicated

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<v Speaker 1>legal case, but an issue when it went to trial

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<v Speaker 1>was the question whether non citizen voting, which is illegal,

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<v Speaker 1>was a major problem because the state of Kansas, if

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<v Speaker 1>it wanted to impose this additional requirement in some tension

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<v Speaker 1>with federal law, which says, you know, all you have

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<v Speaker 1>to do is basically put your name on a postcard

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<v Speaker 1>and do a few other things and you can register

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<v Speaker 1>to vote. The question was is there a substantial problem?

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<v Speaker 1>And here was the chance for Chris Kobach, former Secretary

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<v Speaker 1>of State of Kansas, who decided he would actually litigate

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<v Speaker 1>the case as one of the lawyers in the case.

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<v Speaker 1>Very unusual. It was his burden to show that nonsense

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<v Speaker 1>and voting was a serious problem, and he called the

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<v Speaker 1>small amount of non citizen voting he could point to

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<v Speaker 1>on a TRUO cases the tip of the iceberg. And

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<v Speaker 1>I named Chapter one of Election Meltdown the icicle because

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<v Speaker 1>Judge Julie Robinson, the chief judge of this Kansas Federal

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<v Speaker 1>District Court, said it was not an iceberg. It was

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<v Speaker 1>merely an icicle made up mostly of administrative error. And

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<v Speaker 1>lots of times when you probe beneath the surface, what

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<v Speaker 1>you find is that claims of malfeasance actually turned out

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<v Speaker 1>to be incompetence. That we see this across the board,

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<v Speaker 1>Democrats Republicans, but it's often turned around and made into

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<v Speaker 1>a claim of someone trying to cheat because we're so

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<v Speaker 1>polarized that people don't believe those things. And so Fish

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<v Speaker 1>versus Cobach was so important because here was the chance

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<v Speaker 1>in a federal court with the rules of evidence, make

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<v Speaker 1>your case, and the judge found abysmally Coback failed to

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<v Speaker 1>make his case so bad that he was actually sanctioned

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<v Speaker 1>twice in that case. At one point he was required

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<v Speaker 1>to get a continuing legal education course in trial fundamentals

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<v Speaker 1>in order to satisfy the court's contempt finding. Despite all

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<v Speaker 1>the evidence to the contrary, why do we still see

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<v Speaker 1>people arguing the need for strict voter id laws. So

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<v Speaker 1>I think the answer is a political answer. The Republican

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<v Speaker 1>Party in and started to see that the number of

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<v Speaker 1>voters of color, younger voters, voters who make up kind

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<v Speaker 1>of the Democratic Party coalition, they're all voting for Democrats,

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<v Speaker 1>and the Republican Party was increasingly becoming a white rural party.

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<v Speaker 1>And so there were two approaches that the Republican Party had.

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<v Speaker 1>One was to try to expand the appeal of the

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<v Speaker 1>Republican Party. This was George W. Bush's approach. This is

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<v Speaker 1>what the so called autopsy that the Republican Party did

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<v Speaker 1>after the elections suggested. The other is shrink the electorate,

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<v Speaker 1>make it harder for people to register and vote. And

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<v Speaker 1>so it's no coincidence that in those places where these

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<v Speaker 1>strict voter ide laws are passed, and these other strict

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<v Speaker 1>voting laws are passed, they're almost exclusively in Republican dominated

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<v Speaker 1>legislatures creating these rules. Not every Republican legislature is doing this,

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<v Speaker 1>and there have been a lot of states with Republican

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<v Speaker 1>election ministrariores and legislatures that have improved things. Ohio, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>moved to online voter registration. Right, look at Florida where,

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<v Speaker 1>thanks to an amendment getting around the legislature, they're now

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<v Speaker 1>re enfranchising felons, although this litigation about that. But in

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<v Speaker 1>those places where they're passed, they seem to be aimed

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<v Speaker 1>at trying to make it harder for people who are

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<v Speaker 1>likely to vote for Democrats to register and vote. They

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<v Speaker 1>don't always have that effect, but that seems to be

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<v Speaker 1>their intent. So let's turn to the Supreme Court for

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<v Speaker 1>a moment. How has the Roberts Court responded to voting

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<v Speaker 1>rights cases in general? Yeah, so the Supreme Court decided

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<v Speaker 1>the case out of Ohio. This was in the Hoosted

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<v Speaker 1>case where the Court allowed Ohio to remove voters from

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<v Speaker 1>the voter registration roles if they hadn't voted in two

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<v Speaker 1>consecutive national elections and hadn't responded to an attempt to

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<v Speaker 1>contact them. It was a very technical case. It was

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<v Speaker 1>about the National Voter Registration Act, which is laws called

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<v Speaker 1>the votor voter law that requires states to offer certain

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<v Speaker 1>opportunities to register and certain rules about pershing. But you know,

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<v Speaker 1>generally speaking of the Court has been not very receptive

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<v Speaker 1>to voting rights claims against laws that make it harder

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<v Speaker 1>to register vote. We can go back to two thousand eight,

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<v Speaker 1>the Crawford versus Marion County case, where the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>upheld indiana strict voter ide law. The court allowed Texas

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<v Speaker 1>voter ide law to go into fact. I mean, there

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<v Speaker 1>are all kinds of cases that have come up on

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<v Speaker 1>an emergency basis. The Supreme Court, I would say, the

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<v Speaker 1>Court has more conservatives than liberals. The conservves tend to

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<v Speaker 1>believe these measures are necessary in order to prevent the

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<v Speaker 1>possibility of fraud or to promote voter confidence, and so

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<v Speaker 1>I don't expect going forward we're going to see the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court playing much of a backstop role except for

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<v Speaker 1>laws that might be really egregiously affecting the right to vote.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court put an end to preclearance in and

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<v Speaker 1>Shelby County, the holder how much has that affected voting rights? Well, so,

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<v Speaker 1>one of the things that this law did was it said,

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<v Speaker 1>if you were a jurisdiction with the history of racial

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<v Speaker 1>discrimination voting, and you wanted to do something as simple

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<v Speaker 1>as move a polling place across the street, or go

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<v Speaker 1>from nine polling places to eight polling places jurisdiction, you

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<v Speaker 1>had to go to the federal government and you had

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<v Speaker 1>to prove to the federal government, either to a three

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<v Speaker 1>judge court or to the Department of Justice, that the

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<v Speaker 1>change would not make protected and already voters works off.

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<v Speaker 1>And so we know that since Shelby County, there have

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<v Speaker 1>been lots of voting changes that have been put in

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<v Speaker 1>place in these jurisdictions that used to be covered under

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<v Speaker 1>this part of the Voting Rights Act, and some of

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<v Speaker 1>them have been the subject of lawsuits under other provisions

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<v Speaker 1>of the Voting Rights Act or other kinds of lawsuits

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<v Speaker 1>claiming that these laws are discriminate. Tory with the old

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<v Speaker 1>Section five preclarance rules, it was the burden on the

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<v Speaker 1>states that were under this these rules to show that

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<v Speaker 1>things would not get worse. Now the burden is on

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<v Speaker 1>the plaintiff to show that things are much worse in

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<v Speaker 1>order to get a law blocked, and so it's a

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<v Speaker 1>lot harder. And so I would say what we've seen

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<v Speaker 1>is that plaintiffs have had mixed success in trying to

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<v Speaker 1>stop rules that otherwise likely would have been stopped by

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<v Speaker 1>the preclarance rules. When you talk about election administrator incompetence,

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<v Speaker 1>Florida comes to mind the twenty eighteen elections. Everyone was saying,

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<v Speaker 1>why is this happening again in this same county. Our

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<v Speaker 1>local officials not doing what they should be doing to

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<v Speaker 1>make sure that people are adept at their jobs. So

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<v Speaker 1>I think that, you know, the first thing to recognize

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<v Speaker 1>is that we don't conduct a single election for president

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<v Speaker 1>or single election for Congress. We have something like nine

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<v Speaker 1>thousand election jurisdictions, each run by local county or sub

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<v Speaker 1>county election administrators, most of a pretty good job with

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<v Speaker 1>what they have to work with with tight budgets. There's

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<v Speaker 1>a great push towards professionalism, but there are these weak links,

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<v Speaker 1>you know. We saw it in Iowa in the way

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<v Speaker 1>the Democratic Party was trying to run its caucus. We

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<v Speaker 1>saw it in in Florida with Broward County, where they

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<v Speaker 1>missed a recount deadline in a very close U. S.

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<v Speaker 1>Senate race by two minutes because the employees did not

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<v Speaker 1>know how to properly upload their results to a state website.

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<v Speaker 1>We can look across the country, UH, and this is

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<v Speaker 1>a bipartisan problem. Democratic and Republican election ministrators. These pockets

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<v Speaker 1>have incompetence. We tend to focus more on the big

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<v Speaker 1>cities which are controlled by Democrats because that's where there

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<v Speaker 1>are many more votes. And then that's where you start

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<v Speaker 1>seeing claims that no, it's not a competence as actually

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<v Speaker 1>attempt to try to cheat in the elections. So there's

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of that loose rhetoric in your book. This

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<v Speaker 1>was a very scary thing to read. There's good reason

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<v Speaker 1>to believe that Russians have the hacking ability to bring

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<v Speaker 1>down the elector go grid on election day in a

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<v Speaker 1>swing state democratic city like Milwaukee or Detroit. Is there

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<v Speaker 1>any reason to think they won't do that. It seems

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<v Speaker 1>like it's the next step after the election interference. So

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<v Speaker 1>this would be I think an act of war, UH

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<v Speaker 1>to interfere with an election in such a serious way.

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<v Speaker 1>And we know that in the president Obama actually picked

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<v Speaker 1>up the Red phone. I don't know there actually was

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<v Speaker 1>a red phone, but picked up the red phone to

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<v Speaker 1>Moscow and said cut it out with some of the interference.

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<v Speaker 1>And at that point we only knew a little bit

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<v Speaker 1>of what the Russians were doing. Unfortunately, now we have

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<v Speaker 1>a president who not only has not aggressively taken steps

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<v Speaker 1>to prevent foreign interference, he's now invited foreign interference from

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<v Speaker 1>at least three countries, Russia, Ukraine, and China. And so

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<v Speaker 1>it's very concerning. There's one point in the book where

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<v Speaker 1>I refer to a New York Times report where McK mulvaney,

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<v Speaker 1>the acting chief of staff for President Trump, is talking

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<v Speaker 1>to Kristen Nielsen, who was then the Department of Homeland

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<v Speaker 1>Security secretary, and basically says, don't talk to Trump about

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<v Speaker 1>election security. Keep it below his level, with the idea

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<v Speaker 1>that you know, this is something we need to work

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<v Speaker 1>on as a country, but keep it from the president.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's just a very bad position to be in.

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<v Speaker 1>But it would be an egregious violation of our sovereignty

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<v Speaker 1>if someone tried to mess with our elections this way,

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<v Speaker 1>and it's the kind of potential meltdown scenario that I

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<v Speaker 1>worry about that we don't have a lot of control

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<v Speaker 1>over all. Right, there's things we can do to make

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<v Speaker 1>sure electionment is trying to do a better job. We

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<v Speaker 1>can do a better job educating the media, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>about not calling races early while ballots are still being counted.

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<v Speaker 1>But it's really up to cybersecurity experts in government and

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<v Speaker 1>in the private sector to make sure that our electrical

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<v Speaker 1>grid is properly maintained. How many states have paper ballot

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<v Speaker 1>requirements because it seems like every time something happens more

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<v Speaker 1>and more the answer is, well, you need a paper

0:11:52.000 --> 0:11:54.320
<v Speaker 1>ballot as well. So this is kind of a moving

0:11:54.360 --> 0:11:57.080
<v Speaker 1>target because given that we have this decentralization of our

0:11:57.120 --> 0:12:01.320
<v Speaker 1>election system, states and localities are have in different machinery

0:12:01.400 --> 0:12:04.280
<v Speaker 1>and changing things. I think the good news is that

0:12:04.360 --> 0:12:07.520
<v Speaker 1>these totally paperless ballots are on their way out. These

0:12:07.559 --> 0:12:10.280
<v Speaker 1>are what referred to as d r E machines. These

0:12:10.320 --> 0:12:11.959
<v Speaker 1>are the ones that were electronic only and if you

0:12:12.000 --> 0:12:14.000
<v Speaker 1>did a recount, it just meant you push the same

0:12:14.000 --> 0:12:17.040
<v Speaker 1>button again. The new controversy is over the newest kind

0:12:17.080 --> 0:12:18.920
<v Speaker 1>of voting machines, which we'll be hearing a lot more

0:12:18.920 --> 0:12:21.960
<v Speaker 1>about these are ballot marking devices or b m d s.

0:12:22.120 --> 0:12:24.400
<v Speaker 1>So you walk up, there's a touchscreen, you mark all

0:12:24.440 --> 0:12:27.679
<v Speaker 1>your choices, and then a ballot gets printed with your

0:12:27.760 --> 0:12:30.960
<v Speaker 1>choices on it. Now here's where there's some controversy along

0:12:31.000 --> 0:12:33.439
<v Speaker 1>with the names. So say you know you vote in

0:12:33.480 --> 0:12:36.280
<v Speaker 1>Grasso for president. Along with the names, it's going to

0:12:36.360 --> 0:12:40.600
<v Speaker 1>have a barcode. And when the ballot counting devices count

0:12:40.600 --> 0:12:43.080
<v Speaker 1>the ballots, they're not going to be looking for, like

0:12:43.120 --> 0:12:46.240
<v Speaker 1>optically scan the name of the candidate. There instead going

0:12:46.240 --> 0:12:48.439
<v Speaker 1>to count the barcode. And of course if you look

0:12:48.440 --> 0:12:50.280
<v Speaker 1>at the barcode, it's not human readable. You can't look

0:12:50.280 --> 0:12:51.720
<v Speaker 1>at that and say is that a vote for tunors

0:12:51.720 --> 0:12:53.920
<v Speaker 1>that vote for someone else. And so one of the

0:12:54.000 --> 0:12:56.560
<v Speaker 1>questions is when you have a recount, are you going

0:12:56.600 --> 0:12:59.000
<v Speaker 1>to count the barcode or you're gonna count the name

0:12:59.080 --> 0:13:02.520
<v Speaker 1>that's printed on the paper. And Georgia, for example, looks

0:13:02.520 --> 0:13:05.160
<v Speaker 1>like they're moving towards counting the barcode, and the barcode

0:13:05.160 --> 0:13:07.679
<v Speaker 1>controls and then how do we trust that the results

0:13:07.679 --> 0:13:11.000
<v Speaker 1>are actually accurate. It's paper, but it's not something that

0:13:11.000 --> 0:13:12.719
<v Speaker 1>a human being can look at and say, yes, that's

0:13:12.720 --> 0:13:15.000
<v Speaker 1>a vote for this candidate or another. While we're here,

0:13:15.080 --> 0:13:18.439
<v Speaker 1>let's talk about the Iowa caucuses and what happened there.

0:13:19.000 --> 0:13:24.160
<v Speaker 1>The Department of Homeland Security Secretary Chad Wolfe said that

0:13:24.480 --> 0:13:28.160
<v Speaker 1>the Department Cyber Division had offered to test the APP

0:13:28.440 --> 0:13:32.440
<v Speaker 1>and the Iowan said no thanks. Well, let's be clear,

0:13:32.520 --> 0:13:36.559
<v Speaker 1>it wasn't the Iowans in terms of the Iowa election officials,

0:13:36.600 --> 0:13:39.120
<v Speaker 1>it was the Democratic Party. So we've got this really

0:13:39.160 --> 0:13:42.840
<v Speaker 1>weird system where with these caucuses, these are privately run

0:13:42.880 --> 0:13:45.200
<v Speaker 1>by the political parties, they're not run by the government.

0:13:45.280 --> 0:13:48.800
<v Speaker 1>And I think it's terrible that the io Democratic Party

0:13:48.840 --> 0:13:51.960
<v Speaker 1>turned down the ability to test the apps. I think

0:13:51.960 --> 0:13:55.320
<v Speaker 1>it's terrible too when once every four years the eyes

0:13:55.360 --> 0:13:57.560
<v Speaker 1>of the world on you to not have done more

0:13:57.960 --> 0:14:01.040
<v Speaker 1>sufficient testing to make sure that the system could accurately work.

0:14:01.080 --> 0:14:03.200
<v Speaker 1>And of course they were doing us at the same

0:14:03.240 --> 0:14:06.000
<v Speaker 1>time that they changed the rules for how they were

0:14:06.000 --> 0:14:08.640
<v Speaker 1>going to aggregate votes and decide, you know, who had

0:14:08.640 --> 0:14:10.680
<v Speaker 1>the right threshold, and how they were going to report

0:14:11.000 --> 0:14:13.439
<v Speaker 1>the winners and the losers, and so it was a

0:14:13.480 --> 0:14:16.840
<v Speaker 1>big mess. Um, we need to have better election security,

0:14:16.880 --> 0:14:19.240
<v Speaker 1>but we also probably need to take away from the

0:14:19.240 --> 0:14:21.800
<v Speaker 1>political party's the ability to run these very important elections,

0:14:21.840 --> 0:14:23.600
<v Speaker 1>and they should be in the hands of government officials.

0:14:24.040 --> 0:14:27.960
<v Speaker 1>Nevada is reportedly planning to use this same app. When

0:14:28.040 --> 0:14:31.880
<v Speaker 1>phones can be hacked so easily, why use a phone app.

0:14:32.120 --> 0:14:34.160
<v Speaker 1>So let's be clear, the app is not being used

0:14:34.160 --> 0:14:37.000
<v Speaker 1>to cast votes. It's being used to report to tallies

0:14:37.120 --> 0:14:40.280
<v Speaker 1>at caucus sites, and there is a piece of paper

0:14:40.800 --> 0:14:42.920
<v Speaker 1>that will be a backup, and you know, we can

0:14:43.000 --> 0:14:44.760
<v Speaker 1>check and make sure. And this is one of the

0:14:44.760 --> 0:14:48.760
<v Speaker 1>reasons I think that the Iowa Democrats didn't immediately announce

0:14:48.920 --> 0:14:50.840
<v Speaker 1>the results because they don't want to be in a

0:14:50.880 --> 0:14:53.840
<v Speaker 1>situation where they've relied on this app where there are problems.

0:14:54.040 --> 0:14:55.880
<v Speaker 1>They get a vote total, they announced the winner and

0:14:55.920 --> 0:14:57.080
<v Speaker 1>a loser, and then they have to go back a

0:14:57.080 --> 0:14:58.920
<v Speaker 1>few weeks later and say, oops, you know that was

0:14:58.960 --> 0:15:01.400
<v Speaker 1>the wrong total. Better to be taking more time and

0:15:01.440 --> 0:15:03.760
<v Speaker 1>getting it right. And so I think getting it right

0:15:03.800 --> 0:15:06.600
<v Speaker 1>would include doing some kind of check to make sure

0:15:06.640 --> 0:15:09.160
<v Speaker 1>that the numbers that were recorded in the app match

0:15:09.240 --> 0:15:11.720
<v Speaker 1>the numbers that are physically there. That that could be

0:15:11.800 --> 0:15:15.080
<v Speaker 1>talking over the phone or sending a texted picture of

0:15:15.120 --> 0:15:16.880
<v Speaker 1>the vote totals. I mean, there are different ways to

0:15:16.920 --> 0:15:19.160
<v Speaker 1>try to do this. But ideally we shouldn't be doing

0:15:19.200 --> 0:15:22.280
<v Speaker 1>this at all. We should have hand marked paper ballots

0:15:22.320 --> 0:15:25.600
<v Speaker 1>that are counted in a way that's uniform across the jurisdiction.

0:15:26.240 --> 0:15:30.520
<v Speaker 1>So politicians are latching onto this problem in Iowa and

0:15:30.640 --> 0:15:34.360
<v Speaker 1>saying that Iowa shouldn't keep its status as the first

0:15:34.600 --> 0:15:38.320
<v Speaker 1>in the country to select a presidential nominee. Do they

0:15:38.320 --> 0:15:40.520
<v Speaker 1>have a good point? Well, I've been against the caucuses

0:15:40.600 --> 0:15:42.720
<v Speaker 1>for other reasons for a long time, but this is

0:15:42.760 --> 0:15:44.800
<v Speaker 1>I think the nail and the coffin. I think caucuses

0:15:44.840 --> 0:15:48.040
<v Speaker 1>are exclusionary. I was a state that you know, there's

0:15:48.040 --> 0:15:51.480
<v Speaker 1>a question about its diversity in terms of representing the

0:15:51.520 --> 0:15:54.080
<v Speaker 1>Democratic Party. There are all kinds of issues about Iowa,

0:15:54.120 --> 0:15:56.000
<v Speaker 1>but I think at the very top of the list

0:15:56.120 --> 0:15:58.680
<v Speaker 1>is we should not have this political party being the

0:15:58.720 --> 0:16:02.360
<v Speaker 1>one running this. Instead, it should be run like a

0:16:02.400 --> 0:16:05.680
<v Speaker 1>regular primary, as we do in most other states. Thanks

0:16:05.680 --> 0:16:08.560
<v Speaker 1>for being on Bloomberg Law. Rick Fath, Professor Rick Hassen

0:16:08.600 --> 0:16:10.240
<v Speaker 1>of the U C. Irvine Law School