WEBVTT - West Bank Takeover

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<v Speaker 1>Hello, everyone, and welcome to It Could Happen Here. My

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<v Speaker 1>name is Dana Al-Kurd. I'm a researcher of Arab and

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<v Speaker 1>Palestinian politics. And today I want to talk about the

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<v Speaker 1>truly insidious stories coming out of the West Bank that

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<v Speaker 1>read separately look like a spike in settler violence, but

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<v Speaker 1>read together look like something else entirely. On August 9th,

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<v Speaker 1>settlers surrounded three Palestinian homes in a neighborhood called Ras

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<v Speaker 1>al-Ayn on the edge of a village called Qusra south

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<v Speaker 1>of Nablus. They didn't leave. 21 days later, at least

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<v Speaker 1>four people were still inside one of those houses cut

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<v Speaker 1>off from water, electricity, and basic supplies. Getting food into

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<v Speaker 1>those people meant coordinating through the village mayor, which was

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<v Speaker 1>a process that took three to four days. The Israeli

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<v Speaker 1>army put up three new roadblocks, and in July, the

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<v Speaker 1>village mosque was burned. I want you to sit with

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<v Speaker 1>that for a minute. Because this is not a raid.

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<v Speaker 1>This is not a rampage. It's a siege with a

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<v Speaker 1>bureaucracy attached. And that bureaucracy is the story. And that's

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<v Speaker 1>what I want to talk about today. And I'm trying

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<v Speaker 1>to be precise about the difference because the distinction is

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<v Speaker 1>not academic. It determines what you think the problem is

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<v Speaker 1>and therefore what you think the solution would look like.

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<v Speaker 1>Here's the framing you'll get from almost every Western outlet.

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<v Speaker 1>And of course, every Israeli official. That this is a fringe.

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<v Speaker 1>and that these settlers are a violent fringe, and they

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<v Speaker 1>embarrass the state, and the state condemns this fringe. When

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<v Speaker 1>settlers besieged Qusra, Prime Minister Netanyahu did issue a statement,

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<v Speaker 1>and here I'm quoting, condemning the, quote, criminal acts of

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<v Speaker 1>violence committed in the village of Qusra by a handful

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<v Speaker 1>of rioters who are violating the law. And Israeli President

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<v Speaker 1>Herzog also condemned it, and the foreign ministry condemned it

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<v Speaker 1>as extremist and criminal violence. So let's take that framing

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<v Speaker 1>seriously for a moment because if it's true, what we're

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<v Speaker 1>looking at is a law enforcement failure, a state that's

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<v Speaker 1>lost control of its most radical citizens. And if it's false,

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<v Speaker 1>what we're looking at is a state carrying out a

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<v Speaker 1>policy through deniable means and the condemnations are not a

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<v Speaker 1>failure at all. They're a feature. They're the part of

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<v Speaker 1>the machine that faces outward. So let's go through what

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<v Speaker 1>actually happened in these villages and then let's ask Which

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<v Speaker 1>of these framings fits the evidence best? So Basil Al-Adra,

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<v Speaker 1>the journalist from Masafi Riata, the one who you know

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<v Speaker 1>from No Other Land, the documentary that won a bunch

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<v Speaker 1>of awards, he published a piece in Jewish Currents on

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<v Speaker 1>September 3rd about livestock theft in the South Hebron Hills.

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<v Speaker 1>So this isn't vandalism, it's theft. It's organized removal of livestock.

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<v Speaker 1>So shortly after midnight on August 21st in a place

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<v Speaker 1>called Khirbet Dir Shams, a family was attacked by roughly

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<v Speaker 1>15 masked settlers with sticks and stones. One of them

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<v Speaker 1>describes it flatly. They basically opened the pen where the

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<v Speaker 1>family kept around 70 goats, and then they opened the

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<v Speaker 1>sheep pen where there were about 100 sheep. And as

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<v Speaker 1>the settlers moved off of the animals, Israeli army vehicles

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<v Speaker 1>passed nearby. And in his words, they did nothing. Nearly

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<v Speaker 1>two weeks later, not one animal has been recovered. Back

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<v Speaker 1>in July, in another village, a settler pepper sprayed a man,

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<v Speaker 1>and then more settlers arrived, And then a flock of

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<v Speaker 1>about 122 sheep were targeted and taken. Soldiers did show

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<v Speaker 1>up that time. According to one of the villagers, what

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<v Speaker 1>the soldiers did was push the Palestinians away from their

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<v Speaker 1>own animals while settlers broke the locks. And of roughly

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<v Speaker 1>227 animals taken that day, nine came back. Four residents

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<v Speaker 1>of the village were arrested and then released. B'Tselem, which

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<v Speaker 1>is an Israeli human rights organization, has counted 17 livestock

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<v Speaker 1>theft incidents in 2026 alone. And a flock of the

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<v Speaker 1>size that we're talking about here, it's worth something on

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<v Speaker 1>the order of tens, if not $ 100, 000. I'm flagging this

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<v Speaker 1>because I think it's easy to hear sheep and these

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<v Speaker 1>kinds of things and file it maybe under like property

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<v Speaker 1>crime or vandalism or something. But for a herding family

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<v Speaker 1>in the South Hebron Hills, the flock is not just

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<v Speaker 1>an asset. It's the entire productive base of the household.

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<v Speaker 1>It's the income. It's the reason to stay on that hillside.

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<v Speaker 1>So if you want to expel a pastoral community, you

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<v Speaker 1>don't just expel them, you can take its animals, and

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<v Speaker 1>then it can expel itself. And it does so in

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<v Speaker 1>a way that produces no photograph of a bulldozer. Another

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<v Speaker 1>incident was on July 8th, when the head of Israel's

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<v Speaker 1>Central Command signed a land seizure order. And that order

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<v Speaker 1>takes dozens of dunams of land from Bil'in and three

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<v Speaker 1>neighboring villages to build a security road, six and a

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<v Speaker 1>half kilometers long and eight meters wide, connecting the settlement,

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<v Speaker 1>of Modayin elite to an outpost called Ste Efraim. Sorry,

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<v Speaker 1>I don't know Hebrew, so I'm going to be butchering these.

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<v Speaker 1>But Oren Zev reported this for 972 Mag on September 2nd.

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<v Speaker 1>So those who are familiar with Palestinian popular resistance in

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<v Speaker 1>the mid to early 2000s, you've heard of Bil'in. Lots

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<v Speaker 1>of documentaries about it, lots of international attention. This village

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<v Speaker 1>basically sustained weekly demonstrations against the separation wall, for something

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<v Speaker 1>like 15 years because this wall was being built on

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<v Speaker 1>their land and taking huge chunks of their land. In 2007,

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<v Speaker 1>the Israeli High Court ordered that part of the wall

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<v Speaker 1>removed and the land actually came back to the village.

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<v Speaker 1>So in the international imagination, this was the best outcome. See,

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<v Speaker 1>the nonviolent resistance worked. And this is the nonviolent resistance

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<v Speaker 1>that Western commentators often point to when they want to

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<v Speaker 1>lecture Palestinians about tactics. Now this road that they're proposing

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<v Speaker 1>runs through the land that was returned. So Mohamed Khatib,

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<v Speaker 1>who led some of these protests, says the point is

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<v Speaker 1>not a road, it's a settlement corridor. It's basically an

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<v Speaker 1>eventual seizure of something like 600 dunams. And the attorney,

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<v Speaker 1>Michael Svard, put it very bluntly. They don't think twice

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<v Speaker 1>about co-opting the security argument for purposes that are clearly settlement-oriented.

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<v Speaker 1>And what's really ludicrous is that this road runs through

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<v Speaker 1>a wadi, kind of a valley, which from an actual

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<v Speaker 1>security standpoint is a bad place to put a road.

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<v Speaker 1>So the security rationale isn't just contested, it's incoherent, which

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<v Speaker 1>tells you that the word security here is doing legal work,

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<v Speaker 1>not tactical work. It's this just magic phrase that converts

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<v Speaker 1>a settlement expansion into a military necessity, and then a

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<v Speaker 1>military necessity into a signed order from a general. A

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<v Speaker 1>third incident or set of incidents I want to talk

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<v Speaker 1>about is these hikes. There have been these hikes. This

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<v Speaker 1>is a really ridiculous, insidious story. Aharon Parath and Roy

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<v Speaker 1>Kleitman published an investigation of these hikes in 972 Mag

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<v Speaker 1>in late August about these hiking groups, these organized settler

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<v Speaker 1>hiking groups in the West Bank. They've got really cutesy

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<v Speaker 1>names sometimes, like hiking buddies. And they published their routes.

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<v Speaker 1>And they go from settlement to settlement and they cross

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<v Speaker 1>Palestinian farmland and springs and villages. So a hike near

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<v Speaker 1>the north of Hebron, one of these hikes, ended with a, quote,

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<v Speaker 1>civilian security coordinator opening fire and killing 17-year-old Palestinian Karim

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<v Speaker 1>Shalalde and seriously wounding another one. So that's, I think,

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<v Speaker 1>the whole episode in two words. A civilian security coordinator.

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<v Speaker 1>This is not a hiker who lost his temper. It's

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<v Speaker 1>a job. It's an armed, appointed part of the chain

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<v Speaker 1>of command. The man who fired was functionally an arm

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<v Speaker 1>of the state, but supposedly on a hike in a

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<v Speaker 1>village that is not his. On July 24th, near the

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<v Speaker 1>village of Tal, west of Nablus, a hike ended with

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<v Speaker 1>six people dead, two Israelis and four Palestinians. David Syed,

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<v Speaker 1>who founded one of these hiking groups, basically says the

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<v Speaker 1>quiet part in a single sentence. Wherever the hiker's foot treads,

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<v Speaker 1>there the border will pass. So he's talking about how

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<v Speaker 1>They're going to places they haven't been to in a

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<v Speaker 1>long time or maybe ever. And on the question of

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<v Speaker 1>the army, he explains the relationship very precisely. We don't

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<v Speaker 1>ask for permits, he says. We mainly notify them so

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<v Speaker 1>we don't put the sector on alert. And this is

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<v Speaker 1>very clear in a lot of their quotes about this issue.

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<v Speaker 1>They coordinate with the army. They notify, but they are

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<v Speaker 1>not asking permission. And the army isn't policing them. It's

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<v Speaker 1>being kept in the loop so that it can protect them.

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<v Speaker 1>And the reporting traces this back over a decade. There's

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<v Speaker 1>a 2013 hike documented with 100 hikers and soldiers accompanying them.

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<v Speaker 1>So supposedly this recreational activity has a stated territorial doctrine,

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<v Speaker 1>a published route through other people's fields, an armed participant base,

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<v Speaker 1>and a military that gets notified. All right, so we

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<v Speaker 1>have four things. The livestock theft with soldiers watching, a

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<v Speaker 1>siege of villages, seizing of land, and armed hikes with

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<v Speaker 1>military escorts. Now let's get back to Prime Minister Netanyahu's

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<v Speaker 1>phrase about this being a handful of riots. A riot

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<v Speaker 1>is unplanned. A riot has no logistics. A riot does

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<v Speaker 1>not file paperwork. What's in front of us here is

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<v Speaker 1>very different. Because Here, I think a lot of people

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<v Speaker 1>who are critical of the state of Israel might make

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<v Speaker 1>the argument that the settlers are the state. But I

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<v Speaker 1>think this loses a little bit of analytical detail. So

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<v Speaker 1>let me make this a little bit more specific, which

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<v Speaker 1>I actually think is more damning. The Israeli state and

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<v Speaker 1>the settler movement are not identical, but they are complementary

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<v Speaker 1>because they perform different functions in the same project. And

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<v Speaker 1>it's very clear that the division of labor is the point.

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<v Speaker 1>Because think for a moment about what each half can

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<v Speaker 1>do that the other can't. Settlers can do things the

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<v Speaker 1>state can't do openly without incurring some diplomatic cost. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>taking a flock of sheep or burning a mosque or

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<v Speaker 1>standing outside a house for three weeks. These are acts

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<v Speaker 1>with no legal basis. There's no order, no minister to sanction,

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<v Speaker 1>no policy to condemn at the UN. They produce displacement

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<v Speaker 1>without producing a decision. And then the state can do

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<v Speaker 1>things settlers can't do on their own. It can sign

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<v Speaker 1>a seizure order. It can declare land state land. It

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<v Speaker 1>can build the road that makes the outpost viable and

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<v Speaker 1>connect it to the grid and route the bus line.

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<v Speaker 1>And it can decline to investigate when things happen. It

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<v Speaker 1>can arrest four Palestinians instead of the 15 masked settlers,

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<v Speaker 1>which is exactly what happened in one of these villages.

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<v Speaker 1>And crucially, the state can supply this ambiguity that lets

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<v Speaker 1>the whole thing keep running. the soldiers present at these

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<v Speaker 1>incidents are not intervening because not that they're absent. It's

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<v Speaker 1>in fact a specific posture of the state. It converts

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<v Speaker 1>this crime into something sanctioned. And it tells the Palestinian

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<v Speaker 1>family there's really no one to appeal to. And this

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<v Speaker 1>is what political scientists who study this stuff in other

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<v Speaker 1>contexts as outsourced or deniable repression by paramilitaries or militias

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<v Speaker 1>or unknown gunmen, quote unquote, We recognize it instantly when

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<v Speaker 1>it's in other places, and we understand kind of the

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<v Speaker 1>analytical move here because you don't ask whether the state

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<v Speaker 1>ordered it, you ask whether the state built the conditions

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<v Speaker 1>under which it happens. And by that test, this is

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<v Speaker 1>not ambiguous at all. But for some reason, when we

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<v Speaker 1>talk about Israel-Palestine, things get a little bit more ambiguous.

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<v Speaker 1>I also want to point out something really crucial, which

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<v Speaker 1>is that every one of these incidents, and they've been

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<v Speaker 1>happening for a while, but they've ramped up in severity,

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<v Speaker 1>but every one of them produces a permanent gain. The

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<v Speaker 1>animals that are stolen don't come back. The road that's

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<v Speaker 1>built can't be unbuilt. The hiking route, you know, once

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<v Speaker 1>walked with an escort becomes a corridor, then a security zone,

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<v Speaker 1>then a place that Palestinians can't farm. And the siege

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't need to end in a formal expulsion. It ends

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<v Speaker 1>when the family decides they can't raise their children under

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<v Speaker 1>these conditions. They can't stay under siege. And there's a

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<v Speaker 1>phrase for what's coming when all of this happens all

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<v Speaker 1>at once, which is annexation. And People talk about it

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<v Speaker 1>as if it's a future event that's awaiting some sort

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<v Speaker 1>of vote from the Israeli Knesset or something. But I'd

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<v Speaker 1>suggest that framing is itself part of the problem. It

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<v Speaker 1>invites us to wait for a declaration and treat everything

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<v Speaker 1>before that as some sort of tension or spike. The

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<v Speaker 1>declaration of annexation is the least important part. What's happening

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<v Speaker 1>on the ground is a territorial reality that's being produced

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<v Speaker 1>by signature and by theft. And then maybe later on

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<v Speaker 1>the paperwork will ratify it, but it's not necessary. Israeli

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<v Speaker 1>writer and analyst Marev Zonzin actually made a version of

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<v Speaker 1>this argument in the New York Times on September 6th

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<v Speaker 1>under a headline that I think is worth reading. The

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<v Speaker 1>headline of the article is, it's not just the West

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<v Speaker 1>Bank settlers, it's Israel. So hopefully this analysis doesn't seem

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<v Speaker 1>fringe anymore. At the end of the day, if we

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<v Speaker 1>consider settler violence a fringe problem, then the remedy... which

0:13:12.110 --> 0:13:18.090
<v Speaker 1>the Biden administration toyed with half-heartedly, is sanctions on individuals,

0:13:18.850 --> 0:13:21.870
<v Speaker 1>a visa ban or an asset freeze. And we've run

0:13:21.890 --> 0:13:25.630
<v Speaker 1>that experiment. That didn't really work. The violence kept going up.

0:13:26.590 --> 0:13:32.010
<v Speaker 1>But if it's a state policy executed through deniable proxies,

0:13:32.650 --> 0:13:35.450
<v Speaker 1>then the remedy has to address the state. And every

0:13:35.530 --> 0:13:38.590
<v Speaker 1>actor with leverage over that state, which, you know, we're

0:13:38.610 --> 0:13:43.150
<v Speaker 1>talking about D.C. here, understands this, but they've chosen the

0:13:43.190 --> 0:13:48.520
<v Speaker 1>fringe framing precisely because it permits condemnation without cost. So

0:13:48.880 --> 0:13:51.840
<v Speaker 1>Netanyahu condemning a handful of rioters in the same week

0:13:51.940 --> 0:13:55.100
<v Speaker 1>that the Israeli Central Command signs a road through Bil'in's

0:13:55.140 --> 0:13:58.349
<v Speaker 1>returned land, this is not a contradiction he failed to notice,

0:13:58.550 --> 0:14:01.750
<v Speaker 1>it is the design of this policy. So I'll leave

0:14:01.770 --> 0:14:04.990
<v Speaker 1>you with this detail from the reporting on Qusra that

0:14:05.010 --> 0:14:07.830
<v Speaker 1>I can't get out of my head. It was that

0:14:08.250 --> 0:14:11.929
<v Speaker 1>six people were attacked on while trying to install metal

0:14:12.000 --> 0:14:14.760
<v Speaker 1>bars and window shields on their homes. They were attacked

0:14:14.800 --> 0:14:17.819
<v Speaker 1>by both Israeli soldiers and settlers together in the same action.

0:14:18.000 --> 0:14:20.660
<v Speaker 1>And then the six of them were arrested. So they

0:14:20.700 --> 0:14:25.840
<v Speaker 1>weren't fighting. They weren't protesting. They were fastening metal on

0:14:25.860 --> 0:14:28.700
<v Speaker 1>their own house to protect themselves. And they were being

0:14:28.760 --> 0:14:31.590
<v Speaker 1>arrested for it by the same army standing alongside the

0:14:31.620 --> 0:14:34.390
<v Speaker 1>people they were shielding themselves from. So if you wanted

0:14:34.490 --> 0:14:36.850
<v Speaker 1>kind of a single image for this division of labor,

0:14:36.910 --> 0:14:41.540
<v Speaker 1>I've spent this episode describing, that's it. Because the thing

0:14:41.580 --> 0:14:45.460
<v Speaker 1>that's not permitted in the end is not that they're resisting.

0:14:45.940 --> 0:14:48.979
<v Speaker 1>It's that they're staying. The families in the South Hebron

0:14:49.020 --> 0:14:52.450
<v Speaker 1>Hills are still there. And Bil'in is contesting the order

0:14:52.880 --> 0:14:56.170
<v Speaker 1>of the seizure of their land. Qusra's residents have installed

0:14:56.570 --> 0:14:59.530
<v Speaker 1>some shields anyway. And a number of Israeli journalists and

0:14:59.550 --> 0:15:03.430
<v Speaker 1>lawyers and researchers are documenting this in Hebrew and in English.

0:15:03.470 --> 0:15:06.110
<v Speaker 1>And then, of course, Palestinian journalists are putting themselves on

0:15:06.130 --> 0:15:08.760
<v Speaker 1>the line to document this as well. That's not a

0:15:08.800 --> 0:15:12.520
<v Speaker 1>hopeful note exactly. It's just the accurate one. Unfortunately, what's

0:15:12.570 --> 0:15:16.750
<v Speaker 1>missing is apparently anyone with power willing to act on

0:15:17.150 --> 0:15:21.410
<v Speaker 1>understanding this reality. That's it for me. Thanks for listening.

0:15:24.150 --> 0:15:26.590
<v Speaker 2>It Could Happen Here is a production of Cool Zone Media.

0:15:26.810 --> 0:15:31.150
<v Speaker 2>For more podcasts from Cool Zone Media, visit our website, coolzonemedia.com,

0:15:31.610 --> 0:15:34.430
<v Speaker 2>or check us out on the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts,

0:15:34.770 --> 0:15:37.570
<v Speaker 2>or wherever you listen to podcasts. You can now find

0:15:37.630 --> 0:15:40.590
<v Speaker 2>sources for It Could Happen Here listed directly in episode descriptions.

0:15:41.090 --> 0:15:41.770
<v Speaker 2>Thanks for listening.