Speaker 1: Good morning, peeps, and welcome to OKF Daily with Meet
Speaker 1: your Girl Danielle Moody recording from the Home Bunker. Folks,
Speaker 1: to say that this has been a challenging week would
Speaker 1: be an understatement. I think that everything is signaling to
Speaker 1: the fact that Donald Trump is probably more likely than
Speaker 1: not to be the forty seventh president of the United States.
Speaker 1: That there are signs, whether they're coming through our judiciary
Speaker 1: with alien cannon deciding aph you know what, we're not
Speaker 1: going to actually do this court case with the documents.
Speaker 1: You know, we have so many pre trial things to do, bullshit, bullshit,
Speaker 1: bullshit that the Supreme Court is signaling that, you know,
Speaker 1: maybe a president should have immunity because you know, how
Speaker 1: else did the other forty four presidents before this criminal
Speaker 1: last one forty five? How did they all manage? So
Speaker 1: I think that what we are seeing, and the reason
Speaker 1: why I get so just beside myself for lack of
Speaker 1: a better word, is because every sign points to the
Speaker 1: end of America as we know it. Every sign points
Speaker 1: to the end of our democracy as we know it.
Speaker 1: We have a genocide that is raging on seven months
Speaker 1: plus close to forty thousand people dead, including fifteen thousand
Speaker 1: and counting children, Biden has decided to side with a homicidal,
Speaker 1: homicidal maniac. Like I say, homicidal over and over again,
Speaker 1: just to you know, run the point home. They have
Speaker 1: no desire in Israel, the government to have a two
Speaker 1: state solution to stop this war, to come to any negotiation,
Speaker 1: because you can't negotiate with terrorists, and what they want
Speaker 1: is to wipe out the Palestinian people. And Joe Biden
Speaker 1: is right on their side. And so, like I have
Speaker 1: been saying all week long, which is that we are
Speaker 1: faced with is Sophie's choice, right, this idea that whatever
Speaker 1: the choice that we make, it's going to be painful.
Speaker 1: And I think that that's where I want to really
Speaker 1: focus this morning on, which is that I think that
Speaker 1: we have been set up to believe that we only
Speaker 1: get to make good choices, that we only get to
Speaker 1: do the things that make us feel good. And what
Speaker 1: I am realizing and what I am grappling with myself,
Speaker 1: is that that's not the case. Right this time around.
Speaker 1: We don't get to feel good like we did in
Speaker 1: two thousand and eight, in twenty twelve, right the days
Speaker 1: of feeling good and excited about who we're electing, I
Speaker 1: think are gone. I think that for the next several cycles,
Speaker 1: if we're able to make it out of this one
Speaker 1: and Donald Trump manages somehow not to become president, giving
Speaker 1: all of the cards that are stacked against Biden, all
Speaker 1: of the cards that he has fucking stacked against himself,
Speaker 1: if we're able to make it through this cycle, I
Speaker 1: think that the next several are going to be a
Speaker 1: lot like this last one, meaning that we're not going
Speaker 1: to love the candidates. But what we need to make
Speaker 1: sure and I think that the most important thing to
Speaker 1: understand is whether or not they respect the Constitution of
Speaker 1: the United States, whether or not they are going to
Speaker 1: uphold democracy, and where they stand on issues of the
Speaker 1: social safety net and entitlements, where they stand on the environment,
Speaker 1: on education, on reproductive rights and bodily autonomy, on LGBTQ equality,
Speaker 1: on racial justice, and really drill those things down. But
Speaker 1: are we going to fall in love? No, we're not.
Speaker 1: And I think that where I am with the decision
Speaker 1: at hand in the next couple of months is that
Speaker 1: I don't like Biden. I don't I think that I
Speaker 1: have completely soured on him given his staunch support for
Speaker 1: Israel and the fact that they are going to erase
Speaker 1: Palestinian people their homeland from the map, and America is
Speaker 1: going to be complicit in that. And five and ten
Speaker 1: years from now, when we look back at what was caused,
Speaker 1: I think that Biden's entire legacy, if in fact we
Speaker 1: have history at that time, will be tarnished beyond measure.
Speaker 1: I think that his decision to put Israel above everything
Speaker 1: else has made me really understand the binds and the
Speaker 1: power of white supremacy, and that, you know, you can
Speaker 1: do a little bit of good, but that doesn't erase
Speaker 1: a whole lot of bad. So you can, you know,
Speaker 1: decide to reschedule marijuana, you can decide to you know,
Speaker 1: reduce student loan debt. You can decide to work on
Speaker 1: climate change and infrastructure issues. But if at the end
Speaker 1: of the day, your democracy and your understanding of quality
Speaker 1: and justice stops at the borders of the United States,
Speaker 1: then I don't want to fuck with you. Like That's
Speaker 1: that's where I am right knowing that I am going
Speaker 1: to vote for Joe Biden because a vote for Donald
Speaker 1: Trump would be a vote to put myself in a camp,
Speaker 1: would be a vote for my own extermination and those
Speaker 1: that I love in the communities that I care about,
Speaker 1: am the part of and have been fighting for my
Speaker 1: entire professional career. But am I happy about that decision.
Speaker 1: Am I going to gleefily, wear a T shirt, put
Speaker 1: up a sign and put my fist in the air
Speaker 1: for Joe Biden? Absolutely fucking not. I will do what
Speaker 1: needs to be done, and I hope that a lot
Speaker 1: of people out there will do the same, will hold
Speaker 1: their nose, will, you know, wash it down with some
Speaker 1: listerine afterwards, and we can deal with and fight and push,
Speaker 1: you know, following that election. But right now, I'm not
Speaker 1: going to be excited about it, and no one's gonna
Speaker 1: make me feel excited about it. But I'm gonna do
Speaker 1: what needs to be done. And I think that that's
Speaker 1: where all of us need to get to. That sometimes
Speaker 1: we're not making choices that we feel great about, that
Speaker 1: we're jumping up and down about, that we're writing home about.
Speaker 1: Sometimes the choices that we make are just tough and
Speaker 1: they suck. And that is I guess what it means
Speaker 1: to adult in twenty twenty four or in a climate
Speaker 1: that doesn't produce a bevy of politicians offer you to
Speaker 1: choose from, and the choices are really slim. Coming up next,
Speaker 1: my conversation with our friend, our in house doctor, doctor
Speaker 1: Jonathan Metzel. We're talking about an article that he has
Speaker 1: out now about what happens to Israel if they adopt
Speaker 1: the gun laws and policies that we have in this country.
Speaker 1: It's a difficult conversation because we're in a difficult space
Speaker 1: this week, folks, but you know we are going to
Speaker 1: continue to push through because that's what we do. We
Speaker 1: take breaks so that we don't have breakdowns. We turn
Speaker 1: off the news, we turn into ourselves and into those
Speaker 1: that we care about, and we just keep on keeping on.
Speaker 1: Some weeks are better than others. This week just ain't
Speaker 1: it for me? Coming up next, our friend Jonathan Metzell. Folks,
Speaker 1: you know that whenever we have the chance to speak
Speaker 1: with our in house doctor, doctor Jonathan Metzel, we are
Speaker 1: always grateful. And today we are digging into an article
Speaker 1: that Jonathan did in Zokolo Public Square, an essay entitled
Speaker 1: what could American style gun culture do to Israel? Jonathan
Speaker 1: give us the high level points of how Israel's gun
Speaker 1: control has been different very different from the United States,
Speaker 1: and why there is a shift that has happened.
Speaker 2: Well, let me first acknowledge that we're recording this on
Speaker 2: a really hard day. You know, there's there's a lot
Speaker 2: of despair in the area right now. I've actually been
Speaker 2: on the phone pretty much all night with people who
Speaker 2: saw a glimmer of hope, and now it feels like
Speaker 2: we're deep in this moment, even worse than ever for
Speaker 2: a lot of people who were there. And so before
Speaker 2: before I say that, and I'm going to be answer
Speaker 2: that question, I just want to say, you know, I've
Speaker 2: always thought this, but I hope, I hope we've I hope,
Speaker 2: God damn it, we've hit the bottom right now, and
Speaker 2: that the next time we talk, by the next next week,
Speaker 2: this moment of what I feel like is strategic disaster,
Speaker 2: personally and moral disaster. It has turned into a change
Speaker 2: of direction. So let me just first say that and
Speaker 2: then I'll talk about the article. But we're we're recording
Speaker 2: this on a really, really hard moment, and having been
Speaker 2: on the phone with a lot of people, I know
Speaker 2: that a lot of people to share that sentiment. And
Speaker 2: so now for me, I've been I've been collaborating with
Speaker 2: public health colleagues. As you know, for well over a
Speaker 2: decade now, I've worked with physicians for human rights Israel Palestine.
Speaker 2: For I mean we were looking back there day like
Speaker 2: fifteen years now or something like that, and so done
Speaker 2: a lot of work on violence reduction, mostly in southern
Speaker 2: Israel and the West Bank. And it was before this
Speaker 2: current intent now who government, a kind of vibrant organization
Speaker 2: that combined Israeli and Israeli Palestinian doctors, social workers, nurses,
Speaker 2: other healthcare providers to try to limit gun reform. And
Speaker 2: the irony for me was before this current government, Israel
Speaker 2: was a model of you know, Americans like me went
Speaker 2: to Israel. We would have conferences there to see like
Speaker 2: why is there so little gun death civilian gun death
Speaker 2: in a way, and so there's no Second Amendment in Israel.
Speaker 2: There there were really really tight laws, assault weapons bans,
Speaker 2: all these kinds of things. And so Israeli public health
Speaker 2: was a model for gun reform before this government. And
Speaker 2: then this right wing government took over and immediately they
Speaker 2: started pulling out the NRA playbook. They started giving out guns,
Speaker 2: mostly to settlers in the West Bank, but also in
Speaker 2: urban areas to form these crazy police squads. So they
Speaker 2: adopted the NRA playbook, and the essay was basically, what
Speaker 2: happens to the moral soul of a country when you
Speaker 2: start arming mostly right wing people? And what we see
Speaker 2: kind of what I argue in the piece is that
Speaker 2: it's actually harder to make peace when you haven't armed
Speaker 2: a bunch of right wing zealots on your side. And
Speaker 2: so part of what we're seeing globally as a reflection
Speaker 2: of the internal politics of Israel. So it was definitely
Speaker 2: not an easy piece to write. I've spent the past
Speaker 2: six months interviewing tons and tons and tons of people
Speaker 2: on all sides of this, but I do think that
Speaker 2: there is an issue which doesn't seem urgent today, but
Speaker 2: it is a bigger issue that I think will need
Speaker 2: to be addressed about the internal politics of Israel and
Speaker 2: how the nintenda who is marginalized public health and the
Speaker 2: left in ways that I think are really disastrous.
Speaker 1: Also, so one of the things that you say that
Speaker 1: you write in here, and I want to read a
Speaker 1: piece of it for the listeners, is that effective gun
Speaker 1: policy reinforce social cohesion. While Americans carry guns based on
Speaker 1: individualized notions of self protection. Israeli's considered gun ownership a
Speaker 1: shared responsibility. Can you speak to that a bit about
Speaker 1: the difference in the individualization that we have here of
Speaker 1: let's say, the castle doctrine and stand your ground and
Speaker 1: this individualized idea of protecting myself in my property versus
Speaker 1: what was a shared responsibility in Israel.
Speaker 2: So I actually the piece ends in the castle doctrine.
Speaker 2: For that exact reason, the castle doctrine made absolutely no
Speaker 2: sense in the Middle East context because nobody had guns.
Speaker 2: The narrative of why people had guns was to protect
Speaker 2: their nation. They got their guns because of military training,
Speaker 2: but there was no such thing as like individual civilians
Speaker 2: walking around carrying guns because they might get robbed or
Speaker 2: something like that. That was that's not part of the ethos,
Speaker 2: and so gun training for people was part of this
Speaker 2: exercise of like, we're defending our country. So it was
Speaker 2: a very plural narrative. But in terms of the internal
Speaker 2: politics of Israel, the idea was basically, we're all looking
Speaker 2: out for each other, and we don't need guns because
Speaker 2: we have institutions, the police and other things that protect us,
Speaker 2: and so there's no need for guns in a civilian
Speaker 2: context and there were no laws that let people have
Speaker 2: guns in civilian contexts for the most part. Now, as
Speaker 2: I write in the piece, that's not totally true. There
Speaker 2: were gun markets in Israeli Palestinian towns, and there were
Speaker 2: a lot of guns that were stolen from the military
Speaker 2: and sold there and things like that, but for the
Speaker 2: most part, guns were seeing. The narrative was a plural narrative.
Speaker 2: It wasn't an individual narrative. There's no individual right to
Speaker 2: bear arms or anything like that. They didn't have that,
Speaker 2: and it led to this sense. I mean, the two
Speaker 2: most powerful stories for me and why I wrote the piece.
Speaker 2: The first was, I think it was like twenty fifteen.
Speaker 2: I was speaking at a conference there and the NRA
Speaker 2: had sent a delegation of NRA people come over and
Speaker 2: try to spur because they thought Israel was a great
Speaker 2: gun market, and so they sent over all these NRAA
Speaker 2: people donors, and they toured around and they started touting
Speaker 2: American style gun laws. You know, carry a gun, you
Speaker 2: don't know, castle doctor, and all this stuff, and they
Speaker 2: were almost effectively kind of laughed out of town. This
Speaker 2: conference I was at had a lot of the leading
Speaker 2: public health and doctors, and they were like, man, you
Speaker 2: Americans are crazy, like we don't need guns in civilian
Speaker 2: life at all. And so the NA came over totally
Speaker 2: not understanding the Israeli context and it was so foreign, like,
Speaker 2: of course, we're we don't need this, you guys are
Speaker 2: They called it American michu gos, like American craziness. And
Speaker 2: another instance was there was the Parkland mass shooting here
Speaker 2: and Mike Huckabe just happened to be in Israel at
Speaker 2: the time, visiting, and he tweeted when he was there,
Speaker 2: I'm in Israel and there's no mass shootings here because
Speaker 2: everybody has a gun, and people there's a hyperlink in
Speaker 2: my piece one of the first two paragraphs. People pounced
Speaker 2: on him and they were like, dude, this isn't the
Speaker 2: US at all. We don't have your crazy second Amendment.
Speaker 2: We don't have mass shootings here because we have responsible
Speaker 2: gun laws. And so every time somebody would try to
Speaker 2: make this argument that we're the US, that is, you know,
Speaker 2: like the US the whole place would and I invite
Speaker 2: people to like click on that link because it's really interesting,
Speaker 2: the response is that was like, we don't have your
Speaker 2: insanity here, and then the Nitaniaho government got elected and
Speaker 2: then they started handing out guns and overturning all the
Speaker 2: gun laws and stuff like that. And so part of
Speaker 2: the argument for me, which is tied to my work
Speaker 2: in my book, also is that got loose gun laws
Speaker 2: are a way to destabilize functioning democracies. The minute nitania
Speaker 2: Who started arming his supporters, there was a threat to
Speaker 2: liberals who then thought maybe we need guns also, And
Speaker 2: so you end up dividing a country and rupturing these
Speaker 2: these national narratives.
Speaker 1: And I think the other the other piece of this
Speaker 1: that is you know that that can't be overlooked is
Speaker 1: you know, I'm in the midst. I was telling Andrew,
Speaker 1: my producer, that I'm behind the times because I am
Speaker 1: in the midst of reading the Shock Doctrine right now
Speaker 1: by Naomi Klein and understanding that, you know, when you
Speaker 1: have moments of catastrophe, whether it be man made or
Speaker 1: natural catastrophe or exacerbated natural catastrophe, which is what is
Speaker 1: happening with climate change, you have very eager politicians that
Speaker 1: want to use those moments in order to push through
Speaker 1: an agenda. And similarly, with nine to eleven in the
Speaker 1: United States, and how we ended up ushering in the
Speaker 1: Patriot Act, which gave away our freedom and allowed for
Speaker 1: the United States to overtly begin to surveil American people
Speaker 1: for our own safety. Net Nyahu has used October seventh,
Speaker 1: this devastating day in Israeli history, to push through gun laws.
Speaker 1: Can you speak to that? And Ben Gavir and like
Speaker 1: this whole idea of kind of using this horrible moment,
Speaker 1: using the fear that then was brought up in this
Speaker 1: horrible moment, to then push through a very radicalized gun agenda.
Speaker 2: I mean, it's not just a gun agenda, it's the
Speaker 2: gun agenda is a is a part of a much
Speaker 2: bigger agenda. I just would say, I mean, if people
Speaker 2: want to read one Israeli source on this, and a
Speaker 2: lot of people don't, I get that. But Aretz is
Speaker 2: a pretty good a pretty good reflection of the views
Speaker 2: of a lot of people on the Israeli left who
Speaker 2: since this election really have been constantly under attack, constantly protesting.
Speaker 2: I mean, they've got a year head start on everybody
Speaker 2: in terms of millions of people being out in the street.
Speaker 2: Before October they were protesting the judicial reform. The quote
Speaker 2: unquote reform, the takeover of the judiciary that the minute
Speaker 2: Nittanyahu basically was out of office, disgraced, facing possible and
Speaker 2: jail time for crimes. And then he pulled together a
Speaker 2: coalition of people who themselves would never have gotten into
Speaker 2: the coalition, like totally radical people who by themselves were
Speaker 2: not going to be part of any other coalition, but
Speaker 2: they had a lot to gain by being He gave
Speaker 2: basically people power who were totally totally radical on the right,
Speaker 2: and part of the deal was that then when they
Speaker 2: got in power, they could do all this radical stuff
Speaker 2: to basically do the Israeli version of own the Libs.
Speaker 2: And so they started taking over the judiciary, limiting the
Speaker 2: power of the Supreme Court, which had been a moderating
Speaker 2: force in Israel against a lot of the extremism, doing
Speaker 2: a lot of just every day stuff, like all these
Speaker 2: crazy religious laws that nobody really thought would ever happen.
Speaker 2: You know, you can't have your place open on Saturday,
Speaker 2: and girls can't stand with boys in public, like all
Speaker 2: this stuff that were totally totally the radical fringe. But
Speaker 2: because he had mobilized this coalition that became the power structure,
Speaker 2: and part of The issue that I think is important
Speaker 2: to recognize is that it's not like there's a moral
Speaker 2: voice of like I'm not going to stand for this,
Speaker 2: because everybody in that coalition the minute the minute that
Speaker 2: coalition falls, they are not only not in power, they're
Speaker 2: probably criminally liable for some of the things that are
Speaker 2: happening now and so in a way, so in a way,
Speaker 2: the government potentially is not going to fall by itself.
Speaker 2: It's very hard to fracture this coalition because it's like
Speaker 2: a confederation of I was calling it before it could
Speaker 2: federation of dunsas, but I would use a different word
Speaker 2: right now. And so the issue is this coalition is
Speaker 2: like all these people who are clinging to power, and
Speaker 2: the minute that topples, they are all in big trouble.
Speaker 2: So it's funny because like I used to admire a
Speaker 2: coalition system, it's not our two party system. But you
Speaker 2: can see how in the age of fascism that system
Speaker 2: can be hijacked. Also, that's what I think what we're
Speaker 2: seeing in Israel, that in a way that system can
Speaker 2: be hijacked against the will of the people also, and
Speaker 2: so I know there's tons of just profound rage and rightfully,
Speaker 2: so right now. But I just want to highlight that
Speaker 2: a lot of the people across Israel are also in
Speaker 2: the streets protesting because they've been trying to top all
Speaker 2: this government before October, and then October this moment of
Speaker 2: like I mean, that's kind of what I show in
Speaker 2: the piece, is that the power of emergency authority is
Speaker 2: really powerful and it gives the right to circumvent all
Speaker 2: of these civil liberties and so not ironically, it's not
Speaker 2: just about guns. People that these protests are being surveiled.
Speaker 2: There's all this government surveillance. They're being targeted. I have
Speaker 2: a lot of links in the piece to a lot
Speaker 2: of sources that talk about that as well, and so
Speaker 2: in a way, I wrote this piece in part in
Speaker 2: part to give rise to the Israeli protest movement that
Speaker 2: has been there before, but also kind of as a
Speaker 2: warning because the reflection of what people in the Middle
Speaker 2: East have faced and what we could potentially be facing.
Speaker 2: It's just it's a playbook that is one that is
Speaker 2: I find really terrifying, which is that a lot of
Speaker 2: the institutions and structures, like Israel's gun laws, as an example,
Speaker 2: that we've assumed our eternal can be hacked by this playbook.
Speaker 1: You know, I know that we only have a couple
Speaker 1: of minutes left, but I do want to ask you
Speaker 1: this last question, which is that you look at Israeli government,
Speaker 1: you look at coalition government, you look like a multi
Speaker 1: party system. You look at our two party system, and
Speaker 1: it seems to me, Jonathan, that it doesn't matter what
Speaker 1: kind of system you have, that it can be infiltrated
Speaker 1: by right wing fascists. And so as the people of
Speaker 1: Israel are out in the streets, as I saw before
Speaker 1: I came on, have been protesting, what voice do they
Speaker 1: have right now to combat this other than going into
Speaker 1: the street, But there is no change.
Speaker 2: I mean, we're seeing the limits of protests. I guess
Speaker 2: the only answer that I can think of right now
Speaker 2: is that there were like six I think Israeli elections
Speaker 2: that were stalemates. It was a long drawn out process
Speaker 2: and the same strategy had been deployed on them which
Speaker 2: is being deployed on us right now, which is this
Speaker 2: Cambridge analyticas style messaging that your vote doesn't matter, everything's
Speaker 2: just going to be stuck forever, nothing matters. And so
Speaker 2: this final election that got this coalition into power. Liberals
Speaker 2: they don't have the same categories as we do, so
Speaker 2: liberals kind of meant something different. But the left voted
Speaker 2: roughly the same as they always had. But the right
Speaker 2: saw the fracture of the left as an opportunity to
Speaker 2: seize power and quote unquote on Libs, and so they
Speaker 2: voted in record numbers. They behind the scenes had been
Speaker 2: mobilizing all of this voter drive and stuff like that,
Speaker 2: and so the left voted about sixty percent roughly, but
Speaker 2: the right voted like seventy three percent, which had never
Speaker 2: happened before, because they saw this as a chance to
Speaker 2: once and for all make Israel a much more right
Speaker 2: wing religious state. And the day after that election, it
Speaker 2: was like kind of like our version of Trump. Every
Speaker 2: people were people were in shock. They were in total shock,
Speaker 2: and they're like, oh my god, this my life is over.
Speaker 2: I know a lot of friends of mine moved out
Speaker 2: of the country. The ones who stayed, I think were
Speaker 2: right about what was going to happen to their to
Speaker 2: their civil liberties. And so at the point then of
Speaker 2: being out of power, their best response. I mean, people
Speaker 2: like people's grandmothers have been in the street every single day,
Speaker 2: people quit their jobs to protest. People are been stopping
Speaker 2: traffic and lighting fires and and I guess the question is,
Speaker 2: what could they have done different? In retrospect, they could
Speaker 2: have voted more than their opponents before. I think being
Speaker 2: out of power is terrifying, given the forces you can
Speaker 2: mobilize when they're in power now. And I say that
Speaker 2: thinking of us also so foreshadowing with these shitty ass
Speaker 2: choices we have right now. But I'll just say that
Speaker 2: thinking of us also, it's kind of like when I
Speaker 2: interview people and I say what can you do different?
Speaker 2: And they tell me, I wish I could go back
Speaker 2: to the day before the election and have twenty people.
Speaker 2: I know, because it seemed like I had no choice.
Speaker 2: But actually, if you want no choice, that's what I
Speaker 2: actually have right now.
Speaker 1: So I wish we could end on a happier note.
Speaker 1: But no, we're just gonna We're just gonna end there today.
Speaker 2: Well one of these days, I mean, let's say really
Speaker 2: quickly that I think at some point in the future
Speaker 2: you and I were talking about doing a reading group.
Speaker 1: Yes, okay, sorry, because I'm watching the clock, so folks,
Speaker 1: every week, you know, for god, the last three or
Speaker 1: four years, Jonathan and I have been in conversation on
Speaker 1: wookf and Jonathan brought up an idea that I think
Speaker 1: is a really great one, which is to do a
Speaker 1: reading group where we would cover particular articles, whether Jonathan
Speaker 1: wrote them or things that have crossed their paths that
Speaker 1: we're interested in discussing. And so we're going to start
Speaker 1: doing that next week. There are a couple of podcast
Speaker 1: interviews and things, and so I think Jonathan, we should
Speaker 1: probably like share them out on social for the one
Speaker 1: before we record, So if you're not following myself or
Speaker 1: Jonathan at this point, you should, and then we'll link
Speaker 1: in the show description, we'll link to the articles that
Speaker 1: we were discussing on that day, and you know.
Speaker 2: We can we can try it like once a month
Speaker 2: or something, see how it goes, and then yeah, take
Speaker 2: it from there.
Speaker 1: But yeah, but we thought it would be it would
Speaker 1: be great because we send each other articles all week long,
Speaker 1: so we want to include you all in that as
Speaker 1: well as always. Jonathan, thank you, Stay hopeful, stay sane.
Speaker 2: I'm going to the air Fort now for our graduation,
Speaker 2: so I hope I get energy from community travel safe.
Speaker 1: H That is it for me today. Dear friends on
Speaker 1: Woke app. As always, Power to the people and to
Speaker 1: all the people. Power, get woke and stay woke as fuck.