WEBVTT - What Is Zionism?

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<v Speaker 1>Welcome to Brainstuff, a production of iHeartRadio. Hey Brainstuff, Lauren Bogelbaum. Here.

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<v Speaker 1>We don't often talk about current events on this show,

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<v Speaker 1>but given the ongoing Israel Hamas War, which started on

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<v Speaker 1>October seventh of twenty twenty three and is part of

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<v Speaker 1>the larger Gaza Israel conflict and the even larger Israeli

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<v Speaker 1>Palestinian conflict, I wanted to talk today about a term

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<v Speaker 1>that's been in the news a lot lately, Zionism. Zionism

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<v Speaker 1>is a nationalist movement that successfully established an independent state

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<v Speaker 1>for Jewish people in nineteen forty eight and continues to

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<v Speaker 1>support Judaism's claim to Israel, its ancient homeland. It's also

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<v Speaker 1>one of the most complex and controversial political ideas of

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<v Speaker 1>the past one hundred and fifty years. Not only is

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<v Speaker 1>the history of Zionism complex and messy, but so are

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<v Speaker 1>the emotions and opinions surrounding it today. A criticism of

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<v Speaker 1>Israel's treatment of the Palestinians has stoked protests and calls

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<v Speaker 1>for economic boycotts of Israel, similar to those levied against

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<v Speaker 1>South Africa during apartheid. However, criticisms of Israel strike a

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<v Speaker 1>nerve and some supporters of the state, because the line

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<v Speaker 1>between anti Zionism and antisemitism can be dangerously thin. So

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<v Speaker 1>today let's talk about how all of this started. Although

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<v Speaker 1>Zionism draws its name from the biblical Mount Zion, it

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<v Speaker 1>isn't a primarily religious movement. It's true that some Jewish

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<v Speaker 1>people have yearned for a return to the so called

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<v Speaker 1>Promised Land of Abraham for two thousand years, but leaders

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<v Speaker 1>of the modern Zionist movement were mostly secular and even

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<v Speaker 1>agnostic Jewish people who identified their people as a nation

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<v Speaker 1>rather than a religion. Zionism, for them meant the creation

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<v Speaker 1>of an independent political state for this Jewish nation. Zionism

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<v Speaker 1>wouldn't be so problematic if it wasn't focused on the

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<v Speaker 1>creation of this nation. In what's sometimes known as the

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<v Speaker 1>Holy Land or the Palestine Region, a small strip of

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<v Speaker 1>historically and culturally important land between the Mediterranean Sea and

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<v Speaker 1>the River Jordan. It's considered holy by multiple religions. Furthermore,

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<v Speaker 1>Arab Palestinians have comprised the majority of people living there

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<v Speaker 1>for centuries, under the yoke of both the Ottoman and

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<v Speaker 1>British empires. The result is one of the thorniest political

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<v Speaker 1>issues in the modern world. Zionists and some other supporters

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<v Speaker 1>of Israel argue that the safety and continued existence of

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<v Speaker 1>the brutally persecuted Jewish people depends upon the existence of

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<v Speaker 1>a Jewish state, and that the rightful place for that

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<v Speaker 1>state is Judaism's ancestral homeland. Meanwhile, Palestinians and their supporters

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<v Speaker 1>see Zionism as an at best imperialist and at worst

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<v Speaker 1>racist movement that forcefully colonized Arab lands and homes and

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<v Speaker 1>subjugated the native Palestinian people as second class citizens in

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<v Speaker 1>areas like Gaza, a territory that's been under Israeli military

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<v Speaker 1>control since nineteen sixty seven, and now decades of conflict

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<v Speaker 1>have erupted into the Fifth War between Gaza and Israel.

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<v Speaker 1>To understand how we got here, let's start with the

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<v Speaker 1>birth of the modern Zionist movement, which took place in

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<v Speaker 1>Europe at the tail end of the eighteen hundreds. Nationalist

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<v Speaker 1>movement swept Europe in the early and mid eighteen hundreds.

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<v Speaker 1>For centuries, different ethnic and cultural groups had been forced

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<v Speaker 1>to live together under sprawling empires and kingdoms, but at

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<v Speaker 1>that time, new European states were forged in places like

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<v Speaker 1>Italy and Germany around people with shared language and cultural history.

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<v Speaker 1>This left some European Jewish people wondering are we not

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<v Speaker 1>also a nation? They were living at the time in

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<v Speaker 1>a scattered diaspora in nation states that mostly treated them

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<v Speaker 1>as suspect foreigners, though occasionally welcomed them as full citizens,

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<v Speaker 1>as France did in seventeen ninety. Even before the eruption

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<v Speaker 1>of violent anti Jewish raids pogroms in Eastern Europe, Jewish

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<v Speaker 1>intellectuals struggled with what was known as the Jewish question

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<v Speaker 1>or the Jewish problem. The issue was whether it was

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<v Speaker 1>even possible for Jewish people to be truly free and

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<v Speaker 1>equal in someone else's nation, and as anti Semitic rhetoric

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<v Speaker 1>and violence increased in the eighteen hundreds, this question became

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<v Speaker 1>far more urgent. For the article this episode is based

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<v Speaker 1>on how Stuffworks spoke back in twenty twenty with Daniel Kotsen,

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<v Speaker 1>currently a history professor at William Jewell College who has

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<v Speaker 1>conducted extensive research on the subject. He said, in many ways,

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<v Speaker 1>modern Zionism was a response to the Jewish question, Well,

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<v Speaker 1>what is the place of Jews in Europe? In a

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<v Speaker 1>post Enlightenment age. But if there was a catalyst to

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<v Speaker 1>pursuing independent nationhood, it was the Dreyfus affair. In eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>ninety four, a French army captain named Alfred Dreyfus was

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<v Speaker 1>falsely accused and convicted of treason in a highly publicized trial. Dreyfus,

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<v Speaker 1>a secular Jew, became the target of openly antisemitic attacks

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<v Speaker 1>in the press. There was this idea that because he

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<v Speaker 1>was Jewish, he was not truly Frenchkotsen said, here is

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<v Speaker 1>this army officer the epitome of an emancipated and assimilated Jew.

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<v Speaker 1>The people behind the treasonous accusations spread this false idea

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<v Speaker 1>that Jews could never be part of the European nation

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<v Speaker 1>state and should always be viewed with suspicion. Among the

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<v Speaker 1>journalists covering the Dreyfus affair was an Austrian playwright named

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<v Speaker 1>Theodore Hertzel, who was living in Paris as a foreign

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<v Speaker 1>correspondent for a Viennese newspaper. Hertzel, himself Jewish at fully

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<v Speaker 1>assimilated and non religious, wrote later that he identified deeply

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<v Speaker 1>with Dreyfus. If a man of Dreyfus's stature wasn't immune

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<v Speaker 1>from anti Semitism. Who was. In eighteen ninety six, Hertzel

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<v Speaker 1>published The Jewish State, a call to Jewish nationhood that

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<v Speaker 1>launched the modern Zionist movement. In it, he argued that

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<v Speaker 1>the establishment of an independent Jewish nation would be good

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<v Speaker 1>for everyone in Europe, Jewish or otherwise, because antisemitism was

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<v Speaker 1>causing divisions that plagued European nations. Coming on the heels

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<v Speaker 1>of the Dreyfus affair, Hertzel's writings found a ready audience

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<v Speaker 1>among many Jewish intellectuals. In eighteen ninety seven, the First

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<v Speaker 1>Zionist Congress met in Basel, Switzerland, and Hertzel dedicated the

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<v Speaker 1>short rest of his life he died from a heart

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<v Speaker 1>attack in nineteen oh four to securing political as financial

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<v Speaker 1>support for the creation of a Jewish state in the

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<v Speaker 1>region of Palestine. Note that all of this was part

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<v Speaker 1>of the political Zionist movement. There were several different streams

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<v Speaker 1>of Zionism present in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>cultural Zionism called for a spiritual rebirth of Judaism in Israel,

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<v Speaker 1>not necessarily an independent state, but okay. A turning point

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<v Speaker 1>in political Zionism was a short letter written in nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>seventeen by the British Foreign Secretary Arthur James Balfer to

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<v Speaker 1>one Baron Lionel Walter Rothschild, heir to the Rothschild banking

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<v Speaker 1>fortune and president of the British Zionist Federation. The letter,

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<v Speaker 1>known as the Blfer Declaration, was, in its own words,

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<v Speaker 1>a declaration of sympathy with Jewish Zionist aspirations. In it,

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<v Speaker 1>Belfer wrote, his Majesty's government view with favor the establishment

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<v Speaker 1>in Palestine of a national home for the Jewish peaceop

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<v Speaker 1>and will use their best endeavors to facilitate the achievement

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<v Speaker 1>of this object. While far from a mandate or official compact,

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<v Speaker 1>this letter was a huge step forward for the Zionist movement,

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<v Speaker 1>which to that date had only sent small delegations of

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<v Speaker 1>Jewish immigrants to settle in Palestine. A Kotsen said here,

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<v Speaker 1>you have the most powerful empire in the world at

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<v Speaker 1>the time, saying to the Jewish people, We're going to

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<v Speaker 1>help you find a home in your native land of Palestine.

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<v Speaker 1>This was enormously important when the British took control of

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<v Speaker 1>Palestine after World War One. The stage was set for conflict.

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<v Speaker 1>A Jewish immigration to Palestine increased, an Arab resentment of

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<v Speaker 1>what was seen as Balfur's betrayal boiled over into violent clashes.

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<v Speaker 1>It was seen as a betrayal because the British had

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<v Speaker 1>made a lot of promises between nineteen fifteen and nineteen seventeen,

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<v Speaker 1>including one to help create a pan Arab state in

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<v Speaker 1>the Middle East, in which turn for Arab support in

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<v Speaker 1>fighting the Ottoman Empire in World War One. Arab Palestinians

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<v Speaker 1>kept their end of the bargain, and the bell for

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<v Speaker 1>Declaration essentially renegged on the deal. The next two decades

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<v Speaker 1>saw Arab riots and rebellions, and when the British then

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<v Speaker 1>tried to clamp down on Jewish immigration, Zionists also fought back. However,

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<v Speaker 1>through all of this, Zionism remained a small minority movement

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<v Speaker 1>within the global Jewish community, with loud critics from both

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<v Speaker 1>the religious and secular camps. That's according to Columbia University

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<v Speaker 1>historian Michael Stanislowsky and his book Zionism A Very Short Introduction.

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<v Speaker 1>He explains that the situation changed dramatically after the rise

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<v Speaker 1>of the Nazis and their murder of six million Jewish people,

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<v Speaker 1>he wrote, The need for an independent Jewish state to

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<v Speaker 1>serve as a safe haven for Jews became not only widespread,

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<v Speaker 1>but central to Jewish consciousness throughout the world. By nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>forty five, large numbers of Holocaust survivors were living at

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<v Speaker 1>makeshift refugee camps in Europe, while Allied governments argued over

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<v Speaker 1>what to do with them. The British had all but

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<v Speaker 1>cut off Jewish immigration to Palestine in nineteen thirty nine

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<v Speaker 1>in an effort to secure favor with Arab oil producing nations,

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<v Speaker 1>but US President Harry Truman now called on Britain to

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<v Speaker 1>allow one hundred thousand Jewish refugees to enter Palestine immediately.

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<v Speaker 1>The British, already the target of both Arab and Zionist attacks,

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<v Speaker 1>saw no viable solution, so in nineteen forty seven they

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<v Speaker 1>handed over the seething Jewish Palestinian problem to the newly

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<v Speaker 1>created United Nations. In November of nineteen forty seven, the

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<v Speaker 1>UN passed a resolution to partition or divide Palestine into

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<v Speaker 1>two states, one Jewish and one Arab, of roughly equal sizes,

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<v Speaker 1>even though at the time the one point five million

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<v Speaker 1>strung population of Palestine was only about one third Jewish

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<v Speaker 1>and two thirds Arab. The Arab Palestinians flatly rejected the

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<v Speaker 1>un plan and took up arms against the Zionists in

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<v Speaker 1>what was essentially a civil war for control of the

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<v Speaker 1>Holy Land. As internal fighting raged on, the British set

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<v Speaker 1>a date of May fifteenth, nineteen forty eight, for its

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<v Speaker 1>official departure from the region. The day before British armed

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<v Speaker 1>forces left Palestine, the Zionist leader David benger Yan declared

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<v Speaker 1>the independence of the State of Israel, knowing full well

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<v Speaker 1>that such a provocation would invite all out war with

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<v Speaker 1>neighboring Arab nations. Stanislawsky notes that bengur Yan's declaration makes

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<v Speaker 1>no mention of God or the biblical promise of a

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<v Speaker 1>Jewish homeland. That was not the Zionist message. Instead, bengur

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<v Speaker 1>Yan declared the establishment of Israel was quote the natural

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<v Speaker 1>right of the Jewish people to be masters of their

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<v Speaker 1>own fate, like all other nations, in their own sovereign state.

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<v Speaker 1>As benger Jan and the Zionists expected, five different Arab

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<v Speaker 1>nations immediately declared war on the new state of Israel.

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<v Speaker 1>To demonstrate the opposing perspectives of this war and its outcome.

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<v Speaker 1>Israelis call it the War of Independence, and Arab Palestinians

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<v Speaker 1>and their allies call it the Catastrophe. It's not just

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<v Speaker 1>the names that are different. As historian Betty Morris has demonstrated,

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<v Speaker 1>there are also two starkly opposing narratives about how and

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<v Speaker 1>why hundreds of thousands of Arab Palestinians left Palestine during

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<v Speaker 1>the war and became refugees in Jordan and Syria. In

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<v Speaker 1>the Zionist account, these people willingly fled the war zone

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<v Speaker 1>because their Arab allies warned that they would imminently and

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<v Speaker 1>violently invade. In the Palestinian account, the Israeli army raided

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<v Speaker 1>their villages and brutally drove them out at gunpoint. According

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<v Speaker 1>to historical documents, there is clear evidence that some Palestinians

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<v Speaker 1>fled their homes out of fear of violence by Israeli

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<v Speaker 1>defense forces, both real and imagined. Even historian Morris, a

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<v Speaker 1>defender of Israel, conceded in his book nineteen forty eight

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<v Speaker 1>The First Arab Israeli War that quote, the Jews committed

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<v Speaker 1>far more atrocities than the Arabs and killed far more civilians.

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<v Speaker 1>In POWs in deliberate acts of brutality in the course

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<v Speaker 1>of nineteen forty eight. Ultimately, Israel won the war and

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<v Speaker 1>walked away with fifty percent more territory than it would

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<v Speaker 1>have been granted by the UN partition plan. In the

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<v Speaker 1>first place, that territory did not yet include the so

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<v Speaker 1>called occupied territories in Gaza and the West Bank, which

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<v Speaker 1>were added after Israel's victory in the Six Day War

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<v Speaker 1>of nineteen sixty seven. And so the troubling Jewish question

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<v Speaker 1>that led to the creation of the Zionist movement has

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<v Speaker 1>now become the Palestinian question. After decades of conflict, can

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<v Speaker 1>Israelis and Palestinians find a way to live in peace.

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<v Speaker 1>Many left leaning Israelis and some Zionists recognize the plight

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<v Speaker 1>of the Palestinians and support a two state solution similar

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<v Speaker 1>to the UN partition, while more conservative backers of Israel

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<v Speaker 1>oppose such concessions, claiming that Palestinian leaders and their Arab

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<v Speaker 1>allies continue to seek the destruction of what they see

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<v Speaker 1>as the Jewish homeland. As decades of tension and conflict

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<v Speaker 1>have shown there is no easy solution. Today's episode is

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<v Speaker 1>based on the article what is Zionism and is it

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<v Speaker 1>fueling the Palestinian Israeli conflict? On how stuffworks dot Com

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<v Speaker 1>written by Dave Ruse. Brainstuff is production of by Heart

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<v Speaker 1>Radio in partnership with how Stuffworks dot Com and is

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<v Speaker 1>produced by Tyler Klang. Four more podcasts my heart Radio,

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<v Speaker 1>visit the iHeartRadio app, Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen

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