WEBVTT - 'Cheap Speech' and SCOTUS on Speech

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>In the face of more and more disinformation on different platforms,

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<v Speaker 1>what can be done to ensure that American voters can

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<v Speaker 1>make informed decisions in free and fair elections? Joining me

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<v Speaker 1>is Richard Hassan, a professor of law and political science

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<v Speaker 1>at the University of California, Irvine. His new book is

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<v Speaker 1>Cheap Speech. How Disinformation poisons Our Politics and How to

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<v Speaker 1>Cure it. It's hard to believe that more than a

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<v Speaker 1>year after the presidential election, there are still so many

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<v Speaker 1>people who believe that the election was stolen from former

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<v Speaker 1>President Donald Trump, despite all the court rulings to the contrary.

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<v Speaker 1>How did he manage this or how did this come about? Well?

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<v Speaker 1>A big reason for the continued persistence of belief and

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<v Speaker 1>the false claim that the election was stolen is the

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<v Speaker 1>that Donald Trump, the former president, was able to communicate

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<v Speaker 1>this idea directly to voters and to others through his

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<v Speaker 1>platforms on social media. If we lived in the old

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<v Speaker 1>technological days, when there were just a few television stations,

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<v Speaker 1>some newspapers, and a few other ways of getting news,

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<v Speaker 1>it would have been hard for someone like Trump to

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<v Speaker 1>have a platform where he could, in an unmediated way

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<v Speaker 1>repeat the false claim. Um. But in our new social media,

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<v Speaker 1>cable news environment, it's very easy to have repetition of

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<v Speaker 1>these claims. By one count in the New York Times,

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<v Speaker 1>donald Trump went to Twitter about four hundred times between

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<v Speaker 1>the day of election Day in early November and November

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<v Speaker 1>nine to make the false claim that the election was told.

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<v Speaker 1>And so I think you can draw a pretty straight

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<v Speaker 1>line from Trump's statements to both the belief among Republicans today,

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<v Speaker 1>among some Republicans today that the election was stolen, as

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<v Speaker 1>well as the January six insurrection. You may remember it

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<v Speaker 1>was Donald Trump who first on Twitter invited his supporters

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<v Speaker 1>to a quote wild time in Washington, d C. On

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<v Speaker 1>January six, the date of Congress counted the Electoral College votes.

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<v Speaker 1>Describe what cheap speech is. So the term cheap speech

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<v Speaker 1>is not originally mine. It originates with a professor at

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<v Speaker 1>U c. L. He was writing back in an article

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<v Speaker 1>Leah Law Journal, an article called cheap speech and what

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<v Speaker 1>it will do about the upcoming uh information revolution We

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<v Speaker 1>were about to have. Where we go from that scarcity

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<v Speaker 1>of means of communicating just a few television and radio

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<v Speaker 1>stations and some newspapers to a flood of speech. And

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<v Speaker 1>Box saw this as a great opportunity. You know, back

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<v Speaker 1>in the fifties, if you didn't like something in the

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<v Speaker 1>New York Times, you could write a letter to the

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<v Speaker 1>or you know, if you're lucky, it would get printed,

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<v Speaker 1>and otherwise you could just yell into the winds. And now,

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<v Speaker 1>of course everyone can have a platform and can say

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<v Speaker 1>whatever they like, and the only limit on how much

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<v Speaker 1>it spreads is how much people want to read or

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<v Speaker 1>hear what you have to say. So he saw the

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<v Speaker 1>loss of intermediaries as the most good thing for democracy

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<v Speaker 1>and for opening up channels of communication. And I think

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<v Speaker 1>there are many good things that have happened with the

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<v Speaker 1>change to this cheap speech era, but it also has

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<v Speaker 1>a dark side. And in the book Cheap Speech, I

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<v Speaker 1>argue that there's a second meaning to the term, which

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<v Speaker 1>is that what we have today is a system that

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<v Speaker 1>privileges low value speech over high value speech. And what

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<v Speaker 1>I mean by that is, I think for voters in

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<v Speaker 1>the elections, one of the highest valued speeches investigative journalism

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<v Speaker 1>by journalists who spent a lot of time, a lot

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<v Speaker 1>of effort, very expensive to figure out what's going on,

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<v Speaker 1>a hold politicians accountable for what they're doing. That's really

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<v Speaker 1>hard to produce, really expensive to produce, and the economic

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<v Speaker 1>model that supports that has collapsed as advertising dollars have

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<v Speaker 1>shifted to places like Google and Facebook. But creating literally

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<v Speaker 1>fake news, you know, making things up and putting them

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<v Speaker 1>on a nice looking website that looks like the news

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<v Speaker 1>that that's very cheap to do, and there's actually some

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<v Speaker 1>demand for that now for a bunch of complicated reasons.

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<v Speaker 1>And so we live in a cheap speech system where um,

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<v Speaker 1>not everything that voters should have easy access to is available, um.

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<v Speaker 1>And lots of things that might distract voters or mislead

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<v Speaker 1>voters that's very easy to get. And so with the

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<v Speaker 1>loss of intermediaries, it's harder for voters to make competent decisions.

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<v Speaker 1>It strikes me that if someone who watches only one

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<v Speaker 1>news channel, let's say Fox, comes away with different information

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<v Speaker 1>a different viewpoint than someone who watches let's say CNN.

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<v Speaker 1>And as you write in your book, there's no Walter

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<v Speaker 1>Cronkite anymore, like a trusted source of information that people

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<v Speaker 1>can go to, right, So, you know, it's just totally

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<v Speaker 1>different atmosphere, And the question is, you know, how do

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<v Speaker 1>you get voters the good information that they need when

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<v Speaker 1>we're all not just having different opinions about things, but

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<v Speaker 1>a different set of facts about what's going on. All

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<v Speaker 1>school About his book Cheap Speech, there are fears expressed

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<v Speaker 1>all the time that we're losing our democracy. Is it

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<v Speaker 1>the threat to democracy from cheap Speech? Is that more dangerous?

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<v Speaker 1>Or is it the threat just from people who are

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<v Speaker 1>taking over some local and state government's election systems, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the conspiracy theorists, the believers in Trump having won the election.

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<v Speaker 1>Is that more dangerous than the Cheap Speech? Well, I

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<v Speaker 1>think I wouldn't separate the two because I think one

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<v Speaker 1>of the reasons why we had the January six insurrection,

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<v Speaker 1>why there are candidates running for office to run elections

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<v Speaker 1>who now say that election was stolen despite all reliable

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<v Speaker 1>evidence of the contrary, is because we live in this

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<v Speaker 1>um media environment in which there is no penalty for

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<v Speaker 1>making these kind of statements, and a government penalty, but

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<v Speaker 1>I mean a penalty in the court of public opinion. People.

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<v Speaker 1>People don't just laugh away conspiracy theories and theories of

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<v Speaker 1>stolen elections. But when you have a political system where

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<v Speaker 1>millions of people don't believe that the election was legitimately run,

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<v Speaker 1>they might be more willing to tolerate an attempt to

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<v Speaker 1>steal back the election of the next time around. And so,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, I really think that there was, before we

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<v Speaker 1>had the social media revolution, already polarization, but social media

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<v Speaker 1>has made it more polarized. We already had some people

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<v Speaker 1>who don't have full respect for our democratic process, but

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<v Speaker 1>the media environment makes it easier to spread those ideas

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<v Speaker 1>and also for people to find each other. So one

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<v Speaker 1>of the things that we saw about January six is

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<v Speaker 1>not only were there people who embrace the conspiracy theories

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<v Speaker 1>about the election being stolen, but they could use Facebook

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<v Speaker 1>groups to find each other to organize. Right the communications revolution,

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<v Speaker 1>people from all over the country could find each other.

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<v Speaker 1>There may be only one in a hundred thousand people

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<v Speaker 1>who are willing to do something, but when you can

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<v Speaker 1>ban them all together from across the country, they could

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<v Speaker 1>be much more powerful than you know, if people were

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<v Speaker 1>trying to find each other in old fashioned ways. And

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<v Speaker 1>I'm not saying that we should return to the days

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<v Speaker 1>of Walter Cronkite. I mean, there was a lot of

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<v Speaker 1>important news that wasn't covered, And think about the George

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<v Speaker 1>Floyd racial justice movement. Much easier to organize when you

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<v Speaker 1>have the ability to share information, to share videos of

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<v Speaker 1>police brutality, etcetera. But we have to think about what

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<v Speaker 1>we can do to give voters the tools that they

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<v Speaker 1>need to be able to get accurate information to understand

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<v Speaker 1>what's going on in our elections and our democracy. There

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<v Speaker 1>are some who say more speech is better, more speech helps.

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<v Speaker 1>Do you think that there should be laws limiting speech?

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<v Speaker 1>So generally speaking, I don't favor laws limiting speech. I

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<v Speaker 1>only have two small exceptions to that in the proposals

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<v Speaker 1>in my book Cheap Speech, both of which the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court has indicated our constitutional One are laws that limit

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<v Speaker 1>foreign interference in American elections. In the Supreme Court, in

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<v Speaker 1>a case called Blueman versus Federal Election Commission, affirmed a

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<v Speaker 1>lower court ruling that such laws don't violate the First Amendment.

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<v Speaker 1>The other is a set of laws that would that

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<v Speaker 1>would ban empirically verifiable false election speech. So if you

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<v Speaker 1>lie about when, where, or how people vote. We have

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<v Speaker 1>a case that's pending right now about a person who

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<v Speaker 1>live that the that you could vote by text, and

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<v Speaker 1>he directed those messages to African American voters. In the election,

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<v Speaker 1>about five thousand people tried to vote by text or hashtag,

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<v Speaker 1>but how many of them ultimately realized were able to vote.

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<v Speaker 1>But that sort of space should be I think outlawed.

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<v Speaker 1>That's very very narrow. That doesn't apply to most of

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<v Speaker 1>the kinds of troubling state about elections that we hear.

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<v Speaker 1>Most of what I want to do is to enhance

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<v Speaker 1>what voters know. So, for example, I want to improve

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<v Speaker 1>our disclosure laws so if you're actually being targeted in

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<v Speaker 1>uh use an example in Alabama, we had some Democratic

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<v Speaker 1>operatives who pretended to be very conservative Baptists supporting Roy Moore,

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<v Speaker 1>trying to claim that Roy Moore would would want to

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<v Speaker 1>get rid of alcohol in the state of Alabama as

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<v Speaker 1>a way of trying to get these Republican voters not

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<v Speaker 1>to vote. I think that Alabama voters would want to

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<v Speaker 1>know that these conservative Baptists were actually liberal Democrats, or

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<v Speaker 1>that it wasn't African Americans trying to convince people that

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<v Speaker 1>Hillary Clinton doesn't believe in black lives matter. It was

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<v Speaker 1>Russian operatives in a boiler room in St. Petersburg. So

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<v Speaker 1>improved disclosure as well as labeling altered videos so called

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<v Speaker 1>deep fakes, has altered that people know what they're seeing,

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<v Speaker 1>whether they can believe what they see with their own eyes.

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<v Speaker 1>Tools like that on the legal side, I think would

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<v Speaker 1>be the most helpful. In the past, the risk of

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<v Speaker 1>stolen elections seem to be minimal. You know, you'd hear

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<v Speaker 1>a case here and there in North Carolina. Whatever are

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<v Speaker 1>the risks greater? Today? I think that the amount of

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<v Speaker 1>election fraud, whether committed by voters or by others, is

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<v Speaker 1>quite low. Ah, there are isolated instances. We see it

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<v Speaker 1>in every election. A ballot here, a ballot there. This

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<v Speaker 1>was the most watched and investigated election I think in

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<v Speaker 1>American history, and it turned up very few cases of fraud.

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<v Speaker 1>You know. The idea is that the fraud is going

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<v Speaker 1>to be so massive that it's going to swing elections,

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<v Speaker 1>but so well done that it can't be detected. And

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<v Speaker 1>it's just not realistic. And you know, when we see

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<v Speaker 1>fraud in elections, it tends to be in small elections

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<v Speaker 1>where moving a few votes could make a difference. I

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<v Speaker 1>certainly think we need to continue to be on guard

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<v Speaker 1>against these kinds of attempts to manipulate election outcomes. But

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<v Speaker 1>many of the laws that are being passed the name

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<v Speaker 1>of preventing voter fraud are really more about pleasing the

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<v Speaker 1>Republican base who has been told that our elections are

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<v Speaker 1>right with fraud, and that evinces a kind of response

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<v Speaker 1>from these election officials. When I think about the next

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<v Speaker 1>presidential election, I just wonder what's going to happen. Is

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<v Speaker 1>it going to be like elections before or they're going

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<v Speaker 1>to be outrageous claims, all kinds of problems that elections

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<v Speaker 1>sites and in counting votes. What has to be done

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<v Speaker 1>now to make it as normal as possible to avoid

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<v Speaker 1>some of these problems. Well, in cheap speech, I argue

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<v Speaker 1>that there are some legal steps we could take to

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<v Speaker 1>improve the information atmosphere for our elections. That that's only

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<v Speaker 1>one piece of what we need for um pre and

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<v Speaker 1>fair elections, elections that people who accept this legitimate the

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<v Speaker 1>next time. In a piece that just posted at the

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<v Speaker 1>Harvard Law Review Forum, I advocate a number of steps

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<v Speaker 1>to avoid election subversion future elections. That's where the election

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<v Speaker 1>loser might try and get declared the election winner, as

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<v Speaker 1>we saw Trump try to do in when he tried

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<v Speaker 1>to manipulate the electoral college process to turn his defeat

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<v Speaker 1>into a victory. I mean, there are a number of

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<v Speaker 1>things that we could do legally unrelated to speech. For example,

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<v Speaker 1>Congress could pass a law that would require every state

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<v Speaker 1>to use voting machines that produce a piece of paper

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<v Speaker 1>ballots that could be recounted by hand in the event

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<v Speaker 1>that there is a problem with how an election is run. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>You may remember Donald Trump claimed that the Georgia election

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<v Speaker 1>was fraudulent and they did a full hand recount of

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<v Speaker 1>every ballot of the state. You can't do that with

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<v Speaker 1>fully electronic machines. So there are a number of things

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<v Speaker 1>that could be done in terms of ballot transparency, voting

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<v Speaker 1>rules being transparent, also fixing the electoral college rules the

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<v Speaker 1>Congress applies. There's some talk of a bipartisan compromise there,

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<v Speaker 1>but I think beyond that it's going to have to

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<v Speaker 1>be not just legal change, but social and political organizing

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<v Speaker 1>to find those people in the center who might disagree

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<v Speaker 1>about all kinds of things politically, but agree that we

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<v Speaker 1>should have a free and fair election where the results

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<v Speaker 1>are not dictated by whoever is counting the votes, but

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<v Speaker 1>instead reflectible of the people. I want to talk for

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<v Speaker 1>a moment about Elon Musk taking over Twitter. He is

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<v Speaker 1>a free speech absolutist. He said that there should be

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<v Speaker 1>minimal interference. If it's a gray area, let the speech exist.

0:14:03.120 --> 0:14:07.440
<v Speaker 1>How do you think he's taking over Twitter will change things? Well,

0:14:07.480 --> 0:14:10.920
<v Speaker 1>first of all, he might say he's a free speech absolutist,

0:14:11.080 --> 0:14:13.120
<v Speaker 1>but if he wants to run a platform that's actually

0:14:13.160 --> 0:14:15.480
<v Speaker 1>going to make money, I don't think he's going to

0:14:15.559 --> 0:14:19.120
<v Speaker 1>let everything on the platform that the First Amendment would allow.

0:14:19.760 --> 0:14:22.240
<v Speaker 1>So you know, if there were no moderation of content,

0:14:22.320 --> 0:14:27.880
<v Speaker 1>for example, our feeds on Twitter would be filled with

0:14:28.560 --> 0:14:32.000
<v Speaker 1>hate speech, would be filled with pornography, would be filled

0:14:32.040 --> 0:14:35.080
<v Speaker 1>with a lot of advertising for male enhancement pills. I mean,

0:14:35.080 --> 0:14:38.480
<v Speaker 1>it would just be the kind of place that nobody

0:14:38.480 --> 0:14:41.720
<v Speaker 1>would want to go. And so, uh, I think what

0:14:41.840 --> 0:14:44.520
<v Speaker 1>he means is that Donald Trump and some of the

0:14:44.520 --> 0:14:47.920
<v Speaker 1>other conservatives who are removed from the platform should be restored.

0:14:48.320 --> 0:14:51.280
<v Speaker 1>I think that's very problematic. I think it's a private company,

0:14:51.320 --> 0:14:54.440
<v Speaker 1>Twitter can make that decision, but I think that voters

0:14:55.040 --> 0:14:58.920
<v Speaker 1>and consumers can also object to that, and the employees

0:14:58.920 --> 0:15:00.960
<v Speaker 1>of the company can object By leaving. You know, the

0:15:01.000 --> 0:15:04.400
<v Speaker 1>tech world is a very competitive world in terms of

0:15:04.480 --> 0:15:08.480
<v Speaker 1>hiring employees, and if people at these companies object, you're

0:15:08.480 --> 0:15:11.280
<v Speaker 1>going to lose some of the brain talent. And so, uh,

0:15:11.360 --> 0:15:14.640
<v Speaker 1>you know, we'll see what decisions Elon Musk ends up making.

0:15:15.320 --> 0:15:17.280
<v Speaker 1>I don't know that it's going to make things better.

0:15:17.840 --> 0:15:19.600
<v Speaker 1>I don't know that he's in it for the profit

0:15:19.640 --> 0:15:22.920
<v Speaker 1>as opposed to as a kind of vanity project. But

0:15:23.560 --> 0:15:26.760
<v Speaker 1>we'll see how things go. I'm not at all even

0:15:26.760 --> 0:15:30.520
<v Speaker 1>certain he'll end up owning the platform, given how things

0:15:30.520 --> 0:15:34.600
<v Speaker 1>have been going. What are your final thoughts? So, I

0:15:34.600 --> 0:15:38.560
<v Speaker 1>think American democracy is at a very challenging period. We

0:15:38.680 --> 0:15:43.280
<v Speaker 1>have this highly polarized environment in which false claims about

0:15:43.320 --> 0:15:45.840
<v Speaker 1>elections are easily spread, and I think the question we

0:15:45.880 --> 0:15:48.560
<v Speaker 1>really need to ask is how can we assure that

0:15:48.600 --> 0:15:51.560
<v Speaker 1>we can have both free and fair elections as well

0:15:51.600 --> 0:15:56.640
<v Speaker 1>as a system where people can vigorously compete with each other,

0:15:57.320 --> 0:16:00.800
<v Speaker 1>but where election lies don't take a for in terms

0:16:00.800 --> 0:16:04.920
<v Speaker 1>of voters thinking about how to make decisions about Thanks

0:16:04.920 --> 0:16:08.360
<v Speaker 1>so much, Rick. That's Professor Richard Hassan of the University

0:16:08.360 --> 0:16:13.520
<v Speaker 1>of California, Irvine, the author of Cheap Speech, How disinformation

0:16:13.680 --> 0:16:18.360
<v Speaker 1>poisons our politics, and how to cure it. This week,

0:16:18.480 --> 0:16:22.480
<v Speaker 1>the unprecedented leak of a draft opinion overturning Roe v.

0:16:22.680 --> 0:16:26.440
<v Speaker 1>Wade used up all the oxygen around the Supreme Court.

0:16:26.960 --> 0:16:29.960
<v Speaker 1>Little noticed was an opinion in which the justices were

0:16:30.040 --> 0:16:35.240
<v Speaker 1>unanimous in deciding that Boston violated the Constitution by refusing

0:16:35.280 --> 0:16:38.480
<v Speaker 1>to fly a Christian Civic Groups flag at City Hall

0:16:38.880 --> 0:16:42.680
<v Speaker 1>while raising the banners of some fifty other organizations. The

0:16:42.800 --> 0:16:46.600
<v Speaker 1>Justice has rejected the city's contention that its flag raising

0:16:46.680 --> 0:16:50.640
<v Speaker 1>program was a form of government speech that wasn't subject

0:16:50.680 --> 0:16:54.440
<v Speaker 1>to the First Amendment, something that Justice Elena Kagan was

0:16:54.600 --> 0:16:59.160
<v Speaker 1>unequivocal about during the oral arguments. A program that basically

0:16:59.240 --> 0:17:05.080
<v Speaker 1>now says and and and previously, we welcome all commerce

0:17:05.760 --> 0:17:11.399
<v Speaker 1>except for the most reprehensible, discriminatory speech and religious speech.

0:17:11.520 --> 0:17:15.199
<v Speaker 1>That's what this program is. And why should we understand

0:17:15.320 --> 0:17:20.040
<v Speaker 1>that to be government speech? To say everything's good except religion?

0:17:20.440 --> 0:17:23.480
<v Speaker 1>Joining me is First Amendment? Law expert Timothy Zick, a

0:17:23.560 --> 0:17:27.280
<v Speaker 1>professor at William and Mary Law School. Justice Brian wrote

0:17:27.320 --> 0:17:31.000
<v Speaker 1>the majority opinion and said the central question was whether

0:17:31.040 --> 0:17:34.639
<v Speaker 1>the city had created a public forum for private speech.

0:17:35.160 --> 0:17:37.879
<v Speaker 1>Can you explain that for us. Sure. So when the

0:17:37.920 --> 0:17:41.240
<v Speaker 1>government opened up a public space the Applausa or something

0:17:41.320 --> 0:17:44.240
<v Speaker 1>like that for private speakers to come in a sort

0:17:44.240 --> 0:17:47.240
<v Speaker 1>of diversity of views, to let them communicate in that space,

0:17:47.359 --> 0:17:51.040
<v Speaker 1>then it's opened up essentially a forum for private speakers.

0:17:51.160 --> 0:17:55.520
<v Speaker 1>And that's distinguished from the government using a space or

0:17:55.560 --> 0:17:59.440
<v Speaker 1>a property to communicate its own messages. And that's the

0:18:00.000 --> 0:18:02.720
<v Speaker 1>full dividing line in this case. If the government was

0:18:02.800 --> 0:18:06.760
<v Speaker 1>using the flagpole to send out its own messages, then

0:18:06.760 --> 0:18:09.720
<v Speaker 1>it would be government speech and it would be immune

0:18:09.760 --> 0:18:14.439
<v Speaker 1>from First Amendment concerns. Exactly when the government speak, it

0:18:14.480 --> 0:18:17.160
<v Speaker 1>gets to decide what it wants to say, what viewpoint

0:18:17.160 --> 0:18:19.919
<v Speaker 1>it wants to express, what message it wants to communicate,

0:18:20.119 --> 0:18:22.520
<v Speaker 1>which is quite different from you know, when the government

0:18:22.600 --> 0:18:25.359
<v Speaker 1>regulates private speakers, it has to sort of obey the

0:18:25.359 --> 0:18:28.879
<v Speaker 1>opposite rule, which is to say, it cannot discriminate based

0:18:28.880 --> 0:18:31.840
<v Speaker 1>on what a private speaker wants to say, what viewpoints

0:18:31.840 --> 0:18:35.680
<v Speaker 1>they want to commun Brier set out a three factor

0:18:35.840 --> 0:18:40.639
<v Speaker 1>test for deciding whether a message is government speech. Was

0:18:40.680 --> 0:18:44.200
<v Speaker 1>that a test you've seen before? Yeah, those are factors

0:18:44.240 --> 0:18:47.240
<v Speaker 1>that the court has relied on in previous cases. So

0:18:47.440 --> 0:18:50.760
<v Speaker 1>there have been several government speech cases before this one,

0:18:51.359 --> 0:18:55.000
<v Speaker 1>involving things like monuments that are placed in a public

0:18:55.080 --> 0:18:59.840
<v Speaker 1>park or specialty license place, so the state allows citizens

0:18:59.840 --> 0:19:03.960
<v Speaker 1>to display on their automobiles, or trademarks in the case

0:19:04.000 --> 0:19:07.159
<v Speaker 1>of federal trademark law. And so what the court was

0:19:07.200 --> 0:19:11.000
<v Speaker 1>doing here is sort of pulling factors from those precedents

0:19:11.080 --> 0:19:15.040
<v Speaker 1>and applying them to, in this case, Boston's flagpole policy.

0:19:15.480 --> 0:19:19.800
<v Speaker 1>So the factors that are relevant here are the history

0:19:19.840 --> 0:19:23.879
<v Speaker 1>of the expression at issue. Have flagpoles and flags been

0:19:24.000 --> 0:19:27.480
<v Speaker 1>used historically, you might say, by governments to speak, what's

0:19:27.480 --> 0:19:30.400
<v Speaker 1>the public likely perception as to who's doing the speaking,

0:19:30.800 --> 0:19:32.800
<v Speaker 1>who's the statement going to be attributed to, And then

0:19:32.800 --> 0:19:35.440
<v Speaker 1>the extent to which the government has actively shaped or

0:19:35.520 --> 0:19:38.600
<v Speaker 1>controls the expression. And I think it's fair to say,

0:19:38.680 --> 0:19:42.159
<v Speaker 1>reading Justice Prior's opinion, that the last element there seemed

0:19:42.200 --> 0:19:44.960
<v Speaker 1>to be the most prominent one. Indeed, he seemed to

0:19:44.960 --> 0:19:47.720
<v Speaker 1>suggest that Boston had a good case with respect of

0:19:47.800 --> 0:19:51.000
<v Speaker 1>the first two elements. But since it hadn't really exercised

0:19:51.080 --> 0:19:54.600
<v Speaker 1>any control as to what flags went on this third

0:19:54.640 --> 0:19:58.040
<v Speaker 1>flagpole until this case, until the Christian flag was presented

0:19:58.080 --> 0:20:01.600
<v Speaker 1>to it, that was the problem. What I'm curious about

0:20:01.840 --> 0:20:05.800
<v Speaker 1>is this was a unanimous decision, yet the district court

0:20:05.880 --> 0:20:09.080
<v Speaker 1>and the appellate court sided with the city. How did

0:20:09.119 --> 0:20:12.359
<v Speaker 1>they both get it so wrong? Yeah, I think again,

0:20:12.359 --> 0:20:14.560
<v Speaker 1>if you look at the courts factors, which is what

0:20:14.600 --> 0:20:16.680
<v Speaker 1>the lower courts are looking at too, there's the sort

0:20:16.680 --> 0:20:21.119
<v Speaker 1>of history of flags used over time. Governments, you know,

0:20:21.520 --> 0:20:26.000
<v Speaker 1>typically traditionally have communicated messages and sentiments through flags. There's

0:20:26.000 --> 0:20:28.840
<v Speaker 1>no question about that. And on a place like the

0:20:28.880 --> 0:20:31.520
<v Speaker 1>Plaza which sits right next to city Hall, and the

0:20:31.640 --> 0:20:36.159
<v Speaker 1>third flagpole that flies of flags next to the United

0:20:36.160 --> 0:20:40.119
<v Speaker 1>States flags and the state flag of Massachusetts, one might

0:20:40.160 --> 0:20:43.200
<v Speaker 1>attribute whatever goes on that third flag to the government.

0:20:43.520 --> 0:20:45.800
<v Speaker 1>You know, two of the three factors then again seemed

0:20:45.840 --> 0:20:49.399
<v Speaker 1>to point in the city's favor. And you know, the

0:20:49.440 --> 0:20:52.760
<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court, as I say, seemed to focus more heavily

0:20:52.800 --> 0:20:55.000
<v Speaker 1>on the fact that there seemed to be no selectivity

0:20:55.640 --> 0:20:58.760
<v Speaker 1>or control that if you're really trying to communicate something,

0:20:58.760 --> 0:21:00.760
<v Speaker 1>one would expect that you'd want to have some say

0:21:00.800 --> 0:21:04.119
<v Speaker 1>so in terms of which flags go on this third flagpole.

0:21:04.720 --> 0:21:08.600
<v Speaker 1>And you know, in the fifty instances and hundreds of

0:21:08.760 --> 0:21:12.280
<v Speaker 1>commemorative ceremonies that have starred. Up to this point, Boston

0:21:12.400 --> 0:21:16.679
<v Speaker 1>hadn't exercise any that kind of editorial control. Has the

0:21:16.720 --> 0:21:21.800
<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court struggled to distinguish government speech from private speech

0:21:21.800 --> 0:21:24.720
<v Speaker 1>in the past. I think it struggles mightily. There's a

0:21:24.760 --> 0:21:27.600
<v Speaker 1>really basic principle here that government couldn't operate if it

0:21:27.600 --> 0:21:31.879
<v Speaker 1>couldn't communicate its own points of view, positions, messages, et cetera.

0:21:32.400 --> 0:21:36.000
<v Speaker 1>But determining what is and what isn't government speech when

0:21:36.040 --> 0:21:38.680
<v Speaker 1>in fact the government is speaking, as opposed to regulating

0:21:38.720 --> 0:21:42.560
<v Speaker 1>private speech, turns out to be a very difficult endeavor.

0:21:42.880 --> 0:21:44.960
<v Speaker 1>And I think that's what you see in a case

0:21:45.000 --> 0:21:48.639
<v Speaker 1>like this one. And you know, in Justice the Leado's concurrence,

0:21:48.960 --> 0:21:52.400
<v Speaker 1>he tries to provide a more focused test in terms

0:21:52.440 --> 0:21:55.240
<v Speaker 1>of determining when is it that the government is actually speaking,

0:21:55.640 --> 0:21:58.880
<v Speaker 1>Has it developed a method, has it sort of communicated

0:21:58.920 --> 0:22:02.440
<v Speaker 1>that message consistently as a deputized private parties maybe to

0:22:02.440 --> 0:22:04.639
<v Speaker 1>communicate it. So there is an effort here in the

0:22:04.720 --> 0:22:08.760
<v Speaker 1>concurrence to try and narrow down the issue something other

0:22:08.800 --> 0:22:12.119
<v Speaker 1>than these three sort of amorphous factors. But it's just

0:22:12.200 --> 0:22:15.040
<v Speaker 1>a concurrence, and the majority just applies these factors. So

0:22:15.119 --> 0:22:17.360
<v Speaker 1>it's been each case on its own terms and its

0:22:17.359 --> 0:22:20.480
<v Speaker 1>own facts, which naturally leads to what some might do

0:22:20.520 --> 0:22:25.359
<v Speaker 1>as inconsistent results. You mentioned Justice Alito's concurrence, and he

0:22:25.440 --> 0:22:29.760
<v Speaker 1>seemed to be trying to relitigate the Texas case involving

0:22:29.760 --> 0:22:33.840
<v Speaker 1>the Confederate flag on license plates. Tell us more about

0:22:33.920 --> 0:22:37.280
<v Speaker 1>that case and why he has a problem with it. Yeah,

0:22:37.560 --> 0:22:40.720
<v Speaker 1>I think Justice Alito, you know, looking at the text,

0:22:40.880 --> 0:22:44.680
<v Speaker 1>especially license plate programs, just just found it incredible that

0:22:44.840 --> 0:22:48.639
<v Speaker 1>the public would attribute to the State of Texas the

0:22:48.720 --> 0:22:51.840
<v Speaker 1>sort of multitude of especialty license plate that the state

0:22:52.119 --> 0:22:56.200
<v Speaker 1>had allowed. And they ranged from you know, sports teams

0:22:56.240 --> 0:23:00.200
<v Speaker 1>outside of Texas being displayed on these license plate to

0:23:00.640 --> 0:23:02.600
<v Speaker 1>let's all go play golf, you know, just get the

0:23:02.640 --> 0:23:05.520
<v Speaker 1>multitude of messages. So it just seemed to him incredible

0:23:05.880 --> 0:23:08.600
<v Speaker 1>on the attribution part of it, at least, that the

0:23:08.640 --> 0:23:12.440
<v Speaker 1>public would associate any for a lot of those messages

0:23:12.480 --> 0:23:15.680
<v Speaker 1>with the state. So I think he was dubious there,

0:23:16.119 --> 0:23:18.399
<v Speaker 1>And you know, he is, as you say, trying to

0:23:18.520 --> 0:23:22.320
<v Speaker 1>relitigate the Texas license plate case, casted as an outlier

0:23:22.359 --> 0:23:24.960
<v Speaker 1>in terms of the scope of government speech, because if

0:23:24.960 --> 0:23:27.800
<v Speaker 1>that government speech, then he can imagine you know, lots

0:23:27.800 --> 0:23:30.920
<v Speaker 1>of other things government does also being characterized that way.

0:23:31.040 --> 0:23:33.439
<v Speaker 1>And the danger here is the government, under the guise

0:23:33.520 --> 0:23:38.240
<v Speaker 1>of discriminating against private speech and private speakers, will cast

0:23:38.280 --> 0:23:41.920
<v Speaker 1>itself in lots of cases as the speaker to try

0:23:41.960 --> 0:23:45.960
<v Speaker 1>and avoid the First Amendment content neutrality requirement. So he's

0:23:46.000 --> 0:23:49.280
<v Speaker 1>pushing back, you know, very hard against not just that case,

0:23:49.520 --> 0:23:52.840
<v Speaker 1>but I think the doctrine of government speech and trying

0:23:52.880 --> 0:23:55.560
<v Speaker 1>to cabinet in some way narrow it to its essence.

0:23:55.920 --> 0:24:00.200
<v Speaker 1>In another concurrence, Justice Courser seemed to have a problem

0:24:00.200 --> 0:24:04.280
<v Speaker 1>with the Lemon case. I think both he and Justice Kavanaugh,

0:24:04.320 --> 0:24:08.159
<v Speaker 1>who wrote his own concurrence, are concerned at what animated

0:24:08.160 --> 0:24:11.080
<v Speaker 1>this controversy, What made this a controversy in the first place,

0:24:11.240 --> 0:24:14.760
<v Speaker 1>was a sort of misunderstanding about the place of religious

0:24:14.760 --> 0:24:18.600
<v Speaker 1>speech in the public square and in public life more generally.

0:24:18.960 --> 0:24:23.000
<v Speaker 1>So it seems to them that Boston's officials recoiled from

0:24:23.040 --> 0:24:26.119
<v Speaker 1>the idea of having any kind of Christian flag or

0:24:26.160 --> 0:24:29.199
<v Speaker 1>religious flag put into the mix, even though they allowed

0:24:29.240 --> 0:24:31.680
<v Speaker 1>like credit unions to fly a flag, and lots of

0:24:31.720 --> 0:24:35.959
<v Speaker 1>different nationalities and so forth. And Justice Courses in particular

0:24:36.040 --> 0:24:39.119
<v Speaker 1>is tracing that back to sort of an establishment clause

0:24:39.359 --> 0:24:42.080
<v Speaker 1>problem as he sees it, with what's become a very

0:24:42.160 --> 0:24:45.280
<v Speaker 1>unpopular case Lemon, which steps forth a test for when

0:24:45.280 --> 0:24:48.919
<v Speaker 1>the establishment claus is violated. And so there is an

0:24:48.920 --> 0:24:52.120
<v Speaker 1>effort there to sort of go beyond the speech context

0:24:52.200 --> 0:24:56.080
<v Speaker 1>and the government speech principle and shed some light on

0:24:56.280 --> 0:24:59.240
<v Speaker 1>what they think is a related problem. So, in essence,

0:24:59.280 --> 0:25:01.960
<v Speaker 1>their position, as in the courts position has been, when

0:25:02.000 --> 0:25:05.600
<v Speaker 1>you open a forum like the flagpole, you can't discriminate

0:25:05.640 --> 0:25:10.880
<v Speaker 1>against religious speakers for religious viewpoints. The establishment claus doesn't protect.

0:25:11.080 --> 0:25:13.800
<v Speaker 1>That kind of activity is actually sort of contrary to

0:25:14.320 --> 0:25:18.360
<v Speaker 1>religious freedom to single out religious speakers for special treatment.

0:25:18.760 --> 0:25:21.240
<v Speaker 1>And that's the fight that I think this discourses just

0:25:21.320 --> 0:25:24.880
<v Speaker 1>pointing to in his concurrence. Does he seem to be

0:25:25.040 --> 0:25:27.840
<v Speaker 1>on a sort of mission. It seems to echo a

0:25:27.880 --> 0:25:30.880
<v Speaker 1>little bit of the oral arguments in the case of

0:25:30.920 --> 0:25:33.920
<v Speaker 1>the football coach who wants to prey on the fifty

0:25:34.000 --> 0:25:37.000
<v Speaker 1>yard line. Yeah. I think religious freedom in general has

0:25:37.040 --> 0:25:39.439
<v Speaker 1>been a very sort of front and center part of

0:25:39.440 --> 0:25:43.199
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court supermajority agenda. So they've taken lots of

0:25:43.480 --> 0:25:47.880
<v Speaker 1>free exercise cases and religious freedom cases, and I think

0:25:47.920 --> 0:25:51.160
<v Speaker 1>there is an effort here to move some of the brush,

0:25:51.200 --> 0:25:53.800
<v Speaker 1>if you will, out and Lemon is one of those

0:25:53.840 --> 0:25:57.639
<v Speaker 1>precedents that's been problematic and criticized for a long time.

0:25:57.920 --> 0:26:00.560
<v Speaker 1>And so yeah, I think there are echoes of the

0:26:00.600 --> 0:26:04.080
<v Speaker 1>football coach prayer case. You mentioned several others that have

0:26:04.160 --> 0:26:07.920
<v Speaker 1>been decided recently, the Masterpiece Cake Shop case, for example,

0:26:08.200 --> 0:26:12.040
<v Speaker 1>public funding for parochial schools, all of them based on

0:26:12.080 --> 0:26:14.840
<v Speaker 1>this sort of neutrality principle that you cannot under the

0:26:14.880 --> 0:26:19.320
<v Speaker 1>religion clauses single out religious viewpoints for burdens or different

0:26:19.400 --> 0:26:23.040
<v Speaker 1>rules and you'd apply to other persons or speakers. Nothing

0:26:23.240 --> 0:26:27.639
<v Speaker 1>prevents Boston from changing its policies going forward, and the

0:26:27.720 --> 0:26:30.280
<v Speaker 1>city has said that in the event of a loss

0:26:30.440 --> 0:26:35.040
<v Speaker 1>at the court, it will probably change its policy. What

0:26:35.080 --> 0:26:39.200
<v Speaker 1>would a policy change entail that would make this government speech?

0:26:39.840 --> 0:26:42.520
<v Speaker 1>I think they have to make it clearer or clear.

0:26:42.600 --> 0:26:44.480
<v Speaker 1>I guess one would say that this is not a

0:26:44.600 --> 0:26:48.800
<v Speaker 1>forum for just any comers. Anyone who wants to display

0:26:48.840 --> 0:26:51.360
<v Speaker 1>a flag, they've got to exercise the kind of control

0:26:51.800 --> 0:26:54.840
<v Speaker 1>that the court says is missing, the editorial control in

0:26:54.880 --> 0:26:58.720
<v Speaker 1>their policy. And the court actually points to different flag

0:26:58.760 --> 0:27:02.240
<v Speaker 1>flying policies from other jurisdictions like San Jose where they

0:27:02.240 --> 0:27:04.840
<v Speaker 1>make clear that flagpoles are not intended to serve as

0:27:04.880 --> 0:27:07.040
<v Speaker 1>a forum for free expression by the public, and then

0:27:07.040 --> 0:27:09.880
<v Speaker 1>they lift approved flags that can be flown as an

0:27:09.880 --> 0:27:13.280
<v Speaker 1>expression of the city's official sentiment. And that's not what

0:27:13.520 --> 0:27:15.800
<v Speaker 1>the city of Boston was doing, was opening up this

0:27:15.920 --> 0:27:18.639
<v Speaker 1>space and inviting speakers of all kinds to come in

0:27:18.680 --> 0:27:21.920
<v Speaker 1>and then shutting the door because just this one particular speaker.

0:27:22.480 --> 0:27:25.080
<v Speaker 1>I mean, the easiest thing for Boston to do is

0:27:25.080 --> 0:27:27.960
<v Speaker 1>simply to fly its own city flag on that third

0:27:28.000 --> 0:27:30.000
<v Speaker 1>flagpole and be done with it. But if they do

0:27:30.080 --> 0:27:33.399
<v Speaker 1>want to open that flag up two different flags of

0:27:33.640 --> 0:27:36.439
<v Speaker 1>you know, non city entities, they're going to have to

0:27:36.440 --> 0:27:39.919
<v Speaker 1>be much more selective and much clearer about what it

0:27:40.000 --> 0:27:45.000
<v Speaker 1>is they're trying to communicate to the public. Finally, do

0:27:45.080 --> 0:27:48.560
<v Speaker 1>you think that this opinion will help courts in the

0:27:48.640 --> 0:27:52.960
<v Speaker 1>future to be able to distinguish between government speech and

0:27:53.160 --> 0:27:57.000
<v Speaker 1>private speech. Not very much, unfortunately. And then, as someone

0:27:57.040 --> 0:27:59.720
<v Speaker 1>who teaches this subject, you know, as an interest in

0:28:00.080 --> 0:28:02.680
<v Speaker 1>getting some clarity in terms of, you know, what the

0:28:02.800 --> 0:28:05.800
<v Speaker 1>rules are, the standards are in this area. So on

0:28:05.840 --> 0:28:08.080
<v Speaker 1>the one hand, you know, this is a very outlier

0:28:08.119 --> 0:28:11.360
<v Speaker 1>case in the sense that the governmental entity here Boston

0:28:11.880 --> 0:28:15.800
<v Speaker 1>doesn't seem to have exercised really any selectivity and control.

0:28:16.840 --> 0:28:20.840
<v Speaker 1>In most cases you'll find some selectivity, some editorial control

0:28:20.920 --> 0:28:24.560
<v Speaker 1>by the governmental entity. It may be that the attribution

0:28:24.600 --> 0:28:27.879
<v Speaker 1>piece of this is a little unclear, or the historical

0:28:28.080 --> 0:28:30.919
<v Speaker 1>use of this kind of you know, forum for speech

0:28:31.040 --> 0:28:34.400
<v Speaker 1>is less clear. But I think all this court has

0:28:34.440 --> 0:28:38.080
<v Speaker 1>done is simply repeat the factors from cases like Walker,

0:28:38.160 --> 0:28:40.440
<v Speaker 1>the license plate case, and some of them the public

0:28:40.480 --> 0:28:42.600
<v Speaker 1>park case, and courts are going to have to take

0:28:42.680 --> 0:28:45.560
<v Speaker 1>these up one by one, and I think that's part

0:28:45.600 --> 0:28:47.800
<v Speaker 1>of what Justice Pelito is reacting to. We need to

0:28:47.840 --> 0:28:51.600
<v Speaker 1>give more clarity in terms of a test the lower

0:28:51.640 --> 0:28:54.800
<v Speaker 1>court and litigin otherwise we're just going to keep seeing

0:28:54.800 --> 0:28:58.200
<v Speaker 1>these cases each on their own facts. Thanks so much.

0:28:58.600 --> 0:29:01.800
<v Speaker 1>That's Professor Timothy Zick of William and Mary Law School,

0:29:02.160 --> 0:29:04.520
<v Speaker 1>And that's it for this edition of the Bloomberg Law Show.

0:29:05.000 --> 0:29:07.360
<v Speaker 1>Remember you can always get the latest legal news on

0:29:07.400 --> 0:29:10.280
<v Speaker 1>our Bloomberg Law podcast. You can find them wherever you

0:29:10.320 --> 0:29:13.720
<v Speaker 1>get your favorite podcasts. I'm John Grosso, and you're listening

0:29:13.800 --> 0:29:14.560
<v Speaker 1>to Bloomberg