Speaker 1: The media. Hello, and welcome back to it.
Speaker 2: He am Andrew Sage Farm you on YouTube at Andrew's
Speaker 2: I'm here once again.
Speaker 1: With oh beer hah. That was by c Yeah, indeed, yeah,
Speaker 1: she's She's here.
Speaker 2: And today we'll continue in the Latin American Anarchism series
Speaker 2: with our exploration of anarchism in Argentina. That's the scholarship
Speaker 2: of Chuck Moss, Jeffrey de la Focade, and hil Capelletti
Speaker 2: and Jose Antonio Guterrez and Ian McKay. When we us
Speaker 2: left of all FAIUS laws and government actions, we're pressed
Speaker 2: hard on the anarchist cause in the country. Which when
Speaker 2: the anarchists executed, jailed or exiled, what become of the
Speaker 2: anarchist movement? Where things get better or worse? Sad to say,
Speaker 2: I think you know the answer. Nineteen ninety marked the
Speaker 2: year of La Simana Tragica or the Tragic Week, when
Speaker 2: several metal workers were killed by strike breakers. This led
Speaker 2: to a general strike that shut down the entire country
Speaker 2: and pushed Buenos Aires into a state of chaos for
Speaker 2: several days. The anarchist paper A protester noted the complete
Speaker 2: shutdown and praised worker's solidarity. But despite the revolutionary atmosphere,
Speaker 2: the movement lacked a clear objective, which weakened its long
Speaker 2: term impact. They had the power, but didn't do too
Speaker 2: much with it. Eventually, the police and Argentina's first fascist organization,
Speaker 2: Lega Patriotica, were able to subdue the rebellion. The fascists,
Speaker 2: by the way, we were backed by military figures like
Speaker 2: Rare Admirals Burmech Garcia and O'Connor. They attacked and killed
Speaker 2: with impunity, and in the end the fifty five thousand
Speaker 2: were detained, with anarchist sent to Martin, Garcia, Ireland, and
Speaker 2: as many as seven hundred were killed and four thousand
Speaker 2: were injured. The anarchist movement persisted, as they always do.
Speaker 2: The protester continued publishing, alongside the launch of new papers
Speaker 2: like Mandera Roja and Tribuna Proletaria. Even after the government
Speaker 2: banned anarchist press in March nineteen nineteen, the movement continued
Speaker 2: to organize, culminating an extraordinary Congress of two hundred unions
Speaker 2: in September nineteen twenty. Throughout the nineteen twenties, four or
Speaker 2: five remained a powerful force in Argentina's lable movement, pushing
Speaker 2: for causes like the six hour weekday and resistant rise
Speaker 2: in nationalists and military sentiments, but throughout came more oppression.
Speaker 2: In nineteen twenty one, Argentinian workers and that for A
Speaker 2: style in the Chaco region were brutally killed for demanding
Speaker 2: better wages and conditions. The anarchist four her proposed solidarity actions,
Speaker 2: but the more reformist FORA the Ninth Congress, distanced itself,
Speaker 2: leaving the movement unsupported. This indifference, unfortunately also extended to
Speaker 2: other violent incidents, such as the murder of workers were
Speaker 2: the fascist legal Patriotica in Guaalles guaid and we're still
Speaker 2: with the largely unreported massacres of striking rural workers in
Speaker 2: Patagonia by the army, sending fifteen hundred to death by
Speaker 2: firing squad, an event ignored by most media except for
Speaker 2: anarchist outlets like that Protester. In this case, at least
Speaker 2: the anarchists got their get back somewhat later, when German
Speaker 2: anarchists could Wilkins assassinated Hector Valera, the military leader responsible
Speaker 2: for the killers. That whole story is so wild because
Speaker 2: the German assassin was also a pacifist, but it's just
Speaker 2: like fuck it with ball Yeah.
Speaker 1: I mean sometimes they had to do what you had
Speaker 1: to do.
Speaker 2: Yeah, And I mean the government got it to get
Speaker 2: back as well, because Wilkins was later murdered in retaliation
Speaker 2: for his murder of Hector Valera. But at least that
Speaker 2: led to general strike across Argentina.
Speaker 1: It truly is a wild story.
Speaker 2: Anarchists in Argentina further agitated in opposition to the trial
Speaker 2: and execution of Italian American anarchists Sacco and Fanchetti in
Speaker 2: the United States in nineteen twenty seven. This was a
Speaker 2: notorious case, by the way, but we'll pull that string
Speaker 2: another time. There was a certain anarchist who took the
Speaker 2: protest in a different direction, though known to be prolific
Speaker 2: in his acts of violence. Italian anarchists Severino the Giovanni,
Speaker 2: carried out bombin's against the American embassy to protest the trial,
Speaker 2: bombings against the Italian consulate to protest Italian fascism, and
Speaker 2: robberies throughout the country. The Giovanni's actions sparked debate among
Speaker 2: anarchists about the issue of quote unquote anarcho banditry. Some
Speaker 2: papers like Landtorchia defended the Giovanni, others like La.
Speaker 1: Protester, attacked him.
Speaker 2: The Giuvanni's fight came to an end in nineteen thirty one,
Speaker 2: when he was arrested and executed for carrying out the
Speaker 2: murder of one of his fascest fellow anarchist critics, a
Speaker 2: certain La Protester editor named Emilio Lopez a Ango. As
Speaker 2: it could probably imagine, they weren't any general strikes to
Speaker 2: protest the Giovanni's execution. General Jose Felix Uriburu led a
Speaker 2: coup in nineteen thirty that marked the rise of fascism
Speaker 2: in Argentina and the continuation of systematic persecution against workers
Speaker 2: and anarchists. Many were imprisoned, deported, or killed, including prominent
Speaker 2: figures like Juan Antonio Moran and Joaquin Penina. Anarchist groups
Speaker 2: and unions were oppressed under Uriburu's martial law, whither more
Speaker 2: moderate Confederacio and General del Trabajo or SGT, dominated by reformers.
Speaker 2: Socialists survived and became the main representative of workers in
Speaker 2: the country. Thanks to Uriburu's corporative stance. Martial law was
Speaker 2: peeled back slightly by nineteen thirty two. With such heavy
Speaker 2: blows the movement, Anachus had to pull back to the
Speaker 2: more countercultural efforts to define their movement. In the eighteen
Speaker 2: eighty for Our resumed publishing activities, with That Protester returning
Speaker 2: as a daily, but government pressure, including action against his
Speaker 2: editors and restrictions and postal services, made it difficult to
Speaker 2: maintain this daily schedule. Eventually, La Protester transitioned to a weekly,
Speaker 2: then bi weekly, and family monthly publication. Despite these challenges,
Speaker 2: a group of anarchist militants and via devotoprism, conceived the
Speaker 2: idea of a national Anarchist Congress. This congress first met
Speaker 2: in September nineteen thirty two in the Rosario, with that
Speaker 2: it gets from across the country and one key outcome
Speaker 2: of this congress was the creation of the Committee Rijonal
Speaker 2: de re Laciones Anarquistas or the CRORA. This later foundation
Speaker 2: for became the Argentine Anaco Communist Federation or FACER in
Speaker 2: nineteen thirty five, although the organization never really gained a
Speaker 2: mass following. In nineteen thirty five, anarchists also establish a
Speaker 2: taker Popular Jose in Hiniros a library and social center.
Speaker 2: While initially founded the support of socialists, the anarchist took
Speaker 2: full control after the socialists left. Around this time, anarchist
Speaker 2: group's campaign fiercely to free Voto Maini and the Diago comrades,
Speaker 2: who had been tortured and imprisoned for over a decade.
Speaker 2: The newspaper just this year was created solely to advocate
Speaker 2: for their release, who was finally granted in nineteen forty two.
Speaker 2: Throughout this period, the anarchist press remained active, the number
Speaker 2: of publications diminished, Several publishing houses like not Review, Iman Tupac,
Speaker 2: and Reconstrier kept anarchist literature alive, publishing key works and essays.
Speaker 2: In nineteen thirty three, Accion Libertaria emerged and eventually became
Speaker 2: the voice of FACER, later owners the Federacion Libertaria Argentina
Speaker 2: or FLA until nineteen seventy one. But the most significant
Speaker 2: international event for Argentine anarchists during the nineteen thirties was
Speaker 2: the Spanish Civil War. The rise of fascism among the resistance,
Speaker 2: led by the CNT and Federacion and Anarchista Iberica or FAI,
Speaker 2: inspired Argentine anarchists to provide solidarity and support. Many traveled
Speaker 2: to Spain to join the fight, with Jose Grenfeld becoming
Speaker 2: the secretary of the FAI. Campaigns to support anti fascists
Speaker 2: in the Spanish Civil War were also launched, with FACA
Speaker 2: publishing books and pamphlets in the struggle. FACCA launched Saladari
Speaker 2: Dad Opera in nineteen forty one, edited by Juan Corral
Speaker 2: and Loreano Rieira, though it was later shut down by
Speaker 2: the first Justicialista government under Peron. FURA also began publishing
Speaker 2: a series of booklets, including Toros coundre la Guera in
Speaker 2: nineteen thirty five and Lucca Constructiva pola lebordad i justicia
Speaker 2: in nineteen forty four. One notable libertarian cultural journal, Ombre
Speaker 2: de America, ran from January nineteen forty until the end
Speaker 2: of nineteen forty five, covering nearly the entire duration of
Speaker 2: the Second World War. FACA was clear about its position
Speaker 2: on the global conflicts of the time. In nineteen forty
Speaker 2: two general Plennary, the group denounced both Western democracies, which
Speaker 2: they saw as vlain capitalist exploitation, and the Soviet Union,
Speaker 2: which they deemed bureaucratic capitalism. However, they saw the greatest
Speaker 2: threat in national socialism the Nazis and the rise of
Speaker 2: the Third Reich, one in the total Tyranism was the
Speaker 2: worst danger of their era. Faker's statement of solidarity with
Speaker 2: the oppressed under the Nazi barbarity also recognized the threat
Speaker 2: posed by Soviet expansionism and the force promises of post
Speaker 2: war democracies. Domestically, Faca and fa faced a new challenge
Speaker 2: with the rise of Juan Domingo Pern. His populist approach,
Speaker 2: while beneficial somewhat to workers, was paradoxical for anarchists. Prone's
Speaker 2: government promoted a state centered, jingoistic project that co opted
Speaker 2: labor movements through control networks, undermining annuine proletarian and democracy.
Speaker 2: Anarchists rejected Peranism Seniors as a threat to the revolutionary
Speaker 2: ethos of Wuker's Hilarity. Despite this, fora retained some influence,
Speaker 2: especially among agricultural workers, who were caught between the identities
Speaker 2: of peasants and workers. In June nineteen forty six, anarchists
Speaker 2: launched a new newspaper, Reconstruire, with Luista Nusi as editor.
Speaker 2: The first issue featured Jacobo Prince's critique of Peranism in
Speaker 2: an article titled El totali Tarismo falsea il Principio de
Speaker 2: Justicia social, calling out the regime's distortion of social justice.
Speaker 2: By the late nineteen forties and early nineteen fifties, Fora's
Speaker 2: influence had waned, and anacocynicalism was reduced to a smaller
Speaker 2: rule in Argentina's labor movement. However, the societ Dad there
Speaker 2: Resistencia del Pers del Puerto, aligned with FORA, demonstrated their
Speaker 2: commitment to anarchosynicalism in nineteen fifty two by rejecting a
Speaker 2: compulsory wage tax to fund a monument to Eva peron
Speaker 2: Jesus Christ.
Speaker 1: Yeah.
Speaker 2: This act of defiance led to the imprisonment of several
Speaker 2: militants for six months.
Speaker 1: Imagine you decide you want.
Speaker 2: To reject extra taxes because the dictator's wife demands a
Speaker 2: monument like that's the e throw in jail because you
Speaker 2: decide you don't want to pay that tax.
Speaker 1: God, this terrible stuff.
Speaker 2: While Peeran's regime weakened free unism, he did so by
Speaker 2: means of corruption rather than violence, contrasting with the methods
Speaker 2: of his predecessor.
Speaker 1: Uriburu.
Speaker 2: Faca continued its work well then several congresses, including the
Speaker 2: fourth in nineteen fifty one and the fifth of nineteen
Speaker 2: fifty five, just before Peroans overthrew In nineteen fifty five,
Speaker 2: FACA rebranded as the Federacion Libertaria Argentina with the FLA,
Speaker 2: and the FLA held its sixth congress in nineteen sixty one,
Speaker 2: and its journal records career published regularly from nineteen fifty
Speaker 2: nine until nineteen seventy six, coincided with the onset of
Speaker 2: Argentina's most brutal ditatorship. But before we fast forward in
Speaker 2: nineteen seventy six, we need to explore it took place
Speaker 2: in the sixties. The sixties are own as the New
Speaker 2: Left era in many parts of the world thanks to
Speaker 2: the rise of student radicalism. The new Left is marked
Speaker 2: by a notable libertarian and democratic impulse, an emphasis on
Speaker 2: cultural as well as political transformation, an extension traditional lefts
Speaker 2: focus in class struggle to achnowledge multiple forms and basis
Speaker 2: of oppression, including race and gender, an emphasis and anti
Speaker 2: imperialism and anti colonalism, and a rejection of bureaucracy and
Speaker 2: traditional forms of political organization in favor of direct action
Speaker 2: and participatory democracy. Many youth were searching for a third
Speaker 2: way outside of Soviet and Western models, so during the
Speaker 2: nineteen sixties and seventies, a new generation of Argentine youth
Speaker 2: turned to anarchism, so they struggled to collaborate with the
Speaker 2: older anarchist movements. Cultural and political differences were the heart
Speaker 2: of this divide, with younger militantsiligning themselves more to global
Speaker 2: anti impurelest movements of the time than with the anarchist
Speaker 2: legacy already within Argentina. In some ways, this generational riff
Speaker 2: left a scar in the anarchist struggle. In other ways
Speaker 2: helped younger anarchists to develop a clearer ideological stance compared
Speaker 2: to their counterparts in countries where such internal conflicts were
Speaker 2: less prevalent. One of the most significant anarchist groups to
Speaker 2: emerge during this period was Resistancia Libertaria. Operating colandestantly and
Speaker 2: with a cellular structure, RL aimed to ignite mass resistance
Speaker 2: and ultimately spark a prolonged popular war. The group was
Speaker 2: active in neighborhoods, labor movements, and student circles, and it
Speaker 2: had a small armed wing for defense and expropriation.
Speaker 1: Purposes.
Speaker 2: Although it was formerly a national organization, ril's main operations
Speaker 2: were in La Plata, Cordoba and Punas airis A. Argentina
Speaker 2: grew increasingly polarized in the mid nineteen seventies. Rile activists
Speaker 2: became targets. Many were disappeared even before the military coup
Speaker 2: of nineteen seventy six. But then it hit Henry Kissinger
Speaker 2: at the United States Machinations or Fruit.
Speaker 1: Yeah yeah, yeah, we go in there.
Speaker 2: A military coup overthrew President Isabel Peron, the third wife
Speaker 2: of the original Perone, and installed a junta led by
Speaker 2: Lieutenant General jorgueer Rafael Videla, Admiral Emilio Eduardo Masserra, and
Speaker 2: Brigadier General Orlando Ramon Augusti. This coup was part of
Speaker 2: Operation Condo, a coordinated effort between Latin American dict leatorships
Speaker 2: back with the United States under its Cold War National
Speaker 2: security doctrine. The aim was allegedly to maintain stability in
Speaker 2: the region that America considers its backyard, and US officials,
Speaker 2: including Kissinger, were short to meet with Argentine military leaders
Speaker 2: after the coup, encouraged them to wipe out the opposition
Speaker 2: quickly and brutally before any winy human rights concerned started
Speaker 2: to be raised internationally. The junta remained in power until
Speaker 2: December nineteen eighty three, during which time some thirty thousand
Speaker 2: people were disappeared or executed. URL militants were particularly targeted
Speaker 2: by the regime. One particularly horrible story I have to share.
Speaker 2: The military men responsible for the killings often spared pregnant women,
Speaker 2: kept them in custody until they gave birth, then killed
Speaker 2: the mothers and gave their influence to childless military families.
Speaker 1: Is christ.
Speaker 2: That's the kind of evil with dealing work. Yeah, And
Speaker 2: despite the dangers, URL continued to activities until nineteen seventy eight,
Speaker 2: when a series of coordinated police raids dismantled much of
Speaker 2: the group. Around eighty percent of URAL members were detained
Speaker 2: in concentration camps where they were tortured and most were
Speaker 2: eventually executed. And that is how you kill a social movement.
Speaker 2: In the final years of the tatorship and follow on
Speaker 2: their re establishment of civil government in nineteen eighty three,
Speaker 2: new and relatively anti authoritarian social movements emerged Argentina, among
Speaker 2: the most prominent with the Madres Tela Plaza de Mayo
Speaker 2: a group of mothers advocating for justice for those who
Speaker 2: had been disappeared under the military regime. Alongside them, they
Speaker 2: are psychologists, feminists, and other grassroots activists began to make
Speaker 2: their voices heard. This shift marked a significant departure from
Speaker 2: traditional state centric leftist politics, with a growing inclination towards
Speaker 2: more decentralized approaches. While this climate sparked renewed interest in anarchism,
Speaker 2: it didn't lead to a substantial increase in the membership
Speaker 2: of older anarchist organizations. Instead, it highlighted the transformation and
Speaker 2: how social movements approached to activism and sought to address
Speaker 2: issues of justice and accountability. And then we come into
Speaker 2: the twenty first century. In the early two thousands, Argentina,
Speaker 2: which was once a poster child for neoliberalism thanks to
Speaker 2: the actions of the didataship, found itself in the throes
Speaker 2: of a devastating economic crisis. This s meltdown didn't just
Speaker 2: affect the economy, ignited a wave of social movements that
Speaker 2: were far more confrontational, radical, and anarchistic than before, which
Speaker 2: was the rise of militant neighborhood assemblies, factory takeovers, and
Speaker 2: intense street protests. What was happened in Argentina was a
Speaker 2: direct result of more than two decades of so called
Speaker 2: free market reforms and structural adjustment programs. These policies had
Speaker 2: left the economy in ruins, with poverty and unemployment levels soaring.
Speaker 2: By the time the crisis hit, poverty had shot up
Speaker 2: from thirty one percent to fifty three percent, and unemployment
Speaker 2: had jumped to twenty one point four percent, nearly a
Speaker 2: quarter of the country's population. Out of this chaos came
Speaker 2: the Pictaros, a new movement of unemployed workers who turned
Speaker 2: their anger into direct action. They didn't just march in protest.
Speaker 2: They blocked roads, demanded work and dignity. But what said
Speaker 2: the Pictero is apart from traditional unions was they commit
Speaker 2: months to horizontal organizing and direct action. They knew that
Speaker 2: those unions didn't represent them, and they wanted something more
Speaker 2: than just jobs. They wanted dignity, and they wanted us
Speaker 2: say in how society was run. One of the voices
Speaker 2: from this movement, a woman from the Solano neighborhood in
Speaker 2: Buenos Aires, captured the spirit when she said, I dream
Speaker 2: of my children finding a way of life here away
Speaker 2: from the despair the system gives us. Were building something new.
Speaker 2: Politics without political parties encode the Pictaro's in just demand employment.
Speaker 2: They wanted meaningful work that gave them control over their lives.
Speaker 2: They weren't looking to be folded back into the capitalist
Speaker 2: system that had failed them. Instead, they called themselves autonomous
Speaker 2: workers in envisionous society where people took charge their communities
Speaker 2: and their futures.
Speaker 1: And then came.
Speaker 2: December two thousand and one. On the nineteenth, the crisis
Speaker 2: hit a boiling point. All across the country. People took
Speaker 2: to the streets, unemployed workers, middle class families, and whole neighborhoods.
Speaker 2: They were united in their demands an end to the
Speaker 2: government's economic policies and the resignation of the deeply unpopular
Speaker 2: President Fernando de la Rua. After two days of street
Speaker 2: battles with police, the government collapsed. In the wake of
Speaker 2: this upheaval, neighborhood assemblies popped up everywhere, and the Pictaros
Speaker 2: intensified their efforts. Millions of workers across Argentina joined a
Speaker 2: general strike and put as Airis alone. Over a million
Speaker 2: people defied a government imposed state of emergency. Flood in
Speaker 2: the streets and protest. It wasn't just about events and
Speaker 2: frustration with what reclaiming their power. In a way, the
Speaker 2: ideas of anarchism, self management, the centralization, and direct action
Speaker 2: were be input into practice on a truly massive scale,
Speaker 2: even though anarchist groups themselves didn't necessarily lead the charge.
Speaker 2: The fight wasn't just on the streets, though, It had
Speaker 2: to happen in the factories, the fields, across all the
Speaker 2: sectors of society. They couldn't just remove politicians. They had
Speaker 2: to dismantle the entire system of exploitation and replace it
Speaker 2: with something radically different. A key piece of this puzzle
Speaker 2: was the rise of the fabricas, ricuperradas, or reclaim factories.
Speaker 2: These takeovers didn't start with the two thousand one up prizing, though.
Speaker 2: The first occupation happened back in nineteen ninety six, when
Speaker 2: workers in a cool storage plant to control after the
Speaker 2: bosses abandoned it. More factory followed suit, with workers stepping
Speaker 2: in with an owner's fled. But they weren't even trying
Speaker 2: to launch an offensive against capitalism. They were simply trying
Speaker 2: to survive, to hold on to their livelihoods and an
Speaker 2: economy that had pushed them to the edge. By the
Speaker 2: time of the Argentine uprising in December two thousand and one,
Speaker 2: over one hundred and seventy factories had been reclaimed, with
Speaker 2: some ten thousand workers taking part in this new form
Speaker 2: of collective labor. The message was clear, when the bosses leave,
Speaker 2: the workers are more than capable of keeping things running.
Speaker 2: In these reclaimed factories, they got rid of the traditional
Speaker 2: management hierarchies and made collective decisions and shared income equally.
Speaker 2: It was a living example of one potential way society
Speaker 2: could function without the capitalist class. In the midst of
Speaker 2: the Argentine economic collapse, these workers didn't just resist, they
Speaker 2: were also producing, hence their banner of occupy resistar prosir
Speaker 2: occupy resids to produce the new was possible, to not
Speaker 2: just fight, but to build something new from the ground up,
Speaker 2: not just to survive, but to lay the foundations for
Speaker 2: a new society. The cries of kissevayan totros or basically
Speaker 2: out with all of them, echoed the widespread dissolution with
Speaker 2: the entire political class, but the sentiment needed to be
Speaker 2: transformed into something more substantial, a proper political framework to
Speaker 2: drive the momentum forward. But it's also into this framework.
Speaker 2: This potentially anarchist framework wasn't fully developed among the population
Speaker 2: at the time. There were some comrades who were working
Speaker 2: towards build in such a framework, but much of the movement,
Speaker 2: particularly of the left, were focused on elections as a
Speaker 2: way forward.
Speaker 1: The logic was simple.
Speaker 2: A left leading government could introduce policies to leave the
Speaker 2: situation and prevent the open repression of popular movements. What
Speaker 2: does this really achieve. It risked the transfer and of
Speaker 2: the struggle from the streets, from the workplace, from the
Speaker 2: hands of the people into the hands of a new
Speaker 2: set of politicians, shifting the focus from the masses to
Speaker 2: a few leaders operating within clearly capitalist institutions. The elections
Speaker 2: were not important. The fight wasn't about winning seats in
Speaker 2: the government, and that needed to be understood. The fight
Speaker 2: was about building a true popular power. Kiss if Ian
Speaker 2: Totos out with all of them rejected not just individuals,
Speaker 2: but the entire political, social and economic power structures. Even
Speaker 2: though the Argentine people will not identifying as anarchists, they
Speaker 2: will apply on anarchist principles in many aspects of their struggles,
Speaker 2: just like the Appatistas and Chiappas who ruse up in
Speaker 2: nineteen twenty fourth Rally and cry yabasta or enough already.
Speaker 2: The Argentine uprising was a clear rejection of state power
Speaker 2: and capitalism. Votes can't last forever, but they could plant
Speaker 2: the seats of a new society, one built from below.
Speaker 2: But the movement was torn between the two approaches of
Speaker 2: whether factory to be managed by workers under state ownership
Speaker 2: or if they should be completely worker owned. Some argue
Speaker 2: the demanding expropriation why the state wasn't a real solution
Speaker 2: within a capitalist framework, because the state itself was responsible
Speaker 2: for the conditions they found themselves in. But even though
Speaker 2: they argue that true worker's power came from the workers
Speaker 2: controlling their own production, are the flip side? Cooperatives don't
Speaker 2: really address the deeper issues of capitalism. Cooperativism doesn't inherently
Speaker 2: challenge capitalist relations of production, just tinkers with the service
Speaker 2: issues like monopolies, internal structures, and competition. Building a network
Speaker 2: of cooperatives can be valuable, but it's not going to
Speaker 2: create a subsystem capable of topling capitalism. Anarchism and specifically
Speaker 2: anarchist communist ideas proposed something far more transformative abortion, all
Speaker 2: forms of power exercised by minority, whether the bourgeoisie or
Speaker 2: the state, assuming control of not just factories and fields,
Speaker 2: but all of society. It's not a choice between cooperatives
Speaker 2: or state managed workplaces. It's about creating conditions for all
Speaker 2: workers and all people to self organize. And such reforms,
Speaker 2: such as reforms for workers to have control of their
Speaker 2: workplaces a merely steps. It's what a much larger goal
Speaker 2: should be kept in mind in that struggle. These experiences,
Speaker 2: in this history in Argentina shows us that anarchist ideas
Speaker 2: are not just lofty dreams.
Speaker 1: They're grounded in real struggles of working people.
Speaker 2: Consciously or unconsciously proven that a society without bosses, managers
Speaker 2: and expectation is possible. Every social struggle, every revolutionary action,
Speaker 2: is another step towards building that world. Through these movements,
Speaker 2: through these actions, through these struggles, we can see the
Speaker 2: foundation of a new society. And to the people of
Speaker 2: Argentina who now face the rule of a new right
Speaker 2: way menace, I employees to stand up and say, once again,
Speaker 2: kissevan Toros out with all of them, all power to
Speaker 2: all the people.
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