WEBVTT - Anarchism Is South Africa ft. Andrew

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<v Speaker 1>All the media.

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<v Speaker 2>Welcome to grappen Here. I'm Andrew SI to a future

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<v Speaker 2>channel Andreism. I'm joined by Mia Wong.

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<v Speaker 1>Did not miss your que this time.

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<v Speaker 2>This will not make any sense to you unless you've

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<v Speaker 2>heard the previous episode in which I missed by you.

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<v Speaker 2>But hello, indeed, indeed welcome, did missic you. So recently

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<v Speaker 2>I read Born a Crime by Trevoroah. It was his

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<v Speaker 2>memoir of his childhood in South Africa and politics society.

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<v Speaker 2>Is a decent comedian and had me laughing out loud

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<v Speaker 2>and thinking a lot as well, and it really reignited

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<v Speaker 2>my long pass and interest in South African history because

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<v Speaker 2>he's given a lot of context when sharing his stories.

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<v Speaker 2>So I decided to look into the history of anarchism

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<v Speaker 2>in So Africa and that's what we will be exploring today.

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<v Speaker 2>Much of the information I gathered is thanks to the

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<v Speaker 2>scholarship of Lucian van der Walt, a South African anarchist

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<v Speaker 2>and professor of sociology. Particularly, I'll be looking at the

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<v Speaker 2>work on anarchism and Cynicalism Southern Africa from the International

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<v Speaker 2>Encyclopedia Revolution and Protest and Anarchism and cynical in the

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<v Speaker 2>Colonial and post colonial world. Without getting into the lengthy

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<v Speaker 2>and storied history of the region, I do need to

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<v Speaker 2>provide some context, so we'll start in the mid nineteenth century,

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<v Speaker 2>where the region that became South Africa was considered marginal

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<v Speaker 2>to the world economy. You had the Port of the

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<v Speaker 2>Cape of Good Hope and Port Elizabeth, which handled me

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<v Speaker 2>in the agricultural exports. And this was during the second

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<v Speaker 2>period of the British Cape Colony's existence, after it had

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<v Speaker 2>briefly fallen into the hands of the Batavia and Republic

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<v Speaker 2>during the Napoleonic Wars. None of that is particularly necessary

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<v Speaker 2>to know for our sake, but you know a little

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<v Speaker 2>fun fact at this point, once again under the British,

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<v Speaker 2>the land was broadly agrarian, and Britain's farms were worked

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<v Speaker 2>by colored and African workers. The neighboring Natal Colony, also

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<v Speaker 2>under British rule, had its plantations worked by indentured Indians.

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<v Speaker 2>The rest of the interior was under various Africana republics

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<v Speaker 2>and African kingdoms. For those not in the know, so

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<v Speaker 2>African in this context refers to obviously Africans, Black Africans,

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<v Speaker 2>to be specific, Indians referring to the indentured laborers from

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<v Speaker 2>the Indian subcontinent, Africanas referring to the Afrikaans or Dutch

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<v Speaker 2>speaking white South Africans. And then we have of course

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<v Speaker 2>the British, which are you know, white British people, and

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<v Speaker 2>the colored as a designation as a group as a

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<v Speaker 2>self identified ethnic group referred to the people of mixed

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<v Speaker 2>European and African heritage that had begun to develop their

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<v Speaker 2>own identity in their own community. Because the settlement of

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<v Speaker 2>South Africa had started centuries before, so other than the

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<v Speaker 2>agricultural export and ports providing a respite for trade between

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<v Speaker 2>the West and the East, the Southern African colonies weren't

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<v Speaker 2>particularly high up on anyone's list of priorities. But then

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<v Speaker 2>the economic landscape of the region transformed with the discovery

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<v Speaker 2>of diamonds in Kimberlee in eighteen sixty seven and gold

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<v Speaker 2>in Woodwater surround in eighteen eighty six. To make a

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<v Speaker 2>very long story short, this led to the rapid centralization

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<v Speaker 2>of mining activities and the growth of towns like Johannesburg,

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<v Speaker 2>one of the most well known towns in South Africa.

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<v Speaker 2>Imperial interests intensified, resultant in the British Wars and Africans

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<v Speaker 2>and Africanas and the establishment of the Union of South

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<v Speaker 2>Africa in nineteen ten an extremely diverse and polygoth society

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<v Speaker 2>under British rule. By nineteen thirteen, almost half of the

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<v Speaker 2>world's gold output came from with waters Round Aeriel and

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<v Speaker 2>with waters Rand Minds employed one hundred and ninety five

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<v Speaker 2>thousand Africans and twenty two thousand white workers. The working

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<v Speaker 2>class clearly faced many racial and ethnic divisions. It was

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<v Speaker 2>primarily composed of various Africans, which had their own divisions

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<v Speaker 2>between them, and there were also divisions between the largely

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<v Speaker 2>skilled white immigrants from Europe and the largely unskilled local

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<v Speaker 2>white africaners. The marginalized African and colored middle classes that

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<v Speaker 2>began to form from the few free laborers involved in

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<v Speaker 2>various grown industries would come to lead early nationalist movements

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<v Speaker 2>while grappling with segregation, discrimination, and linguistic challenges. As Van

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<v Speaker 2>der Wald said and a Coote, they lived in a

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<v Speaker 2>situation where a cheap African labor formed the bedrock of

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<v Speaker 2>the mine as well as state industry and the growing

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<v Speaker 2>commercial farming and manufacturing sectors, and where the cheapness of

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<v Speaker 2>African labor was primarily a function of the black's historic

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<v Speaker 2>incorporation into the country as a subject to people. In

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<v Speaker 2>this sense, local capitalist relations of exploitation were constructed upon

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<v Speaker 2>colonial relations of domination. Fast forward to the eve of

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<v Speaker 2>apartheid in nineteen forty eight, when Africana nationalists took power

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<v Speaker 2>and extended the segregation policies in the first four decades

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<v Speaker 2>of the Union even further, you get two responses to

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<v Speaker 2>the national question preceding the development of apartheid from the

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<v Speaker 2>organized labor crowd at the time. The first response, known

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<v Speaker 2>as white laborism, was associated with the mainstream white labor

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<v Speaker 2>movement leading back to the nineteenth century. The South African

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<v Speaker 2>Labor Party and South African Industrial Federation were key proponents

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<v Speaker 2>of white labourism, and both organizations were born from the

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<v Speaker 2>exclusiveness of early craft unions that later evolved into more

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<v Speaker 2>pronounced racial exclusiveness. This white laborism approach combined social democracy

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<v Speaker 2>with segregation, promoting job reservation and preferential employment for whites,

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<v Speaker 2>urban segregation and Asian repatriation white power for white workers. Basically,

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<v Speaker 2>the other races can figure out their own deal. Of course,

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<v Speaker 2>on the reservations that we put them in. So it's

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<v Speaker 2>no surprise that the apartheid government in part mainstreamed this

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<v Speaker 2>white laborism movement. But the second response to the national

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<v Speaker 2>question was linked to the Communist Party of South Africa

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<v Speaker 2>the CPSA from nineteen twenty eight, when it adopted the

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<v Speaker 2>Native Republic thesis under pressure from the Communist International. This

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<v Speaker 2>approach advocate of the establishment of an independent South African

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<v Speaker 2>Native Republic as a precursor to the Workers and Peasants Republic,

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<v Speaker 2>separating national liberation specifically in the form of nationalism and

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<v Speaker 2>then socialism into distinct stages. The CPSA initially considered leading

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<v Speaker 2>both of these stages, but later abandoned this idea and

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<v Speaker 2>opted for a united front with the African National Congress,

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<v Speaker 2>even for a unitary, democratic and capitalist state with land

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<v Speaker 2>reform and partial nationalization. But there's a hidden history that

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<v Speaker 2>goes unnoticed prior to the rise of apartheid and the CPSA.

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<v Speaker 2>All the way back in the eighteen eighties, Henry Glass

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<v Speaker 2>played a pivotal role in establishing the local anarchist tradition

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<v Speaker 2>in South Africa. He was an Englishman born in India

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<v Speaker 2>with a background in radical London circles. He moved to

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<v Speaker 2>Port Elizabeth in the eighteen eighties and engaged in various jobs,

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<v Speaker 2>including working on the Witwatersrand mines among African people. He

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<v Speaker 2>contributed to the Cape Labor Press, translated key works by

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<v Speaker 2>Kropotkin into English, and distributed anarchist materials through various organizations.

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<v Speaker 2>Glass seems to have taken a good look at Cloud

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<v Speaker 2>saw how Africans were treated, and didn't shy away from

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<v Speaker 2>calling it out now self is writing did idealize pre

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<v Speaker 2>capitalist cultures, for example, pointing out in a letter to

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<v Speaker 2>Kropotkin that you can still find amongst them the principle

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<v Speaker 2>of communism, but his main focus was on pointing fingers

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<v Speaker 2>at an order that treated Africans like second class citizens,

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<v Speaker 2>and going even further to champion the idea of a

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<v Speaker 2>working class movement that bridged racial divides. He understood the

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<v Speaker 2>foolishness of white workers to try and pursue their liberation

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<v Speaker 2>alone while sidelining their colored comrades, and though Glass spent

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<v Speaker 2>his time agitating in Port Elizabeth, this was also a

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<v Speaker 2>perspective shared by the Social Democratic Federation or SDF, based

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<v Speaker 2>in Cape Town, which despite its name, was all about

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<v Speaker 2>pushing anarchism and syndicalism. Actually, the maybe more precise there

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<v Speaker 2>was a dominant wing within the SDF of Cape Town

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<v Speaker 2>that emphasized anarchism and syndicalism. There will also moderate and

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<v Speaker 2>status elements in the SDF as well. Cape Town was

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<v Speaker 2>quite different at that time from Port Elizabeth. Port Elizabeth

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<v Speaker 2>was mostly African and white, but Cape Town had a

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<v Speaker 2>significant colored population, which created a situation where much of

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<v Speaker 2>Cape Town's working class was free labor rather than bound

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<v Speaker 2>to some form of slavery or dansure. Coloreds were facing

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<v Speaker 2>growing official segregation and popular discrimination from the late nineteenth

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<v Speaker 2>century onwards, though, so there was a growing discontent as

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<v Speaker 2>the working class fractured even further. But there was a

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<v Speaker 2>key figure in the Cape Town SDF that pushed anarchism

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<v Speaker 2>and cynicalism, and that was Wilfred Harrison, another friend of Kropotkin.

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<v Speaker 2>A carpenter, a trade unionist, and an ex soldier, he

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<v Speaker 2>was known as a very dynamic speaker and a staunch

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<v Speaker 2>anarchist communist who pushed for a future where workers owned

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<v Speaker 2>and controlled everything. With Harrison at the Helm, the SDF

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<v Speaker 2>set up shop in Adelaide Street, where they were allizing talks, events,

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<v Speaker 2>and even standing in elections for propaganda purposes. The sdf's

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<v Speaker 2>events attracted thousands, creating truly uniquely integrated public spheres that

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<v Speaker 2>would bring colors, whites, and Africans in some of the

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<v Speaker 2>same spaces. They were holding speeches in Afrikaans, which was

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<v Speaker 2>the most popular language of the colors, and in Eating Closer,

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<v Speaker 2>the language of the closer people. They had bookshops, reading rooms,

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<v Speaker 2>refreshment bars, beach trips, choirs, and even a few socialist

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<v Speaker 2>christ Nets. At the various talks, they welcomed controversial figures,

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<v Speaker 2>including a young Gandhi. Harrison's wing of the SDF further

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<v Speaker 2>sought to remove union colour bars, unionize colors, secure equal pay,

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<v Speaker 2>and build unions that would unite all workers, regardless of race.

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<v Speaker 2>In the early nineteen hundreds, Socialists with Waters Round launched

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<v Speaker 2>the Weekly Voice of Labor, led by Archie Crawford and

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<v Speaker 2>Mary Fitzgerald. The People served to connect socialists across cities

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<v Speaker 2>from Duban to Kimberley, to Cape Town to Johannesburg. Archie

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<v Speaker 2>Crawford was a staunch anti segregationist, pushing back against the

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<v Speaker 2>South African Labor Party for its policies and organized in

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<v Speaker 2>the neglected colored workers. In nineteen ten, the SDF hosted

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<v Speaker 2>British Synicolas tom Mann, whose tours the region would inspire

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<v Speaker 2>the founding of the Socialist Labor Party or SLP. In Johannesburg.

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<v Speaker 2>They adopted the ideas of Daniel de Leon, the American

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<v Speaker 2>leader of the International Workers of the World, and were

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<v Speaker 2>followed by the Industrial Workers' Union, which linked with the

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<v Speaker 2>IWW in Chicago. The IWW's ideas spread to Duban and Pretoria,

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<v Speaker 2>but it was Johannesburg where they flexed their muscles with

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<v Speaker 2>successful strikes and challenges to labor laws. The IWW's position

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<v Speaker 2>carried the same as its forebears, fight the class war

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<v Speaker 2>with the aid of all workers, whether efficient or inefficient,

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<v Speaker 2>skilled or unskilled, white or black. IWW organizer Jock Campbell

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<v Speaker 2>would be the first to specifically make propaganda amongst the

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<v Speaker 2>African workers in which waters Rand. But don't get me wrong,

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<v Speaker 2>these efforts do not mean that they necessarily succeeded. The

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<v Speaker 2>IWW and SLP's struggle to recruit to cross racial lines

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<v Speaker 2>stems not primarily from prejudice, but from their overall weakness

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<v Speaker 2>as union organizers outside the tram sector where they saw

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<v Speaker 2>the most successes, and of course the practical challenges of

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<v Speaker 2>organizing the predominantly unfree African workforce Underwitwater's Rand. So they

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<v Speaker 2>talked a good talk about reaching across racial lines, but

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<v Speaker 2>not a massive success because they didn't have a strategy

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<v Speaker 2>in place to actually establish those connections between Africans, colored

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<v Speaker 2>and Indian workers in this regard. Actually, the SDF in

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<v Speaker 2>Cape Town was a lot more successful. However, something did

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<v Speaker 2>happen in witwaters Rand. In May nineteen thirteen, a significant

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<v Speaker 2>general strike erupted on the witwaters Rand, initiated by white

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<v Speaker 2>miners and quickly spread in across industries. The strike was

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<v Speaker 2>marked by riots and gun battles and escalated on what's

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<v Speaker 2>called Black Saturday, July fifth, resulting in twenty five deaths

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<v Speaker 2>at the hands of the imperial troops. Subsequent strikes by

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<v Speaker 2>African miners and Indian passive resistance campaigns further intensified the

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<v Speaker 2>social unrest, with the failure of a compromise in the

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<v Speaker 2>aftermath of the nineteen thirteen strike led to a second

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<v Speaker 2>general strike in January nineteen fourteen. The State responded swiftly,

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<v Speaker 2>declaring martial law, mobilizing forces and suppress in the unions,

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<v Speaker 2>resulting the arrest and deportation of key activists, including Archie Crawford.

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<v Speaker 2>Then World War One further disrupted things, with the U

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<v Speaker 2>s Country joining the British side. While some organizations suspended

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<v Speaker 2>activities to support the war efforts, hardline African and nationalists

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<v Speaker 2>launched an armed rebellion, leading to split within the SDF

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<v Speaker 2>and the South African Labor Party. Although anarchism and syndicalism

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<v Speaker 2>played a role in these turbulent events, the actual syndicalist

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<v Speaker 2>movement on the Witwater Strand was weak and divided. By

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<v Speaker 2>nineteen thirteen, despite attempts to forge unity through the United

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<v Speaker 2>Socialist Party, the USP it fell apart due to existing

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<v Speaker 2>divisions and ideological differences among the constituent groups. While organized

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<v Speaker 2>syndicalism struggled to lead the strikes, syndicalist ideas and sloguans

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<v Speaker 2>gained considerable traction in labor circles. The strikes and war

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<v Speaker 2>issues reinvigorated existing anarchists and syndicalists, radicalized new activists, and

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<v Speaker 2>sparked widespread interest in radical ideas, which would lead to

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<v Speaker 2>a new development. In September nineteen fifteen, the Industrial Socialists

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<v Speaker 2>League the ISL emerged as a prominent syndicalist formation. Comprising

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<v Speaker 2>of the syndicalist veterans and anti war South African Labor

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<v Speaker 2>Party activists, the ISL quickly became the largest left political

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<v Speaker 2>group before the Communist Party of South Africa. The ISL

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<v Speaker 2>rooted in theww tradition, advocated for the organization of workers

0:15:22.120 --> 0:15:26.640
<v Speaker 2>on industrial alliance irrespective of race, and envisioned an integrated

0:15:26.680 --> 0:15:31.000
<v Speaker 2>revolutionary one big union for national liberation and class struggle.

0:15:32.000 --> 0:15:36.120
<v Speaker 2>The ISL criticized whitecraft unions for the divisive practices and

0:15:36.360 --> 0:15:39.560
<v Speaker 2>advocated fundictrial unions to confront the challenges posed by jant

0:15:39.600 --> 0:15:44.360
<v Speaker 2>corporations and trusts. Racial prejudice, according to the ISL, served

0:15:44.360 --> 0:15:48.320
<v Speaker 2>the ruling class's interests insuring a study supply of cheap,

0:15:48.680 --> 0:15:52.040
<v Speaker 2>unorganized African labor at the same time that the ISL

0:15:52.200 --> 0:15:57.040
<v Speaker 2>was actively opposing discriminatory laws. The ISSL also doubted the

0:15:57.080 --> 0:16:03.240
<v Speaker 2>efficacy of African nationalist programs in genuinely emancipating the black masses.

0:16:04.040 --> 0:16:08.160
<v Speaker 2>It contended that national oppression was rooted in capitalism, making

0:16:08.280 --> 0:16:13.440
<v Speaker 2>national liberation unlikely under the prevalent system. The ISL aimed

0:16:13.520 --> 0:16:16.880
<v Speaker 2>to reform white unions, but while leading efforts to organize

0:16:16.880 --> 0:16:20.160
<v Speaker 2>people of color, they faced challenges, of course, in the

0:16:20.160 --> 0:16:24.400
<v Speaker 2>form of opposition from white workers, electoral defeats, and hostility

0:16:24.440 --> 0:16:28.040
<v Speaker 2>from established unions. They were evicted from Trades Hall in

0:16:28.080 --> 0:16:34.400
<v Speaker 2>nineteen seventeen for resistant discriminatory policies, but continued the activities

0:16:34.640 --> 0:16:38.680
<v Speaker 2>cultivating links with people of color, particularly through its passionately

0:16:38.800 --> 0:16:43.880
<v Speaker 2>anti Zionist Yiddish speaking branch. The ISL played a pivotal

0:16:43.960 --> 0:16:47.280
<v Speaker 2>role in establishing unions among people of color, launching the

0:16:47.280 --> 0:16:50.800
<v Speaker 2>Indian Workers Industrial Union in Durban in nineteen seventeen, and

0:16:50.880 --> 0:16:54.920
<v Speaker 2>later through night schools for Africans initiating the Industrial Workers

0:16:54.920 --> 0:16:57.280
<v Speaker 2>of Africa in the same year, both of which would

0:16:57.280 --> 0:17:01.160
<v Speaker 2>be led by their own constituents. By nineteen eighteen, there

0:17:01.200 --> 0:17:04.840
<v Speaker 2>would be another general strike, this time primarily by Africans.

0:17:05.800 --> 0:17:09.119
<v Speaker 2>Earlier that year, one hundred and fifty two African municipal

0:17:09.160 --> 0:17:13.080
<v Speaker 2>workers were sentenced to hard labor for striking, leading to

0:17:13.119 --> 0:17:16.680
<v Speaker 2>protests organized by the Industrial Workers of Africa, the International

0:17:16.720 --> 0:17:21.359
<v Speaker 2>Socialist League and the South African Native National Congress and

0:17:21.440 --> 0:17:25.480
<v Speaker 2>the South Africa Native National Congress. The SANNC, which was

0:17:25.480 --> 0:17:29.240
<v Speaker 2>the precursor to the currently ruled in African National Congress

0:17:29.359 --> 0:17:34.080
<v Speaker 2>the ANC. The Joint Action Committee proposed a general strike

0:17:34.119 --> 0:17:36.840
<v Speaker 2>on the Witwatersrand for the release of the sentenced workers

0:17:37.160 --> 0:17:40.639
<v Speaker 2>and better pay for African workers. Although the strike was

0:17:40.680 --> 0:17:45.920
<v Speaker 2>canceled last minute, several thousand African miners participated anyway, resulting

0:17:45.960 --> 0:17:50.600
<v Speaker 2>in arrests for incitement to public violence. The rested individuals

0:17:50.640 --> 0:17:54.000
<v Speaker 2>included ISL members and a member of both the Industrial

0:17:54.000 --> 0:17:58.280
<v Speaker 2>Workers of Africa and the SANNC. A year later, in

0:17:58.320 --> 0:18:01.480
<v Speaker 2>March nineteen nineteen, ISL members played a role in their

0:18:01.520 --> 0:18:05.679
<v Speaker 2>civil disobedience campaign against past lords, which required non whites

0:18:05.720 --> 0:18:09.320
<v Speaker 2>in South Africa to carry documents authorizing their presence in

0:18:09.400 --> 0:18:14.639
<v Speaker 2>restricted white areas. That resistance campaign led to nearly seven

0:18:14.760 --> 0:18:20.920
<v Speaker 2>hundred arrests. That same year, in Kimberley, the ISSL established

0:18:20.920 --> 0:18:24.520
<v Speaker 2>syndicalist unions among colored workers, such as the Clothing Workers

0:18:24.560 --> 0:18:28.720
<v Speaker 2>Industrial Union and the host Drivers Union. These unions achieved

0:18:28.840 --> 0:18:34.959
<v Speaker 2>significant successes, including wage increases in Cape Town. ISL members

0:18:34.960 --> 0:18:38.439
<v Speaker 2>City Way and CRY aimed to organize the Industrial Workers

0:18:38.480 --> 0:18:41.879
<v Speaker 2>of Africa on the docks. They collaborated with the Industrial

0:18:41.920 --> 0:18:46.560
<v Speaker 2>Socialist League, the ind sl a syndicalist breakaway from the SDF,

0:18:47.000 --> 0:18:49.159
<v Speaker 2>and played a role in the major strike on the

0:18:49.200 --> 0:18:54.000
<v Speaker 2>docks in December nineteen nineteen. Now, the strike ultimately disintegrated,

0:18:54.320 --> 0:18:59.160
<v Speaker 2>but it still marked a significant event. All in all,

0:18:59.359 --> 0:19:03.240
<v Speaker 2>the ISL, heavily influenced by syndicalism, would play a major

0:19:03.359 --> 0:19:07.320
<v Speaker 2>role in the strikes of the late nineteen tenths. The

0:19:07.359 --> 0:19:11.000
<v Speaker 2>ISL's influence extended to the formation of the Communist Party

0:19:11.080 --> 0:19:14.760
<v Speaker 2>of South Africa CPS alongside the SDF and the INDs

0:19:14.800 --> 0:19:17.520
<v Speaker 2>CEL and a few other groups in the nineteen twenties.

0:19:18.440 --> 0:19:21.800
<v Speaker 2>That party would go underground after the Anti Communists Act

0:19:21.800 --> 0:19:25.000
<v Speaker 2>of the fifties and re emerge as the South African

0:19:25.040 --> 0:19:30.000
<v Speaker 2>Communist Party the SAACP. For most of its history, it

0:19:30.000 --> 0:19:36.160
<v Speaker 2>has been explicitly Marxist Leninist, heavily influenced by the Bolsheviks. However,

0:19:36.400 --> 0:19:40.159
<v Speaker 2>when it first started, syndicalist concepts still lingered within the

0:19:40.200 --> 0:19:44.840
<v Speaker 2>party for many years before was eventually excised. The internationalist

0:19:44.840 --> 0:19:47.360
<v Speaker 2>and multi racial vision of the syndicalist movement was later

0:19:47.400 --> 0:19:50.040
<v Speaker 2>taken over by the two stage strategy of the cpsa

0:19:50.119 --> 0:19:54.760
<v Speaker 2>slash SACP, which sought to establish an independent, democratic, capitalist

0:19:54.800 --> 0:19:59.000
<v Speaker 2>republic as a precursor to a socialist order. This, of course,

0:19:59.040 --> 0:20:02.920
<v Speaker 2>diverges from the earth anarchist and syndicalist strategy, which viewed

0:20:02.920 --> 0:20:07.399
<v Speaker 2>the anti colonial independence and class struggles as interconnected and

0:20:07.480 --> 0:20:11.800
<v Speaker 2>didn't see national liberation as solely the purview of nationalism,

0:20:12.080 --> 0:20:15.480
<v Speaker 2>a view which to me is more sophisticated and revolutionary

0:20:15.560 --> 0:20:18.359
<v Speaker 2>than this one track status view that Marxist tend to

0:20:18.400 --> 0:20:23.600
<v Speaker 2>adopt contrary to the organizing efforts of actual working class people. Interestingly,

0:20:23.880 --> 0:20:27.679
<v Speaker 2>Van der Walt argues that while CPSA undeniably contributed to

0:20:27.760 --> 0:20:31.240
<v Speaker 2>working class struggles since the nineteen forties, a critical look

0:20:31.280 --> 0:20:35.119
<v Speaker 2>reveals that they made consistent cricketures of the pre CPSA left.

0:20:35.800 --> 0:20:38.720
<v Speaker 2>They sort of established themselves as the true vanguard in

0:20:38.760 --> 0:20:41.760
<v Speaker 2>the fight for South Africa's liberation. So they portrayed the

0:20:41.800 --> 0:20:46.120
<v Speaker 2>pre CPSA left in two main currents. The Proto Bolsheviks

0:20:46.200 --> 0:20:50.960
<v Speaker 2>considered true socialists and everyone else. The pre CPSA left

0:20:51.080 --> 0:20:54.159
<v Speaker 2>was deemed a failure, with the Proto Bolsheviks credited for

0:20:54.240 --> 0:20:58.560
<v Speaker 2>pioneering socialist work among black workers. According to their narrative,

0:20:59.000 --> 0:21:02.760
<v Speaker 2>it was only in the nineteen twenties the cpsa's adoption

0:21:02.840 --> 0:21:06.000
<v Speaker 2>of the native republic thesis and Marxistleninist ideas that the

0:21:06.080 --> 0:21:11.520
<v Speaker 2>national question was adequately addressed. Anarchism and syndicalism are portrayed

0:21:11.520 --> 0:21:16.200
<v Speaker 2>as marginal and bothersome predominantly white movements that at best

0:21:16.520 --> 0:21:20.640
<v Speaker 2>underestimated the significance of national oppression or at worst endorsed

0:21:20.640 --> 0:21:25.720
<v Speaker 2>white supremacy and segregation. This interpretation, of course, positions a

0:21:25.800 --> 0:21:30.200
<v Speaker 2>CPSA slash SACP as the sole bearers of revolutionary socialist

0:21:30.200 --> 0:21:34.119
<v Speaker 2>solution to the national question, while ironically erasing the history

0:21:34.160 --> 0:21:39.159
<v Speaker 2>of early African socialist and syndicalist radicalism. So wrapping up

0:21:39.200 --> 0:21:42.280
<v Speaker 2>a bit here, we delved into the intricate history of

0:21:42.320 --> 0:21:46.560
<v Speaker 2>anarchism and syndicalism in South Africa, uncovering a movement that

0:21:46.600 --> 0:21:49.440
<v Speaker 2>played a significant role in Southern Africa from the eighteen

0:21:49.480 --> 0:21:53.119
<v Speaker 2>eighties to the nineteen twenties and consistently grappled with the

0:21:53.160 --> 0:21:57.240
<v Speaker 2>complexities of the national question. We've seen a multi racial

0:21:57.359 --> 0:22:01.080
<v Speaker 2>and internationalist movement marked by a step fast opposition to

0:22:01.160 --> 0:22:05.480
<v Speaker 2>racial discrimination and a commitment to interracial labor organization and

0:22:05.560 --> 0:22:08.600
<v Speaker 2>the unity of the working class. They had a vision

0:22:08.680 --> 0:22:12.359
<v Speaker 2>of a society rooted in class solidarity of an industrial

0:22:12.400 --> 0:22:16.280
<v Speaker 2>republic distinct from the conventional nation state and in lockstep

0:22:16.280 --> 0:22:21.080
<v Speaker 2>with an international industrial republic. Now, despite the decline of

0:22:21.119 --> 0:22:24.439
<v Speaker 2>anarchism and cynicalism in the years following the founding of

0:22:24.440 --> 0:22:29.320
<v Speaker 2>the CPSA slash SACP anarchism is still alive today in

0:22:29.359 --> 0:22:35.040
<v Speaker 2>South Africa. The Zaba Laza Anarchist Communist Front or ZACF

0:22:35.600 --> 0:22:40.080
<v Speaker 2>is a specific anarchist political organization based in Johannesburg, South

0:22:40.080 --> 0:22:43.320
<v Speaker 2>Africa and founded on May Day in two thousand and three.

0:22:44.280 --> 0:22:48.840
<v Speaker 2>The organization operates on an individual membership basis by invitation only,

0:22:49.400 --> 0:22:54.959
<v Speaker 2>emphasising theoretical and strategic unity among members. The Zaba Lazas

0:22:55.119 --> 0:22:59.359
<v Speaker 2>align with the anarchist, communist, platformist and a specifistic traditions

0:22:59.359 --> 0:23:03.240
<v Speaker 2>within anarchism, subscribe to the idea of an active minority

0:23:03.320 --> 0:23:09.040
<v Speaker 2>pushing anarchist ideas within larger movements. In fact, unlike the anarchisynicalists,

0:23:09.560 --> 0:23:13.320
<v Speaker 2>the Zablazas don't aim to build mass anarchist movements, but

0:23:13.440 --> 0:23:18.000
<v Speaker 2>rather to participate in existing social movements, spreading anarchist principles

0:23:18.000 --> 0:23:25.840
<v Speaker 2>within heterogeneous organizations. Zablaza advocates for direct democracy mutual aid, horizontalism,

0:23:26.240 --> 0:23:31.560
<v Speaker 2>class combativeness, direct action, and class independence. It emerged during

0:23:31.600 --> 0:23:34.960
<v Speaker 2>a time of political closure within trade unions which were

0:23:35.000 --> 0:23:39.400
<v Speaker 2>controlled by the African National Congress government. It oriented itself

0:23:39.640 --> 0:23:43.840
<v Speaker 2>towards emergent social movements such as the Anti Privatization Forum

0:23:44.119 --> 0:23:47.960
<v Speaker 2>and the Landless People's Movement, aim into advance anarchist principles

0:23:48.000 --> 0:23:54.080
<v Speaker 2>within these movements. Sablas's work includes popular political education, combatant

0:23:54.080 --> 0:23:58.000
<v Speaker 2>reformists and authoritarian tendencies, and advocating for the independence of

0:23:58.080 --> 0:24:03.360
<v Speaker 2>social movements from political parties and electoral politics. So that's

0:24:03.359 --> 0:24:08.280
<v Speaker 2>the story the history of anarchism and cynicalism and South Africa.

0:24:09.040 --> 0:24:12.399
<v Speaker 2>Obviously this is a summary, but it goes to show

0:24:12.640 --> 0:24:17.159
<v Speaker 2>the influence that these movements have had in shaping the

0:24:17.280 --> 0:24:21.280
<v Speaker 2>history of that often forgotten region of the world. Thanks

0:24:21.280 --> 0:24:25.200
<v Speaker 2>for joining me once again or power to all the people.

0:24:26.040 --> 0:24:34.000
<v Speaker 1>Thanks. It could Happen here as a production of cool

0:24:34.080 --> 0:24:37.000
<v Speaker 1>Zone Media. For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit

0:24:37.000 --> 0:24:39.600
<v Speaker 1>our website cool Zonemedia dot com or check us out

0:24:39.640 --> 0:24:42.600
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0:24:42.600 --> 0:24:45.360
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<v Speaker 1>Updated monthly at cool zonemedia dot com. Slash Sources thanks

0:24:49.359 --> 0:24:49.920
<v Speaker 1>for listening.