WEBVTT - Racial Repression Is Built Into the U.S. Economy

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Carol Masser and I'm Jason Kelly. It's time for

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<v Speaker 1>this week's cover story. Mainstream economics has many ideas about

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<v Speaker 1>getting beyond racism, so the question becomes which lessons apply

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<v Speaker 1>in real life. White scholars, however, smart and well intentioned,

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<v Speaker 1>can never really know how discrimination is experienced and understood

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<v Speaker 1>by its victims. And Jason, the problem is that racism

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<v Speaker 1>is embedded in the structure of society, made more harmful

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<v Speaker 1>by the fact that it doesn't require deliberate hostility to persist,

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<v Speaker 1>and the greatest frustration for many is that nothing ever

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<v Speaker 1>seems to change stop killing black men. Mainstream economics has

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<v Speaker 1>many ideas about getting beyond racism. Which lessons apply in

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<v Speaker 1>real life? By Peter Coy, The economics profession has had

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<v Speaker 1>a hard time getting a fix on racial discrimination. Quite

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<v Speaker 1>apart from its cruelty, it seems illogical. One of the

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<v Speaker 1>first lessons in microeconomics is that workers are paid a

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<v Speaker 1>sum equaling the marginal product of their labor their value

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<v Speaker 1>to the enterprise. Any employer who tried to pay them

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<v Speaker 1>less would lose them to a competitor. Clearly, that doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>always happen in the real world. For more than half

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<v Speaker 1>a century, some of the biggest names in economics have

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<v Speaker 1>wrestled with why, including Nobel laureates Gary Becker, Edmund Phelps,

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<v Speaker 1>Kenneth Arrow, Joseph Stigletz, George Akerloff, and Michael Spence, all

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<v Speaker 1>white men. By the way, the question is urgent because

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<v Speaker 1>racial discrimination is the fuel of the anger and discontent

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<v Speaker 1>that have spilled onto the streets. The trigger was the

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<v Speaker 1>asphyxiation death of George Floyd in Minneapolis under the knee

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<v Speaker 1>of police officer Derek Chauvin, who's been fired and charged

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<v Speaker 1>with second degree murderer. Can economists help us find a

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<v Speaker 1>way out of the chaos? In nineteen fifty seven, Becker

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<v Speaker 1>published the first economic theory of racial discrimination, which until

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<v Speaker 1>then had been the domain of sociologists and lawyers. He

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<v Speaker 1>likened it to an employer's taste, like the preference for

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<v Speaker 1>a certain food or beverage, except with evil consequences. Becker's

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<v Speaker 1>economic model reduced a charged social issue to an economic

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<v Speaker 1>fundamental supply and demand. His University of Chicago colleague Kevin

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<v Speaker 1>Murphy recalled in a retrospective in twenty fifteen, the year

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<v Speaker 1>after Becker died, it is only through widening of the

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<v Speaker 1>usual assumptions, that it is possible to begin to understand

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<v Speaker 1>the obstacles to advancement encountered by minorities, Becker said in

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<v Speaker 1>his Nobel lecture in Becker believed that competition for talent

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<v Speaker 1>among employers would reduce, but not completely end discrimination. Later

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<v Speaker 1>scholars speculated that discrimination was perhaps not a taste but

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<v Speaker 1>a statistical phenomenon, with employers basing hiring decisions on their

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps false impressions of a group rather than individual characteristics.

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<v Speaker 1>They said, employers stereotypical thinking otherwise known as prejudice, could

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<v Speaker 1>become a self fulfilling prop see if it led minorities

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<v Speaker 1>to lose hope and under invest in schooling and work skills.

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<v Speaker 1>White scholars, however, smart and well intentioned, can never know

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<v Speaker 1>how discrimination is experienced and understood by its victims. Some

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<v Speaker 1>of their theories feel too slight to explain a society

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<v Speaker 1>that's torn apart by race and remains damaged by the

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<v Speaker 1>legacy of slavery, America's original sin. Any modern analysis of

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<v Speaker 1>race relations has to be grounded in the fact that

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<v Speaker 1>the US was built on the backs of enslaved Africans

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<v Speaker 1>and that leading thinkers of the day defended slavery on

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<v Speaker 1>economic grounds, if not slaves, who would harvest the cotton, rice,

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<v Speaker 1>and tobacco. Derrick Hamilton's, a black economist at Ohio State

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<v Speaker 1>University's John Glenn School of Public Affairs, is among the

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<v Speaker 1>scholars elaborating the new field of stratification economics, which places

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<v Speaker 1>race at its center. He cites Stiglets and others, but

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<v Speaker 1>says his biggest inspiration is the late nobelist Arthur Lewis

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<v Speaker 1>born in St. Lucia, then a British colony, who studied

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<v Speaker 1>how developing countries get stuck in a middle income trap. Hamilton's,

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<v Speaker 1>who advised the presidential campaign of Bernie Sanders, argues that

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<v Speaker 1>racial discrimination is a feature of the white dominated economic system,

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<v Speaker 1>not a bug or a taste or a statistical error.

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<v Speaker 1>In other words, stratification economics treats racism as rational, albeit reprehensible.

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<v Speaker 1>That places it more in the mainstream of economic thought,

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<v Speaker 1>oddly enough, than explanations that lean on emotions or mistakes.

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<v Speaker 1>The irony isn't lost on Hamilton's. The reviewers who serve

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<v Speaker 1>as gatekeepers for academic journals and economics seem to believe

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<v Speaker 1>that the African American experience is Suey genneries, a special

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<v Speaker 1>case from which we cannot generalize, says Lisa Cook, a

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<v Speaker 1>black economist at Michigan State University. It took her ten

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<v Speaker 1>years to find a publisher for a paper showing that

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<v Speaker 1>patenting by African Americans declined during historical periods of lynching

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<v Speaker 1>and white race riots. Economists from other countries is including China, Israel,

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<v Speaker 1>and Russia, immediately saw the wide applicability of the research.

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<v Speaker 1>She says. The Emancipation Proclamation ended slavery, but not the

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<v Speaker 1>maltreatment of blacks. To this day, testers have found that

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<v Speaker 1>resumes with black sounding names are less likely to earn

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<v Speaker 1>interviews than ones with white sounding names. Black Americans are

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<v Speaker 1>steered into costlier home and auto loans, They get worse

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<v Speaker 1>healthcare than whites, and suffer worse outcomes, especially from COVID nineteen.

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<v Speaker 1>They have chronically higher unemployment rates, though ironically the gap

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<v Speaker 1>has narrowed during the pandemic because more black than white

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<v Speaker 1>employees have kept working under risky conditions because their jobs

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<v Speaker 1>are deemed essential. More than sixty years after the U. S.

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Courts, Brown versus Board of Education desegregation decision, Black

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<v Speaker 1>students continue to attend inferior public schools on average and

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<v Speaker 1>are less likely to attend college. Black college graduates have

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<v Speaker 1>less wealth on average than white high school dropouts, calling

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<v Speaker 1>intotion the idea that they can pull themselves up by

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<v Speaker 1>the bootstraps through more schooling, far more than other wealthy nations.

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<v Speaker 1>The US solves its social problems with prisons, and black

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<v Speaker 1>people and other minorities are disproportionately affected. At the time

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<v Speaker 1>of the last descenial census, in census takers recorded that

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<v Speaker 1>forty percent of black men from the poorest families in

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<v Speaker 1>the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles were incarcerated. The greatest

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<v Speaker 1>frustration is that nothing ever seems to change of counties.

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<v Speaker 1>Boys from black families will earn less as adults than

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<v Speaker 1>boys from white families who come from the same neighborhoods

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<v Speaker 1>and have the same parental incomes, according to a study

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<v Speaker 1>by RAJ. Chetty then at Stanford and Nathaniel Hendron of Harvard,

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<v Speaker 1>and Maggie Jones and Sonya Porter of the U. S

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<v Speaker 1>Census Bureau, the idea that racial discrimination is alive and

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<v Speaker 1>well is hard to absorb for people in the majority

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<v Speaker 1>economists or otherwise who prefer to think that society is meritocratic,

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<v Speaker 1>says Julia Coronado, president and founder of the economic consulting

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<v Speaker 1>firm Macro Policy Perspectives. The textbook principle that workers are

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<v Speaker 1>in the marginal product of their labor tells them that

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<v Speaker 1>they're there because they deserve it, Coronado says, so of

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<v Speaker 1>course they want to believe it. The same goes for

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<v Speaker 1>corporate America, which is as invested in the principles of

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<v Speaker 1>the free market as the economics profession is. When stocks

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<v Speaker 1>rose on June one, after a weekend of historic turmoil,

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<v Speaker 1>it seemed like some kind of secret had been inadvertently revealed,

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<v Speaker 1>that the optimism reflected the color of the stakeholders. If

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<v Speaker 1>the companies in the SMP five hundred can be worth

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<v Speaker 1>more at a time like this, what does that say

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<v Speaker 1>about their connection to, or rather disconnection from life in

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<v Speaker 1>US cities. The Internet is thick with comments that corporations

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<v Speaker 1>are the real looters. Davy d a journalist and hip

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<v Speaker 1>hop historian, garnered almost half a million likes on Twitter

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<v Speaker 1>for a tweet saying corporations collected over five hundred billion

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<v Speaker 1>dollars in stimulus money, while everyone else was left with

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<v Speaker 1>a twelve check and having to decide if they pay

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<v Speaker 1>for food or rent. Nowhere is the corporate disconnect clearer

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<v Speaker 1>than in Minneapolis, whose history of philanthropy by local businesses

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<v Speaker 1>did precisely nothing to save the life of George Floyd.

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<v Speaker 1>Minneapolis and its twin cities St. Paul have a tradition

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<v Speaker 1>of progressive policy and generous corporate giving from a dense

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<v Speaker 1>regional concentration of corporate headquarters, including those of Best Buy, Cargill,

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<v Speaker 1>Eco lab, General Mills, Landa Lakes, Target, three M, and

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<v Speaker 1>US Bank Corps. When the philanthropist John D. Rockefeller the

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<v Speaker 1>Third visited in the nineteen seventies, he said he'd heard

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<v Speaker 1>so much about local business giving that I feel a

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<v Speaker 1>bit like Dorothy in the Land of Oz. I had

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<v Speaker 1>become to the Emerald City myself to see if it

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<v Speaker 1>really exists. But while the companies were giving, twentieth century

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<v Speaker 1>segregationists were barring black residents from living in certain parts

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<v Speaker 1>of town. When segregation became illegal, the zoning code took

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<v Speaker 1>its place, restricting seventy of the city's resididential land to

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<v Speaker 1>single family housing, which was unaffordable to many black families.

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<v Speaker 1>In Minnesota as a whole, the difference in the poverty

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<v Speaker 1>rate between white and black residents is the nation's third widest.

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<v Speaker 1>The Star Tribune in Minneapolis reported last year the police

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<v Speaker 1>department has been a special problem. Black people constitute twenty

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<v Speaker 1>percent of the city's population but accounted for more than

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<v Speaker 1>sixty percent of the victims of police shootings from late

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<v Speaker 1>two thousand nine through May twenty nineteen. There were widespread

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<v Speaker 1>protests two years ago when police killed Thurman Blevins, a

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<v Speaker 1>black man who begged for his life a decade ago.

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<v Speaker 1>The narrative was, we got it all figured out. Now.

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<v Speaker 1>The issue is a great city includes everyone, and we're

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<v Speaker 1>not there yet, says R. T Ryback, who was mayor

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<v Speaker 1>from two thousand two to twenty fourteen and is now

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<v Speaker 1>chief executive officer and president of the Minneapolis Foundation, which

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<v Speaker 1>manages charitable funds for donors. We solved so many issues together,

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<v Speaker 1>but we haven't solved race, and certainly not with the police.

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<v Speaker 1>Before the killing of Floyd, Minneapolis was moving in the

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<v Speaker 1>right direction. In twenty eighteen, it became the first big

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<v Speaker 1>US city to abolish single family zoning, a step that should,

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<v Speaker 1>over time reduce segregation and the cost of housing for

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<v Speaker 1>all by increasing the supply of living units. Under Mayor

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<v Speaker 1>Jacob Fry and Police Chief Madaria Aredondo, there have been

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<v Speaker 1>steps to demilitarize policing. It clearly wasn't enough. Ryback, the

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<v Speaker 1>former mayor, says, the city has finally woken up to

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<v Speaker 1>the problems in its midst Minneapolis has been smug for

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<v Speaker 1>too long. It's not just one city that's been smug.

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<v Speaker 1>Many whites view the nation's race problem as more or

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<v Speaker 1>less fixed, well except at times like this, feeling absolved

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<v Speaker 1>by the successes of black athletes and entertainers and their

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<v Speaker 1>own cordial relations with people of other races. The problem

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<v Speaker 1>is that racism is embedded in the structure of society,

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<v Speaker 1>made more harmful by the fact that it doesn't require

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<v Speaker 1>deliberate hostility to persist. It should go without saying that

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<v Speaker 1>none of this amounts to an excuse for rioting, looting, arson,

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<v Speaker 1>and attacks on police officers. The crimes dishonor the memory

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<v Speaker 1>of George Floyd and others who've died. Authorities are investigating

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<v Speaker 1>clues that some of the attacks have been carried out

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<v Speaker 1>or at least instigated by trained anarchists whose goal is destruction.

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<v Speaker 1>Owners of small businesses have lost their life savings. Cities

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<v Speaker 1>already burdened by COVID nineteen haven't even tougher challenge. Detroit

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<v Speaker 1>and Newark, New Jersey, never fully recovered from the riots

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<v Speaker 1>of the summer of nineteen sixty seven. Even the triumphant

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<v Speaker 1>launch of space x is manned spacecraft on May to

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<v Speaker 1>resupply the International Space Station was tinged with sadness. To

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<v Speaker 1>those with long memories. It recalled the nineteen sixties, another

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<v Speaker 1>time when American cities burned while astronauts flew in space.

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<v Speaker 1>Has the US made no progress in more than half

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<v Speaker 1>a century. Trump is seizing on the riots to cast

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<v Speaker 1>himself as a law and order president, threatening to deploy

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<v Speaker 1>active duty troops in cities. You have to dominate, he

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<v Speaker 1>said on June first, in a video conference with governors

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<v Speaker 1>and law enforcement authorities. If you don't dominate, you're wasting

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<v Speaker 1>your time. They're going to run over you. You're going

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<v Speaker 1>to look like a bunch of jerks. An hour earlier,

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<v Speaker 1>Joe Biden, his presumptive Democratic challenger in the November election,

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<v Speaker 1>was more sympathetic to the protesters in a meeting with

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<v Speaker 1>big city mayors, saying, the fact is we need that anger.

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<v Speaker 1>We need that to tell us to move forward. If

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<v Speaker 1>anger is what's needed, as Biden says, then the US

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<v Speaker 1>is well supplied with raw material. There's anger on the

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<v Speaker 1>left and the right, from protesters and police, from families

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<v Speaker 1>of victims of police brutality, and families whose businesses have

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<v Speaker 1>burned to the ground. Whether all that anger will move

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<v Speaker 1>America forward isn't so clear. What's clear is the need

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<v Speaker 1>for the power structures of economics and business to grapple

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<v Speaker 1>with life as it's lived, not as the textbooks specify.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's the cover story. Find that story and so

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<v Speaker 1>many other important stories. There's a whole political takeover dealing

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<v Speaker 1>with the unrest. This week Jason must reads for everyone.

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<v Speaker 1>Find that in the magazine, on newsstands, online, and of

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<v Speaker 1>course always on the Bloomberg terminal. I'm Carol Masser and

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Jason Kelly. Please join this every day on Bloomberg

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<v Speaker 1>Business Week on the radio starting to get two pm

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<v Speaker 1>Wall Street Time. Also catch up with us via podcast

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<v Speaker 1>wherever you get your podcast. This is Bloomberg