WEBVTT - What a 150-Year Old Indian Railway System Tells Us About Trade

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<v Speaker 1>Hello and welcome to another edition of the Ad Thoughts Podcast.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm Tracy Alloway and I'm Joe wisntal So, Joe, I'm

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<v Speaker 1>trying to think have we ever had a Nobel Prize

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<v Speaker 1>winner on the show? Can you remember? I don't think so.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think we have. Yeah, I don't think we

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<v Speaker 1>have either um and not to get your hopes up,

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<v Speaker 1>we don't have one UM for this episode either. Shoot. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>very disappointing. We do have someone who has a really

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<v Speaker 1>good shot at eventually, UM getting one. We actually have

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<v Speaker 1>the recent winner of the latest John Bates Clark Metal.

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<v Speaker 1>It's a medal that's given by the American Economics Association

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<v Speaker 1>to economists under forty who make big contributions to the

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<v Speaker 1>field of economics. Isn't it also true that among economists

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<v Speaker 1>the John Bates Clark Medal is actually considered to be

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<v Speaker 1>more impressive and prestigious than the Nobel Prize. You're probably right,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, statistically, I think the recipients go on to

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<v Speaker 1>win a Nobel and of course the John Bates one

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<v Speaker 1>is confined to young economists, so that's pretty impressive. Another thing, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>that sort of will make today's episode distinct is it's

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<v Speaker 1>kind of timely. So I kind of like the fact

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<v Speaker 1>that on our podcast we usually talk about things that

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<v Speaker 1>aren't really in the news. We sort of give people

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<v Speaker 1>a rest bite from the top stories of the day

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<v Speaker 1>and just let them explore something completely out there. But

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<v Speaker 1>this one might actually be a little bit on the news. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>So we are definitely huge fans of financial and markets

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<v Speaker 1>and economic history. And the guy that won this medal,

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<v Speaker 1>I should just go ahead and say his name. It's

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<v Speaker 1>David Donaldson. He's an associate professor of economics at Stanford.

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<v Speaker 1>But Professor Donaldson is basically famous for being a sort

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<v Speaker 1>of trade economic historian. And he's famous for one paper

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<v Speaker 1>in particular. It's called Railroads of the Raj and it

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<v Speaker 1>basically went back and looked at the railway network that

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<v Speaker 1>was built up by the British in the late eighteen

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<v Speaker 1>hundreds early nineteen hundreds in India and he used that

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<v Speaker 1>to check what impact building that infrastructure has on trade

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<v Speaker 1>and general incomes in India. So I mean imagine putting

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<v Speaker 1>that paper together, right, It definitely sounds like it would

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<v Speaker 1>be quite a task. All right, well should we just

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<v Speaker 1>go ahead and ask him. Let's let's bring him in. David,

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<v Speaker 1>thank you so much for joining us today. Hey guys,

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<v Speaker 1>thanks for having me. You know, we just mentioned probably

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<v Speaker 1>your most famous paper on railroads of the raj and

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<v Speaker 1>that was a paper you started, I think when you

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<v Speaker 1>were a grad student. Um, but you worked on it

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<v Speaker 1>for years and years and years, and if I'm right,

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<v Speaker 1>it's it's still actually hasn't been published. It's still forthcoming, right. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>I've been I've been very slow in many ways. So um,

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<v Speaker 1>but yeah, it's something that you know, has occupied my

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<v Speaker 1>interest for a long time. It struck me as a

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<v Speaker 1>you know, among other episodes in world history, one of

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<v Speaker 1>one of the great episodes that integrated economy has made

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<v Speaker 1>it easier for one market to trade with another market,

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<v Speaker 1>and that trade, that integration happens obviously internationally, things like

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<v Speaker 1>the Panama Canal or the sewer Is Canal, the invention

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<v Speaker 1>of the steamship did that across oceans, and then you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the railroads sort of did that within countries like India

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<v Speaker 1>and of course famously also the United States. So before

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<v Speaker 1>we even get to what you did to work on

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<v Speaker 1>this paper and or even the conclusions, What originally sparked

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<v Speaker 1>your interest in this particular event from history. Well, actually

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<v Speaker 1>I was. I was a grad student, and I knew

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<v Speaker 1>I was interested in trade, but and I knew I

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<v Speaker 1>was particularly interested in intra national trade, that is, kind

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<v Speaker 1>of trade across regions of the same country, which has

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<v Speaker 1>typically always been hard to study, just for for lack

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<v Speaker 1>of data. Basically, when when goods cross international borders, customs

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<v Speaker 1>agencies have always tax that you know, not always, but

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<v Speaker 1>the most part most countries throughout history of taxed international trade,

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<v Speaker 1>and so they've kept a record of the flow of

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<v Speaker 1>international trades, whereas typically when goods moved within countries they

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<v Speaker 1>don't get either tax or or recorded, and we don't

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<v Speaker 1>know much about it. But I was always interested in India,

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<v Speaker 1>and I got got wind to the fact that at

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<v Speaker 1>the time when I was doing my doctoral work, and

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<v Speaker 1>in fact almost still to this to this day, India

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<v Speaker 1>had had sort of domestic tariffs, tariffs on a movement

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<v Speaker 1>of goods across state boundaries within India, and I wanted

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<v Speaker 1>to know more about that. I wanted to kind of

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<v Speaker 1>scope it out. So I went to India for for

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<v Speaker 1>a couple of weeks one summer and in order to

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<v Speaker 1>meet with people in government, people in academia, and librarians

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<v Speaker 1>in in order to try to sort of find out

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<v Speaker 1>the facts. And actually it was it was in that

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<v Speaker 1>process that I met Hovant. You know, just heard this

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<v Speaker 1>kind of endless refrain. Well, you know, the thing that

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<v Speaker 1>really brought India together is was the railroads opposite of

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<v Speaker 1>about a hundred years ago? And that, I guess pique

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<v Speaker 1>my interest. I assume there would be no data, you

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<v Speaker 1>know that that obviously the further you go back in time,

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<v Speaker 1>that's typically the the less data that survives. And so

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<v Speaker 1>I thought, well, I guess I could at least sort

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<v Speaker 1>of explore what exists in the in the libraries on

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<v Speaker 1>that historical year. And I was just shocked to learn

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<v Speaker 1>what was actually available, you know, um, what they've recorded

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<v Speaker 1>back down back then, what they published, and what still survived.

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<v Speaker 1>So one thing about the British railway system is it's

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<v Speaker 1>famous for being absolutely massive in India, I mean hundreds

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<v Speaker 1>of thousands of miles worth of railway. How how did

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<v Speaker 1>you go about collecting that data and then isolating certain

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<v Speaker 1>effects away from other effects because I imagine, like, if

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<v Speaker 1>you look at the fact that one railway line has

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<v Speaker 1>been built between one county and another town or whatever,

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<v Speaker 1>that's going to have an impact on all sorts of things. Right,

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<v Speaker 1>It's almost like a tree diagram, Like the impact just

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<v Speaker 1>keeps spreading and spreading. So how do you I have

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<v Speaker 1>so many questions, how do you go about kind of

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<v Speaker 1>limiting that impact? There's no easy, easy way to do that,

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<v Speaker 1>and I don't claim to have um necessarily nailed it

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<v Speaker 1>by any means. You know, the the ideal way you

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<v Speaker 1>know that any scientist learns about the world around us

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<v Speaker 1>is by something like an experiment, right, either a formal

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<v Speaker 1>lab experiment or in less controlled settings where you can't

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<v Speaker 1>you know, a lab experiments just advantageous because you know

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<v Speaker 1>that you can control everything except the one treatment that

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<v Speaker 1>you're trying to sort of study the effect of. But

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes you can sort of make sure that the treatment

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<v Speaker 1>is randomly assigned. That way, you know that on average

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<v Speaker 1>across the sort of subjects, if you like in in

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<v Speaker 1>the experiment, those differences will cancel out on average. And

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<v Speaker 1>so social scientists like me are always you know, looking

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<v Speaker 1>for things that that hopefully. You know, we we think

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<v Speaker 1>there's a case to be made for your features of

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<v Speaker 1>the way that the sub program was allocated to the

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<v Speaker 1>world having some quasi sort of random element to them.

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<v Speaker 1>And of course we never know if that's actually the case,

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<v Speaker 1>except in rare, rare instances where social scientists him herself

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<v Speaker 1>or the policymaker actually explicitly decided to randomize. But that's

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<v Speaker 1>of course extremely rare. Much more likely is the case

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<v Speaker 1>like the Indian railroads, where they had a complicated decision

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<v Speaker 1>process about where and when to um to roll out

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<v Speaker 1>the network. And and I should say, all that is

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<v Speaker 1>um it doesn't even really address the heart of your question,

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<v Speaker 1>which is that there will be spillovers. You know. That

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<v Speaker 1>is to say, in a classic lab experiment, you have

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<v Speaker 1>a treatment group that randomly is chosen to get the

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<v Speaker 1>drug or something in the control group is randomly chosen

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<v Speaker 1>not to. But there's a serious problem if you think

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<v Speaker 1>that it's possible that your control group is affected. Sort

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<v Speaker 1>Of one way to think about it is they're the

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<v Speaker 1>very fact that they were the control group means they're affected.

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<v Speaker 1>The other way to think about it as closer to

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<v Speaker 1>what you said, which is that some of the treatment

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<v Speaker 1>spills over onto them. They're sort of partially effected. Even

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<v Speaker 1>they weren't directly affected, they were partially affected. Okay, so

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<v Speaker 1>that's the big backdrop against which we tend to think

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<v Speaker 1>about these things. UM and you know you need you

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<v Speaker 1>need help from the re I think it's fair to

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<v Speaker 1>say that we don't. There's no you know, I I did.

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<v Speaker 1>In principle, you could design an experiment that which is

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<v Speaker 1>kind of completely ideally nail everything. But in the in

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<v Speaker 1>the real world, we don't have enough statistical power to

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<v Speaker 1>to follow all those spillover effects in their kind of

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<v Speaker 1>manifold directions. As you said, this kind of four king

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<v Speaker 1>tree just makes it. It's sort of that basically impossible

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<v Speaker 1>with the kind of data, the kind of world we

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<v Speaker 1>live in. UM, so you need so economists you know

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<v Speaker 1>like me sort of turned to um hopefully fairly uncontroversial

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<v Speaker 1>notions in economic theory to to help structure those you know, what,

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<v Speaker 1>we where we expect to find those spillovers and sort

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<v Speaker 1>of where therefore to sort of shine the light and

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<v Speaker 1>and try to see them. H And another way were

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<v Speaker 1>to say it would be we can sort of structure

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<v Speaker 1>things so that we know the kinds of places that

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<v Speaker 1>are likely to have had a full treatment. Other places

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<v Speaker 1>maybe that we we think they whatever the treatment was,

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<v Speaker 1>we know that some other place had three quarters of that,

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<v Speaker 1>or half of that, or a quarter of that, or

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<v Speaker 1>maybe finally just a place that we're pretty confident would

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<v Speaker 1>have been almost an affected by the event. So we're

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<v Speaker 1>always trying to do that sort of thing. And I

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<v Speaker 1>guess that's a high level overview of how I thought

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<v Speaker 1>about the problem. I want to ask you to talk

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<v Speaker 1>a little bit more about the process, Like how many

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<v Speaker 1>times did you have to travel to India, how many

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<v Speaker 1>libraries did you have to visit? What was it like

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<v Speaker 1>digging up the archives of all this data that you

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<v Speaker 1>discovered about the uh you know what specific data you

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<v Speaker 1>ended up looking at, and then also you know what

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<v Speaker 1>did you discover about the ramifications of the railway build up? Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean the process was certainly unlike anything I imagine

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<v Speaker 1>I would end up doing doing my PhD. Um the

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<v Speaker 1>first thing that you just have to find out what

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<v Speaker 1>data exists, So that's UM kind of a scoping project.

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<v Speaker 1>I this never would have been possible. I lived in

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<v Speaker 1>London at the time I was doing my PhD. At

0:11:52.200 --> 0:11:54.040
<v Speaker 1>the London School of Economics. And none of this would

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<v Speaker 1>have been possible if it weren't for the fact that

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<v Speaker 1>the main libraries in London actually had as good a

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<v Speaker 1>collection of kind of official government British Indian publications as

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<v Speaker 1>did any library in India, almost better maybe because things

0:12:07.880 --> 0:12:10.319
<v Speaker 1>have been preserved better. Yeah, so I that, I mean,

0:12:10.360 --> 0:12:12.960
<v Speaker 1>that made it all sort of possible given where I

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<v Speaker 1>was based, and also made it possible because just getting

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<v Speaker 1>the sort of numbers out of the books was of

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<v Speaker 1>course just a huge, huge project because obviously I think,

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<v Speaker 1>I it's complete back at the envelope calculation. But I

0:12:27.720 --> 0:12:29.800
<v Speaker 1>once convinced myself there was somewhere between fifty and a

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<v Speaker 1>hundred man you know, but a person years worth of

0:12:32.800 --> 0:12:35.160
<v Speaker 1>the work involved in typing in the numbers. So I

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<v Speaker 1>was never going to do it myself. And so that

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<v Speaker 1>but that process, you know, very Fortunately, just around the

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<v Speaker 1>time I was doing this, in the mid two thousands,

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<v Speaker 1>late two thousands, was just when people started talking about

0:12:45.400 --> 0:12:48.880
<v Speaker 1>business process outsourcing, you know, the ability to hire, um,

0:12:48.960 --> 0:12:52.000
<v Speaker 1>somebody to do a fairly low skilled task like typing

0:12:52.000 --> 0:12:55.040
<v Speaker 1>in numbers on a computer terminal far away. If you know,

0:12:55.040 --> 0:12:58.240
<v Speaker 1>if only you can find them, you know, And of

0:12:58.280 --> 0:13:00.760
<v Speaker 1>course that wasn't hard by that period of time. And

0:13:00.800 --> 0:13:03.480
<v Speaker 1>pay them that was also relatively easy once I could

0:13:03.559 --> 0:13:06.400
<v Speaker 1>raise the money and then finally just get the get

0:13:06.400 --> 0:13:09.480
<v Speaker 1>the raw materials to them. And I could never send

0:13:09.480 --> 0:13:11.920
<v Speaker 1>these books obviously they're they're way too big and and

0:13:11.920 --> 0:13:14.840
<v Speaker 1>and they're obviously they're held in libraries. But but I

0:13:14.880 --> 0:13:17.200
<v Speaker 1>was able to organize a team of people to take

0:13:17.360 --> 0:13:20.000
<v Speaker 1>kind of digital photographs of every page. It kind of

0:13:20.040 --> 0:13:23.840
<v Speaker 1>like scanning, but way faster. You know, scanning is super slow. Um.

0:13:24.240 --> 0:13:26.720
<v Speaker 1>But luckily digital cameras just became good enough around that

0:13:26.720 --> 0:13:30.960
<v Speaker 1>time where archived based historians like me were able to um,

0:13:31.160 --> 0:13:33.320
<v Speaker 1>kind of skip the scanner, skip the photocopy, and just

0:13:33.360 --> 0:13:35.520
<v Speaker 1>go straight to a good digital camera. Anyway, So I

0:13:35.559 --> 0:13:39.160
<v Speaker 1>sent you a fifty thousand JPEGs or something. Took almost

0:13:39.200 --> 0:13:41.640
<v Speaker 1>half a year just to organize the jpeg send them

0:13:41.640 --> 0:13:46.360
<v Speaker 1>to a number of firms in in India actually, and uh,

0:13:46.520 --> 0:13:49.319
<v Speaker 1>and they sent back spreadsheets full of you know, the

0:13:49.600 --> 0:13:53.720
<v Speaker 1>numbers typed in. Um. You know, the the original publications

0:13:53.720 --> 0:13:59.120
<v Speaker 1>were kind of too low quality to trust optical digital

0:13:59.200 --> 0:14:03.200
<v Speaker 1>character recognition. And uh, at least at that period of

0:14:03.240 --> 0:14:06.160
<v Speaker 1>that technology. Yeah, so I guess you know that that's

0:14:06.240 --> 0:14:10.080
<v Speaker 1>the basic idea of how I and many people like

0:14:10.240 --> 0:14:13.480
<v Speaker 1>me kind of would convert the sort of archival paper

0:14:13.480 --> 0:14:20.360
<v Speaker 1>records into digital machine readable versions. And then right, so

0:14:20.400 --> 0:14:21.840
<v Speaker 1>I guess you know. There are a number of things

0:14:21.840 --> 0:14:24.960
<v Speaker 1>I looked at. I looked at trade actual volumes of

0:14:25.000 --> 0:14:28.960
<v Speaker 1>trade flows. I looked at prices, that is, um, whether

0:14:29.000 --> 0:14:32.480
<v Speaker 1>there was evidence that um, you know, it gets a

0:14:32.520 --> 0:14:36.000
<v Speaker 1>basic prediction that is, when two markets get connected by

0:14:37.200 --> 0:14:40.080
<v Speaker 1>via some technology that makes it easier to move something

0:14:40.160 --> 0:14:42.360
<v Speaker 1>between the markets, then the price of that thing should

0:14:42.440 --> 0:14:45.520
<v Speaker 1>look more similar. That's often just the basic notion of arbitrage.

0:14:45.680 --> 0:14:47.640
<v Speaker 1>If the price were different, then yet it didn't cost

0:14:47.720 --> 0:14:49.600
<v Speaker 1>much to move it. You can always just sort of

0:14:49.600 --> 0:14:52.880
<v Speaker 1>buy in the cheap place and then sell the good

0:14:52.920 --> 0:14:55.120
<v Speaker 1>at the high at the high price place. So we

0:14:55.240 --> 0:14:58.480
<v Speaker 1>kind of think that if if arbitrage is likely to

0:14:58.560 --> 0:15:02.640
<v Speaker 1>be like that likely to happen, and it certainly did

0:15:03.040 --> 0:15:06.440
<v Speaker 1>in this environment of British India, then we would expect

0:15:06.440 --> 0:15:09.560
<v Speaker 1>that the railroads should narrow the difference in prices of

0:15:09.600 --> 0:15:12.760
<v Speaker 1>exactly the same good over over to say two points

0:15:12.760 --> 0:15:15.800
<v Speaker 1>in space. And there's a the data was consistent with

0:15:15.840 --> 0:15:18.800
<v Speaker 1>that obviously as well that as railroads connected places, their

0:15:18.800 --> 0:15:22.160
<v Speaker 1>prices started to converge. And then finally I looked at

0:15:22.280 --> 0:15:25.920
<v Speaker 1>um the kind of consequences for income. As you put it,

0:15:26.560 --> 0:15:29.840
<v Speaker 1>there's such a stresses sort of aggregate income, think of

0:15:29.920 --> 0:15:32.880
<v Speaker 1>kind of like a county or a district as they

0:15:32.920 --> 0:15:35.000
<v Speaker 1>were called in British India. We're looking at the just

0:15:35.680 --> 0:15:37.800
<v Speaker 1>this is is not individual people. I wasn't able to

0:15:37.840 --> 0:15:40.600
<v Speaker 1>look at inequality or anything important like that, but on aggregate,

0:15:40.640 --> 0:15:42.960
<v Speaker 1>the sort of the closest notion we could get to,

0:15:43.120 --> 0:15:46.480
<v Speaker 1>sort of g d P of of a county kind

0:15:46.480 --> 0:15:49.840
<v Speaker 1>of went up and on average went up. And you're right,

0:15:49.840 --> 0:15:52.640
<v Speaker 1>because the spillovers and and the fact that everybody's experience

0:15:52.680 --> 0:15:55.120
<v Speaker 1>was different. These averages can be of course a little misleading,

0:15:55.160 --> 0:15:57.240
<v Speaker 1>but but they represent the average, and the average was

0:15:57.360 --> 0:16:00.360
<v Speaker 1>an increase of about eighteen percent in g d P. Huh.

0:16:00.840 --> 0:16:07.080
<v Speaker 1>We are going to pause for a short break, but

0:16:07.240 --> 0:16:09.640
<v Speaker 1>knowledge to work and grow your business with c i T.

0:16:10.200 --> 0:16:14.120
<v Speaker 1>From transportation to healthcare to manufacturing. C i T offers

0:16:14.160 --> 0:16:18.000
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0:16:18.040 --> 0:16:21.400
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0:16:21.400 --> 0:16:29.920
<v Speaker 1>Put knowledge to work, David. I know the Railroads of

0:16:30.000 --> 0:16:33.600
<v Speaker 1>the RAJ paper is probably your most famous work, but

0:16:33.800 --> 0:16:36.640
<v Speaker 1>a lot of people were pointing out when you won

0:16:36.720 --> 0:16:40.800
<v Speaker 1>the John Bates Metal that it was fantastic that you

0:16:40.840 --> 0:16:45.920
<v Speaker 1>had won it. All the two hundredth anniversary or birthday

0:16:46.080 --> 0:16:49.920
<v Speaker 1>of the notion of comparative advantage, which is of course

0:16:50.520 --> 0:16:53.360
<v Speaker 1>a big, big deal in economics, and it's basically the

0:16:53.440 --> 0:16:58.360
<v Speaker 1>idea that people can specialize in one type of industry

0:16:58.480 --> 0:17:00.880
<v Speaker 1>or production, and then they can trade with other people

0:17:00.920 --> 0:17:05.320
<v Speaker 1>who are also specialized and everyone can eventually benefit. Walk

0:17:05.400 --> 0:17:08.200
<v Speaker 1>us through your work when it comes to comparative advantage.

0:17:08.200 --> 0:17:11.440
<v Speaker 1>What have you been looking at and what have you found? All?

0:17:11.520 --> 0:17:14.439
<v Speaker 1>Everything I've done on comparative advantage. In fact, most of

0:17:14.480 --> 0:17:17.600
<v Speaker 1>my work really since my doctoral thesis has been joined

0:17:17.640 --> 0:17:19.560
<v Speaker 1>with a guy at m I T named are No

0:17:19.760 --> 0:17:23.920
<v Speaker 1>Costano and and so we um we started thinking about

0:17:24.920 --> 0:17:28.080
<v Speaker 1>comparative advantage and you're you're right. It was about two

0:17:28.359 --> 0:17:30.520
<v Speaker 1>d years ago to this kind of day that David

0:17:30.600 --> 0:17:34.520
<v Speaker 1>Ricardo really wrote down the first logical argument about why

0:17:35.119 --> 0:17:38.360
<v Speaker 1>trade between two people or two regions or two countries

0:17:38.359 --> 0:17:42.320
<v Speaker 1>would would you know, should benefit both of those people?

0:17:42.320 --> 0:17:46.120
<v Speaker 1>In that trade, and and the essence of his argument

0:17:46.280 --> 0:17:49.240
<v Speaker 1>was just a kind of simple example with two activities.

0:17:49.280 --> 0:17:52.040
<v Speaker 1>They were cloth and wine, and his example that and

0:17:52.119 --> 0:17:55.440
<v Speaker 1>two countries. These were England and Portugal, and the jet.

0:17:55.480 --> 0:17:58.640
<v Speaker 1>The example completely generalizes to as many countries and products

0:17:58.640 --> 0:18:00.399
<v Speaker 1>as you want. But but the two by two was

0:18:00.400 --> 0:18:03.160
<v Speaker 1>the minimum ingredient to kind of see the point. So

0:18:04.040 --> 0:18:06.119
<v Speaker 1>the one kind of catch that are know and I

0:18:06.160 --> 0:18:08.240
<v Speaker 1>got interested in, and this this point was well known,

0:18:08.320 --> 0:18:11.159
<v Speaker 1>but we kind of we were were a little bit

0:18:11.200 --> 0:18:14.359
<v Speaker 1>taken aback when we discovered it for ourselves, was that, Um,

0:18:15.119 --> 0:18:18.840
<v Speaker 1>once those two regions are actually trading, you know, I

0:18:18.840 --> 0:18:21.879
<v Speaker 1>suppose you observe them today, suppose you were observed England,

0:18:22.040 --> 0:18:24.200
<v Speaker 1>or even in David Kardo's time, you observe England and

0:18:24.320 --> 0:18:27.040
<v Speaker 1>Portugal they're actually trading cloth and line with each other.

0:18:27.640 --> 0:18:30.439
<v Speaker 1>Then you know, according to that very same model in

0:18:30.480 --> 0:18:32.720
<v Speaker 1>which that that you're using to explain the trade and

0:18:32.720 --> 0:18:36.760
<v Speaker 1>the understand the consequences of trade in that exact same model, um,

0:18:36.800 --> 0:18:39.320
<v Speaker 1>actually it would have to be the case that one

0:18:39.400 --> 0:18:41.560
<v Speaker 1>of one of the two activities is not being done

0:18:41.640 --> 0:18:44.720
<v Speaker 1>in one of the two countries, at least as as

0:18:44.760 --> 0:18:47.240
<v Speaker 1>you put it kind of there will be specialization and

0:18:47.240 --> 0:18:49.159
<v Speaker 1>and and that means, you know, in the sense that

0:18:49.240 --> 0:18:51.639
<v Speaker 1>there's something that somebody's not doing. So I guess it

0:18:51.680 --> 0:18:53.800
<v Speaker 1>won't surprise you that we kind of predict you'd expect

0:18:53.880 --> 0:18:57.600
<v Speaker 1>that England was not producing much or any wine, right, Um,

0:18:57.680 --> 0:19:00.119
<v Speaker 1>they that was sort of the result of specialization, was

0:19:00.160 --> 0:19:03.040
<v Speaker 1>that England was not producing wine. And the theory tells

0:19:03.080 --> 0:19:05.679
<v Speaker 1>us that there's good reasons for that. It's that England

0:19:05.720 --> 0:19:08.080
<v Speaker 1>is relatively worse at making wine than they aren't making

0:19:08.080 --> 0:19:11.440
<v Speaker 1>cloth relative to Portugal. But the question is how bad

0:19:11.440 --> 0:19:13.720
<v Speaker 1>are they making wine? And we kind of know they're bad,

0:19:13.920 --> 0:19:16.359
<v Speaker 1>both from introspection and also from the theory. We know

0:19:16.440 --> 0:19:18.520
<v Speaker 1>that they couldn't have been good, or else they would

0:19:18.560 --> 0:19:22.240
<v Speaker 1>have been producing it. But how bad and so And

0:19:22.440 --> 0:19:25.480
<v Speaker 1>of course that basic idea pervades all of economic life.

0:19:25.520 --> 0:19:27.480
<v Speaker 1>I mean, I know I benefit from not doing my

0:19:27.520 --> 0:19:30.000
<v Speaker 1>own dental work, But how bad would life be if

0:19:30.040 --> 0:19:32.159
<v Speaker 1>I had to be my own dentist? You know, I

0:19:32.160 --> 0:19:33.959
<v Speaker 1>I don't know, but I know it would be awful.

0:19:34.480 --> 0:19:37.439
<v Speaker 1>And that kind of unknown number, it's not just unknown,

0:19:37.440 --> 0:19:40.480
<v Speaker 1>it's kind of unknowable, right, I mean, Um, it's so

0:19:40.560 --> 0:19:43.280
<v Speaker 1>that so basically everything I've been working on with comparative

0:19:43.280 --> 0:19:47.160
<v Speaker 1>advantage with our no has this flavor of how could

0:19:47.160 --> 0:19:50.399
<v Speaker 1>an economist ever hope to know that fourth number in

0:19:50.480 --> 0:19:54.080
<v Speaker 1>Ricardo's example, That's the basic idea we got interested in

0:19:54.119 --> 0:19:58.960
<v Speaker 1>where one could know that in general that sort of

0:19:58.960 --> 0:20:03.280
<v Speaker 1>fourth number, or generally, just how good are regions at

0:20:03.320 --> 0:20:06.920
<v Speaker 1>doing the things they don't do? And um, the first

0:20:06.960 --> 0:20:09.800
<v Speaker 1>example that came to our mind was agriculture. We thought,

0:20:10.600 --> 0:20:15.320
<v Speaker 1>that's a case where you know, um, nowadays, regions of

0:20:15.400 --> 0:20:20.359
<v Speaker 1>let's say Iowa, most most farms grow either corn or

0:20:20.520 --> 0:20:23.639
<v Speaker 1>soy or maybe wheat. You know, other regions of the

0:20:23.680 --> 0:20:27.679
<v Speaker 1>US do different crops. And but so the question again

0:20:27.760 --> 0:20:30.280
<v Speaker 1>comes up, well, how bad how bad would life be

0:20:30.440 --> 0:20:34.359
<v Speaker 1>if we didn't sort of outsource all of our specialization,

0:20:34.720 --> 0:20:37.359
<v Speaker 1>all of our output of corn and soy to to

0:20:37.520 --> 0:20:39.359
<v Speaker 1>the corn and soy belt, right, I mean, what if

0:20:39.400 --> 0:20:41.320
<v Speaker 1>we had to do it ourselves in New St New England,

0:20:41.400 --> 0:20:44.800
<v Speaker 1>or in California or in the southeast. You know, we were,

0:20:44.880 --> 0:20:47.400
<v Speaker 1>of course, you know, since discovered, but deep down weren't

0:20:47.440 --> 0:20:49.760
<v Speaker 1>too surprised to learn that that there are, of course,

0:20:49.920 --> 0:20:53.440
<v Speaker 1>entire scientific fields, typically under the name of agronomy where

0:20:53.480 --> 0:20:56.280
<v Speaker 1>their goal is to, in a sense kind of just

0:20:56.400 --> 0:20:59.520
<v Speaker 1>try to tell farmers, you know, how, given your soil,

0:20:59.560 --> 0:21:02.880
<v Speaker 1>given your climate, given everything else about your local environment,

0:21:03.280 --> 0:21:06.840
<v Speaker 1>how good would you be at growing any of the

0:21:06.880 --> 0:21:09.480
<v Speaker 1>following kind of list of crops. You know, corn and soy,

0:21:09.600 --> 0:21:13.840
<v Speaker 1>but also cotton, and and and and wheat and peanuts,

0:21:13.920 --> 0:21:16.920
<v Speaker 1>you know, And and it's that advice that agronomous give

0:21:16.960 --> 0:21:19.000
<v Speaker 1>to farmers that of course helps those farmers make the

0:21:19.080 --> 0:21:21.879
<v Speaker 1>right decision about what to grow. But we so we

0:21:21.920 --> 0:21:24.080
<v Speaker 1>sort of in a sense kind of downloaded that advice

0:21:24.119 --> 0:21:25.960
<v Speaker 1>in a in a data file, you know, the advice

0:21:25.960 --> 0:21:28.800
<v Speaker 1>from the agronomous, the actual numbers on you know, if

0:21:28.840 --> 0:21:30.840
<v Speaker 1>this small parcel of land somewhere in the U s.

0:21:30.880 --> 0:21:33.320
<v Speaker 1>Divide the US up into about a million small parcels

0:21:33.320 --> 0:21:35.800
<v Speaker 1>of land, and the agronomos will tell you how good

0:21:35.840 --> 0:21:39.080
<v Speaker 1>each parcel would be at a whole, at virtually any crop.

0:21:39.640 --> 0:21:41.760
<v Speaker 1>And of course it doesn't mean the agronomous are necessarily right,

0:21:41.760 --> 0:21:43.560
<v Speaker 1>but they but they have kind of hundreds of years

0:21:43.600 --> 0:21:47.120
<v Speaker 1>of their own randomized trials in a sense, and and

0:21:47.720 --> 0:21:51.080
<v Speaker 1>greenhouse trials, etcetera, and all physiological knowledge of how crops

0:21:51.080 --> 0:21:53.720
<v Speaker 1>work too in order to build up those numbers. So anyway,

0:21:53.760 --> 0:21:55.920
<v Speaker 1>so we were kind of designed to study around that

0:21:56.119 --> 0:21:58.399
<v Speaker 1>information because we thought it was it was it was

0:21:58.440 --> 0:22:01.840
<v Speaker 1>the core of the economic notion of comparative vantage was

0:22:01.920 --> 0:22:04.800
<v Speaker 1>to know things like, you know, how how how hard

0:22:04.840 --> 0:22:07.679
<v Speaker 1>would it be to grow peanuts in Iowa. So we

0:22:07.800 --> 0:22:12.320
<v Speaker 1>then kind of use that information and filtered it through

0:22:12.440 --> 0:22:14.760
<v Speaker 1>the last hundred year hundred and twenty years or so

0:22:15.000 --> 0:22:19.360
<v Speaker 1>of US um agricultural history, you know, as the as

0:22:19.400 --> 0:22:23.080
<v Speaker 1>the U. S. Counties. The one one, one plausible story

0:22:23.080 --> 0:22:24.679
<v Speaker 1>that we think is consistem with the data is that

0:22:25.640 --> 0:22:28.400
<v Speaker 1>over the last hundred thirty years or so, at least

0:22:28.440 --> 0:22:32.520
<v Speaker 1>this study started in eight the ability for one county

0:22:32.520 --> 0:22:34.840
<v Speaker 1>in the US to trade with another county in the U. S.

0:22:34.960 --> 0:22:37.320
<v Speaker 1>Or with you know, consumers elsewhere in the US, like

0:22:37.359 --> 0:22:40.040
<v Speaker 1>in a big city. Uh, that ability to trade you know,

0:22:40.119 --> 0:22:42.800
<v Speaker 1>dramatically improved. We had the railroads, we had the interstates,

0:22:42.840 --> 0:22:45.399
<v Speaker 1>we had you know, the the the invention of the truck,

0:22:45.480 --> 0:22:49.520
<v Speaker 1>you know, major major improvements in the ability to trade.

0:22:49.880 --> 0:22:52.600
<v Speaker 1>And so we wanted to kind of quantify how how

0:22:52.640 --> 0:22:57.240
<v Speaker 1>beneficial that that process was for the U. S. Economy

0:22:57.280 --> 0:22:59.919
<v Speaker 1>as the whole as a whole, and what the numbers

0:22:59.920 --> 0:23:02.000
<v Speaker 1>of came out. We're we're startling to me at least,

0:23:02.240 --> 0:23:05.840
<v Speaker 1>you know, the U s. Agriculture has been this incredible

0:23:06.160 --> 0:23:08.760
<v Speaker 1>growth story, right, I mean, in a sense, the fastest

0:23:08.840 --> 0:23:13.360
<v Speaker 1>product sustained productivity growth that that we've experienced in any

0:23:13.400 --> 0:23:16.640
<v Speaker 1>sector has happened in agriculture over the last hundred years

0:23:16.720 --> 0:23:19.600
<v Speaker 1>or so. And that's why we can feed the nation

0:23:19.640 --> 0:23:22.560
<v Speaker 1>and beyond with I don't forget the exact number, but

0:23:22.640 --> 0:23:27.000
<v Speaker 1>something under under three percent of the workforce. And so

0:23:27.080 --> 0:23:31.480
<v Speaker 1>that dramatic growth and productivity is just amazing. But according

0:23:31.520 --> 0:23:34.280
<v Speaker 1>to our estimates, about half of it comes from just

0:23:34.440 --> 0:23:38.200
<v Speaker 1>pure allocative efficiency in the sense of kind of specialization,

0:23:38.280 --> 0:23:42.360
<v Speaker 1>places being sort of free as markets are trading, places

0:23:42.359 --> 0:23:44.520
<v Speaker 1>are free to specialize in what they're good at and

0:23:44.520 --> 0:23:47.199
<v Speaker 1>not produce what they're bad at, and that that of

0:23:47.200 --> 0:23:49.960
<v Speaker 1>course enhances aggregate productivity, and that those are the gains

0:23:49.960 --> 0:23:52.640
<v Speaker 1>from trade, those are the gains due to comparative advantage

0:23:52.640 --> 0:23:55.840
<v Speaker 1>at work. That's pretty startling. We just have a few

0:23:55.920 --> 0:23:57.960
<v Speaker 1>minutes left, and of course we want to talk about

0:23:58.040 --> 0:24:03.560
<v Speaker 1>some current applicability of your research, and obviously the place

0:24:03.960 --> 0:24:06.320
<v Speaker 1>I think most people's minds would go is sort of,

0:24:06.440 --> 0:24:08.440
<v Speaker 1>you know, some of the trade disputes that the US

0:24:08.560 --> 0:24:12.560
<v Speaker 1>might soon find itself in. But something else occurred to

0:24:12.640 --> 0:24:15.680
<v Speaker 1>me that is maybe a little more off the beaten path,

0:24:15.760 --> 0:24:19.720
<v Speaker 1>but also interesting, which is that India, which you studied, obviously,

0:24:20.320 --> 0:24:23.080
<v Speaker 1>is still dealing with a lot of the same things

0:24:23.080 --> 0:24:26.239
<v Speaker 1>that you talked about in terms of the diversity of

0:24:26.240 --> 0:24:29.960
<v Speaker 1>its regions and lack of a completely coherent domestic free

0:24:29.960 --> 0:24:34.359
<v Speaker 1>trade area. I believe it was sometime last year that

0:24:34.440 --> 0:24:38.119
<v Speaker 1>the Modi government tried to uh sort of move forward

0:24:38.160 --> 0:24:41.080
<v Speaker 1>and pushing through a national sales tax so that there

0:24:41.119 --> 0:24:44.720
<v Speaker 1>wouldn't be this sort of disparate tax regime across regions.

0:24:45.040 --> 0:24:48.280
<v Speaker 1>There's also efforts to have the sort of national payment

0:24:48.400 --> 0:24:54.119
<v Speaker 1>system to harmonize and unify payments. Do you see applicability

0:24:54.200 --> 0:24:56.480
<v Speaker 1>of your work on India's rail system to some of

0:24:56.480 --> 0:25:00.760
<v Speaker 1>the big domestic debates happening in Indian policy right now? Yeah?

0:25:00.760 --> 0:25:04.240
<v Speaker 1>I do, I mean I of course, you know, it

0:25:04.240 --> 0:25:07.080
<v Speaker 1>would be naive to suggest that sort of the It

0:25:07.160 --> 0:25:10.520
<v Speaker 1>is easy to translate a lesson from one technology one

0:25:10.560 --> 0:25:12.480
<v Speaker 1>point in the past, you know, because it's a very

0:25:12.520 --> 0:25:15.560
<v Speaker 1>backward technology was this. These trains were slow and you know,

0:25:15.920 --> 0:25:17.720
<v Speaker 1>they were the first trains of the world that's ever seen.

0:25:18.119 --> 0:25:21.440
<v Speaker 1>So even just for studying trains, they're they're misleading. A

0:25:21.520 --> 0:25:25.040
<v Speaker 1>piece of evidence the more versatile and long living I

0:25:25.040 --> 0:25:28.119
<v Speaker 1>think piece of evidence is more to do with or

0:25:28.119 --> 0:25:29.800
<v Speaker 1>a lesson that we learned from that that that kind

0:25:29.840 --> 0:25:33.120
<v Speaker 1>of work is more just to do with the the

0:25:33.200 --> 0:25:35.680
<v Speaker 1>overall sense of benefits from trading. You know, if if

0:25:35.680 --> 0:25:38.480
<v Speaker 1>you if you do something that allows more trade, the

0:25:38.520 --> 0:25:40.480
<v Speaker 1>odds are good that people are going to benefit on

0:25:40.560 --> 0:25:43.320
<v Speaker 1>the whole, that the average kind of the total pie

0:25:43.440 --> 0:25:46.160
<v Speaker 1>will grow. Um. And that's the kind of thing I've

0:25:46.200 --> 0:25:48.679
<v Speaker 1>tried to I've tried to quantify and I think you know,

0:25:48.800 --> 0:25:51.160
<v Speaker 1>so you know, the lesson from that that work I've done,

0:25:51.160 --> 0:25:53.440
<v Speaker 1>as well as the huge body of work that I've

0:25:53.480 --> 0:25:56.760
<v Speaker 1>read that other that other people have done that's built

0:25:56.800 --> 0:25:59.359
<v Speaker 1>up our knowledge of that uh tends to leave a

0:25:59.440 --> 0:26:02.880
<v Speaker 1>pretty an equivocal picture that on aggregate, those games can

0:26:02.920 --> 0:26:05.680
<v Speaker 1>be um, you know, exist and or there in the data,

0:26:05.880 --> 0:26:09.640
<v Speaker 1>and they're and they're important and they're worth um yeah,

0:26:09.720 --> 0:26:11.480
<v Speaker 1>they're worth not standing kind of in the way of

0:26:11.600 --> 0:26:13.359
<v Speaker 1>you know that, so when we when we make it

0:26:13.400 --> 0:26:15.280
<v Speaker 1>hard for people within the same country to trade with

0:26:15.320 --> 0:26:17.560
<v Speaker 1>each other, we stand in the way of those benefits. Uh,

0:26:18.080 --> 0:26:19.600
<v Speaker 1>just way we make it hard for me to do

0:26:19.680 --> 0:26:21.760
<v Speaker 1>We make it hard for me to hire a dentist

0:26:21.880 --> 0:26:23.880
<v Speaker 1>rather than doing my own dental work. You know, we

0:26:23.880 --> 0:26:25.720
<v Speaker 1>we stand in the way of gains from trade between

0:26:25.720 --> 0:26:28.399
<v Speaker 1>me and the dentist. Thankfully, in the US, there's not

0:26:28.520 --> 0:26:32.840
<v Speaker 1>much discussion of intrnational trade barriers, and in fact, everyone

0:26:32.880 --> 0:26:36.240
<v Speaker 1>tends to agree that improving infrastructure, transportation infrastructure would be

0:26:36.280 --> 0:26:37.960
<v Speaker 1>a good idea. You know, we we don't think it's

0:26:38.520 --> 0:26:40.440
<v Speaker 1>you know, we we want to encourage more trade between

0:26:40.440 --> 0:26:45.120
<v Speaker 1>Colorado and California, or Kansas or Connecticut, and we we

0:26:45.119 --> 0:26:47.040
<v Speaker 1>we think we have a basic instinct that those are

0:26:47.359 --> 0:26:51.639
<v Speaker 1>things are a good idea, and and that's consistent with

0:26:51.680 --> 0:26:54.120
<v Speaker 1>the evidence that I've seen and that I've worked on myself.

0:26:54.680 --> 0:26:57.520
<v Speaker 1>And I don't think it needs to be any different internationally.

0:26:57.600 --> 0:26:59.520
<v Speaker 1>Just kind of turned into your first question about the

0:26:59.560 --> 0:27:03.920
<v Speaker 1>Internet shield trade policy terrorists. There's no good reason to

0:27:03.960 --> 0:27:06.919
<v Speaker 1>embrace international trade and yet stand in the way of

0:27:07.000 --> 0:27:10.840
<v Speaker 1>international trade, in my book, unless one possible reason it

0:27:10.840 --> 0:27:14.520
<v Speaker 1>would be extreme distributional concerns. You know, if you I've

0:27:14.560 --> 0:27:18.359
<v Speaker 1>stressed obviously aggregate gains, I have not. You know, myself

0:27:18.400 --> 0:27:23.480
<v Speaker 1>worked on the distributional consequence is how virtually any change

0:27:23.480 --> 0:27:25.920
<v Speaker 1>in the economy is very likely to have people who

0:27:25.920 --> 0:27:28.920
<v Speaker 1>are harmed by the change. You know, as Walmart displaced Kmart,

0:27:28.920 --> 0:27:32.480
<v Speaker 1>and as Amazon displaces Walmart, people suffer, right, I mean,

0:27:32.840 --> 0:27:36.640
<v Speaker 1>people who have jobs and capital tied up in the industry,

0:27:36.680 --> 0:27:40.399
<v Speaker 1>the firm that's being pushed out by competition, they suffer,

0:27:40.440 --> 0:27:43.720
<v Speaker 1>and and competition from foreigners is no different. So we

0:27:43.800 --> 0:27:47.320
<v Speaker 1>need policies that help minimize that suffering. But but standing

0:27:47.320 --> 0:27:49.920
<v Speaker 1>in the way of growing the aggregate pie I don't

0:27:49.960 --> 0:27:52.879
<v Speaker 1>think is likely to be the best policy solution to

0:27:52.920 --> 0:27:56.439
<v Speaker 1>those challenges. David, can I ask just one very very

0:27:56.520 --> 0:27:59.480
<v Speaker 1>quick follow up, Um, which is I mean, given the

0:27:59.520 --> 0:28:03.359
<v Speaker 1>body of academic research that points out the benefits of

0:28:03.400 --> 0:28:06.960
<v Speaker 1>trade and the benefits of comparative advantage and specialization, why

0:28:07.000 --> 0:28:10.040
<v Speaker 1>do you think the notion that trade is a zero

0:28:10.160 --> 0:28:13.760
<v Speaker 1>sum game seems to persist in the wider world, and

0:28:13.800 --> 0:28:15.719
<v Speaker 1>in some parts of the world seems to be growing.

0:28:16.320 --> 0:28:19.520
<v Speaker 1>I think there's two basic answers. One is um, yeah,

0:28:19.600 --> 0:28:23.760
<v Speaker 1>and this is a well known problem that political scientists

0:28:23.800 --> 0:28:26.000
<v Speaker 1>have talked about for a long time that whenever you

0:28:26.040 --> 0:28:29.919
<v Speaker 1>have something that with you know, as I stressed lot originally,

0:28:29.960 --> 0:28:31.240
<v Speaker 1>any change I can think of it is going to

0:28:31.320 --> 0:28:34.840
<v Speaker 1>generate benefits for you know, some people, maybe everyone, and

0:28:34.920 --> 0:28:38.040
<v Speaker 1>some costs for some people. But sort of trade and

0:28:38.080 --> 0:28:40.200
<v Speaker 1>many many other things like it, you know, free markets

0:28:40.200 --> 0:28:44.920
<v Speaker 1>in general, tenders that have very concentrated um costs. When

0:28:44.920 --> 0:28:48.200
<v Speaker 1>I say concentrated, concentrated on a relatively small chunk of

0:28:47.760 --> 0:28:51.520
<v Speaker 1>the of the population, and very dispersed benefits, right, I mean,

0:28:51.600 --> 0:28:55.680
<v Speaker 1>think of think of China, right, They've displaced somewhere, you know,

0:28:56.040 --> 0:28:58.720
<v Speaker 1>relatively I mean a huge number of jobs in the

0:28:58.800 --> 0:29:02.120
<v Speaker 1>in the in the absolute, but relative to the total population,

0:29:02.120 --> 0:29:06.560
<v Speaker 1>a relatively small percentage of workers. Yet virtually all of

0:29:06.640 --> 0:29:10.160
<v Speaker 1>us every day, you know, consume things that that that

0:29:10.240 --> 0:29:13.840
<v Speaker 1>are cheaper and maybe only exist thanks to large foreign

0:29:13.840 --> 0:29:17.360
<v Speaker 1>manufacturing countries like China. So so um. But you know,

0:29:17.360 --> 0:29:19.800
<v Speaker 1>I think deep down there's a bit of us a

0:29:19.880 --> 0:29:24.160
<v Speaker 1>incumbent producer bias in our in our society, you know,

0:29:24.240 --> 0:29:26.520
<v Speaker 1>the it's as if you know, it's as if as

0:29:26.520 --> 0:29:28.640
<v Speaker 1>a nation we think I mean, I don't mean we all,

0:29:28.680 --> 0:29:31.560
<v Speaker 1>but if you you listen to a number of people,

0:29:31.600 --> 0:29:34.520
<v Speaker 1>you get this impression that we were just dying to produce, right,

0:29:34.560 --> 0:29:38.200
<v Speaker 1>I mean when when my wife and I trade, you know,

0:29:38.240 --> 0:29:41.800
<v Speaker 1>when we when we kind of bargain over who's gonna

0:29:41.840 --> 0:29:45.320
<v Speaker 1>sort of cook the food and who's gonna mow the lawn.

0:29:45.360 --> 0:29:47.920
<v Speaker 1>You know, I think we specialized according to comparative vantage.

0:29:47.960 --> 0:29:50.240
<v Speaker 1>We understand that that's in our mutual best interest. We

0:29:50.280 --> 0:29:53.440
<v Speaker 1>tend not to fight over who gets to do more producing. Yeah,

0:29:53.720 --> 0:29:57.520
<v Speaker 1>we you know, the debate is more about like, if anything,

0:29:57.600 --> 0:30:00.560
<v Speaker 1>you know, we'd both rather not produce. But so how weirdly,

0:30:00.600 --> 0:30:03.520
<v Speaker 1>at the national level, when it concerns international trade, we

0:30:03.520 --> 0:30:06.240
<v Speaker 1>were we stress over the fact that there's a trade deficit.

0:30:06.320 --> 0:30:08.680
<v Speaker 1>You know, that's of course, like the other people are

0:30:08.680 --> 0:30:10.720
<v Speaker 1>doing the producing, you know, you know, we shouldn't sort

0:30:10.760 --> 0:30:13.800
<v Speaker 1>did in some sense embrace that. So I don't understand

0:30:13.800 --> 0:30:17.240
<v Speaker 1>how at the micro level people understand that that kind

0:30:17.280 --> 0:30:21.520
<v Speaker 1>of consuming is good and producing is costly and unpleasant,

0:30:21.560 --> 0:30:24.800
<v Speaker 1>whereas the macro level it's sort of the opposite. I

0:30:25.440 --> 0:30:29.040
<v Speaker 1>I sort of think deep down that might be because producers,

0:30:29.200 --> 0:30:31.360
<v Speaker 1>you know, I have have a lot of power obviously

0:30:31.400 --> 0:30:34.240
<v Speaker 1>for an individual firm and would much rather produced than

0:30:35.200 --> 0:30:38.560
<v Speaker 1>than not right, Uh, that's how they make their profits.

0:30:38.560 --> 0:30:41.560
<v Speaker 1>But that an aggregate societal level, we we should sort

0:30:41.600 --> 0:30:44.840
<v Speaker 1>of embrace the fact that we can um consume for

0:30:44.960 --> 0:30:48.360
<v Speaker 1>less effort, and that's the basic notion of gains from

0:30:48.400 --> 0:30:51.000
<v Speaker 1>trade is just more productive. We can get more for

0:30:51.120 --> 0:30:55.760
<v Speaker 1>less um for less input. All right. Dave Donaldson, Associate

0:30:55.800 --> 0:30:59.240
<v Speaker 1>economics professor at Stanford and the recent winner of the

0:30:59.320 --> 0:31:03.920
<v Speaker 1>John Bates Clark Metal Award, Thank you so much. Fascinating conversation,

0:31:04.280 --> 0:31:08.800
<v Speaker 1>fascinating work. I can't wait to continue seeing the evolution

0:31:08.840 --> 0:31:12.320
<v Speaker 1>of what you've done. Really appreciate you coming on the podcast. Well,

0:31:12.360 --> 0:31:14.320
<v Speaker 1>like I said, thanks again for talking about me. It's

0:31:14.320 --> 0:31:16.480
<v Speaker 1>been a play. Yeah, come back when you want a

0:31:16.520 --> 0:31:31.120
<v Speaker 1>Noball prize. Okay, I don't want to drink it, So, Joe,

0:31:31.240 --> 0:31:34.080
<v Speaker 1>I thought that was fascinating and it was sort of

0:31:34.200 --> 0:31:37.200
<v Speaker 1>right in the sweet spot for our All Thoughts podcast

0:31:37.280 --> 0:31:41.560
<v Speaker 1>because it uses all these historical examples to really illustrate

0:31:41.600 --> 0:31:44.280
<v Speaker 1>some of the stuff that's going on today. Right. Yeah,

0:31:44.320 --> 0:31:48.920
<v Speaker 1>I love that conversation. Um. I think my favorite detail

0:31:49.360 --> 0:31:52.800
<v Speaker 1>was the idea that the best recorded data on all

0:31:52.840 --> 0:31:57.320
<v Speaker 1>of this Indian trading and taxes and income levels and

0:31:57.440 --> 0:32:01.520
<v Speaker 1>whether was what was how in the UK and then

0:32:01.760 --> 0:32:05.200
<v Speaker 1>the ultimate solution to putting that in usable form was

0:32:05.240 --> 0:32:08.360
<v Speaker 1>to take photographs of all the pieces of paper and

0:32:08.400 --> 0:32:13.280
<v Speaker 1>then email fifty JPEGs two people in India appropriately enough

0:32:13.520 --> 0:32:17.480
<v Speaker 1>to then put back into an Excel spreadsheet to be

0:32:17.560 --> 0:32:19.800
<v Speaker 1>usable for an economist. I mean, it does make you

0:32:19.840 --> 0:32:23.800
<v Speaker 1>wonder what other academic research could be enabled by new

0:32:23.840 --> 0:32:27.360
<v Speaker 1>technology relatively soon, based on old data. And I think

0:32:27.400 --> 0:32:31.200
<v Speaker 1>we've had similar discussions about this before, at least I

0:32:31.240 --> 0:32:34.280
<v Speaker 1>think I did with Sid Verma and Simon Henrisen. The

0:32:34.360 --> 0:32:38.400
<v Speaker 1>other thing that I thought was really interesting was some

0:32:38.520 --> 0:32:40.880
<v Speaker 1>of the stuff he was saying about the way we

0:32:40.960 --> 0:32:45.640
<v Speaker 1>trade within countries versus the way we trade internationally. And

0:32:45.680 --> 0:32:48.880
<v Speaker 1>it does seem to be that trading with our neighbors

0:32:48.920 --> 0:32:52.200
<v Speaker 1>within a country, with the exception of India, um just

0:32:52.240 --> 0:32:55.960
<v Speaker 1>seems to be much more palatable to us than trading

0:32:56.040 --> 0:32:59.000
<v Speaker 1>with other people outside of the country, which I assume

0:32:59.040 --> 0:33:01.440
<v Speaker 1>speaks to human natuy here a little bit. Yeah, I mean,

0:33:01.480 --> 0:33:04.800
<v Speaker 1>I think this does really get to questions of nationhood,

0:33:04.960 --> 0:33:08.000
<v Speaker 1>so that if we see, you know, they're even just

0:33:08.080 --> 0:33:12.400
<v Speaker 1>sort of domestically within this country. We have some places

0:33:12.440 --> 0:33:16.520
<v Speaker 1>that have done very well, like the coastal areas San Francisco,

0:33:16.560 --> 0:33:19.640
<v Speaker 1>New York, some places that have done really poorly, and

0:33:19.640 --> 0:33:22.440
<v Speaker 1>we it doesn't really you know, for the most part,

0:33:22.720 --> 0:33:27.120
<v Speaker 1>intra national gains from trade don't seem to get people

0:33:27.120 --> 0:33:30.000
<v Speaker 1>anxious or winners and losers. But then the idea that

0:33:30.520 --> 0:33:32.880
<v Speaker 1>you know, if we expanded beyond the borders and some

0:33:32.920 --> 0:33:36.160
<v Speaker 1>country is doing well, or and the perception that parts

0:33:36.160 --> 0:33:38.960
<v Speaker 1>of this country are losing out in that trade, then

0:33:39.000 --> 0:33:41.320
<v Speaker 1>that really sort of you know, strikes a deep chord

0:33:41.400 --> 0:33:44.400
<v Speaker 1>with people, gives them anxiety. I don't think there's any

0:33:44.440 --> 0:33:46.400
<v Speaker 1>obvious way to resolve that. I think the sort of

0:33:46.440 --> 0:33:50.440
<v Speaker 1>purely academic way perhaps still doesn't sit right with people.

0:33:50.440 --> 0:33:52.440
<v Speaker 1>And obviously we see that playing politically, but it is

0:33:52.440 --> 0:33:55.320
<v Speaker 1>a really interesting comparison. All right, shall we call it

0:33:55.400 --> 0:33:58.040
<v Speaker 1>a day, Let's do it cool. All right, This has

0:33:58.080 --> 0:34:01.880
<v Speaker 1>been another edition of the APPS podcast. I'm Tracy Alloway.

0:34:01.960 --> 0:34:04.880
<v Speaker 1>You can follow me on Twitter at Tracy Alloway, and

0:34:04.920 --> 0:34:07.400
<v Speaker 1>I'm Joe Wis and all follow me on Twitter at

0:34:07.440 --> 0:34:12.000
<v Speaker 1>the Stall and also Tracy, I realized we never unlike

0:34:12.040 --> 0:34:15.880
<v Speaker 1>some other podcasts, thank are awesome producers, So I think

0:34:15.920 --> 0:34:19.520
<v Speaker 1>we should start doing that. Maybe we're just ungrateful. I

0:34:19.560 --> 0:34:22.520
<v Speaker 1>think we're it's it's just I realized other people do that.

0:34:22.600 --> 0:34:24.560
<v Speaker 1>We've never been doing it. We've been doing this podcast

0:34:24.600 --> 0:34:28.200
<v Speaker 1>for a long time. Should I say we change the tradition?

0:34:29.000 --> 0:34:32.440
<v Speaker 1>We want to thank are awesome producers and Sarah Patterson

0:34:32.480 --> 0:34:35.960
<v Speaker 1>who is on Twitter at Sarah patt with two ts,

0:34:35.960 --> 0:34:47.440
<v Speaker 1>and the head of Podcasts Alick McCabe. But knowledge to

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