WEBVTT - Tiananmen Remastered, Part 1

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<v Speaker 1>Call Zone Media. Welcome to it had happened here. I'm

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<v Speaker 1>your host, Nia Wong. Today is the day before the

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<v Speaker 1>thirty sixth anniversary of the Tianneman Square massacre. We're doing

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<v Speaker 1>something a little bit different. Three years ago I wrote

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<v Speaker 1>a pair of episodes about Tieneman democracy in the International

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<v Speaker 1>Workers Movement, expanding off a piece I'd written for laos

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<v Speaker 1>On a year before that. That was a long time ago.

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<v Speaker 1>The world is a fundamentally different place than it was

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<v Speaker 1>in twenty twenty one. Europe has been consumed by war.

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<v Speaker 1>Whole revolutions rose and fell. The fast threat we defeated

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<v Speaker 1>in the streets returned to power in a new and

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<v Speaker 1>more terrifying form. In this new, uglier and more brutal world,

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<v Speaker 1>I wanted to return to Tianeman, to return to one

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<v Speaker 1>of the great horrors of another age, to see if

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<v Speaker 1>we can take anything new from the wreckage of the

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<v Speaker 1>death of Hope. I'm no longer the same person I

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<v Speaker 1>was when I originally wrote these episodes, and so today

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<v Speaker 1>and tomorrow are Tianamen remastered. There were really three Tianemens.

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<v Speaker 1>The first and most famous Tieneman was a student protest

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<v Speaker 1>inside Tianaman Square itself. If you've heard the word Tienemen

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<v Speaker 1>before this story, you know the second Tienemen was the

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<v Speaker 1>Tienemen of the blocks of Beijing around the Square, blocks

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<v Speaker 1>sees and transformed by Beijing's working class. If you've heard

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<v Speaker 1>about this Tienemen at all, it's probably in the context

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<v Speaker 1>of the tanks rolling through them on their way to

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<v Speaker 1>the Square. And then there was the third Tienemen, the

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<v Speaker 1>protests in other cities, of which we still years after

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<v Speaker 1>the original piece. No distressingly little about Our focus today

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<v Speaker 1>is on the first two. The students of the student

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<v Speaker 1>protests were a weird ideological grab back that cannot simply

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<v Speaker 1>be reduced down to the simplistic pro democracy label they've

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<v Speaker 1>been settled with in the three and a half decades

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<v Speaker 1>since Tienemen. The short version is this, the students were

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<v Speaker 1>pissed off about what's called reform and opening not going

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<v Speaker 1>fast enough, and we should talk about what reform and

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<v Speaker 1>opening actually was. On the one hand, you had some

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<v Speaker 1>steps to ease restrictions on free speech, rehabilitate intellectuals and

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<v Speaker 1>other people were so called bad class backgrounds, and allow

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<v Speaker 1>for a broader public discourse. This was paired with market

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<v Speaker 1>reforms I started to bring capitalism back to China. This

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<v Speaker 1>was a shit show in a lot of ways. If

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<v Speaker 1>you want to hear about the CCP reinventing what's essentially

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<v Speaker 1>dipped P and che about five years into this process,

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<v Speaker 1>go listen to my Behind the Bastard's episode about the

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<v Speaker 1>poisoned milk scandal. But Reform and Opening is remembered as

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<v Speaker 1>a kind of golden age of free expression, a golden

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<v Speaker 1>age of hope and possibility where things really seemed like

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<v Speaker 1>they could be different. This is not entirely accurate. Reform

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<v Speaker 1>and Opening also saw a bunch of absolutely draconian crackdowns

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<v Speaker 1>on the social sphere. There was the One Child policy,

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<v Speaker 1>a hideous expansion of the states into the sphere of

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<v Speaker 1>social reproduction, replete with forced sterilizations and the reimposition of

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<v Speaker 1>patriarchal power. It saw the tightening of one man rule

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<v Speaker 1>in the factory, the destruction of any form of worker's

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<v Speaker 1>decision making and control over the process of their own labor.

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<v Speaker 1>In these horrors, you can see the beginning of the

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<v Speaker 1>fragmentation of Tiannemen and Chinese politics more broadly, already forming,

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<v Speaker 1>the students wanted market form to go faster, They wanted

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<v Speaker 1>more freedom of speech, they sort of wanted democracy, but

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<v Speaker 1>mostly they wanted to be in charge of the party

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<v Speaker 1>so they could crush the bureaucracy that was holding market

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<v Speaker 1>reforms back. It's worth noting, of course, that many of

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<v Speaker 1>these students were involved in what became known as neo authoritarianism,

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<v Speaker 1>which holds that the strong central party should take full

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<v Speaker 1>control of society and destroy factions in the bureaucracy. It

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<v Speaker 1>was an ideology that survived the death of the protests

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<v Speaker 1>and went on to become a major faction of the

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<v Speaker 1>CCP itself in the nineties and two thousands, and this

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<v Speaker 1>is where some of the truly weird shit at Tianeman

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<v Speaker 1>comes from. The students were, in many ways an incredibly

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<v Speaker 1>hierarchical movement which escalated to the point where student leaders

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<v Speaker 1>were kidnapping each other for control over stages and microphones,

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<v Speaker 1>and these protests, in terms of their nominally stated goal

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<v Speaker 1>of influencing the factional fights inside the party, were studyingly

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<v Speaker 1>in a f actual The guy they were trying to

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<v Speaker 1>defend inside the party wound up getting ousted and put

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<v Speaker 1>under house arrest for the rest of his life, and

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<v Speaker 1>the changes they demanded failed to occur. But Tianeman, as

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<v Speaker 1>I mentioned earlier, was also the workers, and for most

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<v Speaker 1>of the protests the students absolutely hated them. Students barred

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<v Speaker 1>workers from entering the square itself until the final hours

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<v Speaker 1>of the protests, tried to stop workers from carrying out

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<v Speaker 1>a general strike, and relations were in general extremely bad.

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<v Speaker 1>This raises the question what were the workers doing there

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<v Speaker 1>in the first place. There's a few answers. The simplest

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<v Speaker 1>and most immediate one is that the workers were pissed

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<v Speaker 1>off at how badly the Party was treating students in

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<v Speaker 1>the square. But there were other things going on too.

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<v Speaker 1>The late in eighteen eighties in China saw rampant and

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<v Speaker 1>skyrocketing inflation. The rapid price increases threatened the supply of

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<v Speaker 1>cheap grain that composed a huge supply of welfare services

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<v Speaker 1>provided to urban workers. Meanwhile, marketization was accelerating, and suddenly

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<v Speaker 1>you had CCP princelings racing down the streets in imported

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<v Speaker 1>sports cars, driving past workers on their bikes, and spending

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<v Speaker 1>a year's salary gambling at the racetrack. And this pissed

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<v Speaker 1>people off, so they started organizing. I'm going to read

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<v Speaker 1>a section for a piece by Uron, saying about what

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<v Speaker 1>the workers were doing during the struggle to obstruct the military.

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<v Speaker 1>Workers started to realize the power of their spontaneous organization

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<v Speaker 1>and action. This was self liberation on an unprecedented level.

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<v Speaker 1>A huge wave of self organization ensued. The worker's autonomous

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<v Speaker 1>federation membership grew exponentially, and other workers' organizations both within

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<v Speaker 1>and across the workplace mushroomed. The development of organization led

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<v Speaker 1>to a radicalization of action. Workers started organizing self armed

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<v Speaker 1>quasi militias such as Quote Picket Corps and Quote Dared

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<v Speaker 1>to Die brigades to monitor and broadcast the military's whereabouts.

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<v Speaker 1>These quasi militias were also responsible for maintaining public order

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<v Speaker 1>so as not to provide any pretext for military intervention.

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<v Speaker 1>In a sense, Paijing became a city self managed by workers.

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<v Speaker 1>It was reminiscent of Petrograd's self armed workers organized in

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<v Speaker 1>the months between Russia's February and October revolutions. At the

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<v Speaker 1>same time, Pijing workers built many more barricades and fortifications

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<v Speaker 1>on the street in many factories that organized strikes and

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<v Speaker 1>slow downs. A possible general strike was put on the

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<v Speaker 1>table as well. Many workers started to build connections between

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<v Speaker 1>factories to prepare for a general strike. This was unaccepsible

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<v Speaker 1>to the party, and so for the third time in

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<v Speaker 1>seventy years, the CCP fed its own working class to

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<v Speaker 1>the machine guns. On the night of June third, the

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<v Speaker 1>army began to slaughter its way to the workers defending

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<v Speaker 1>the square. It was the workers who bore the front

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<v Speaker 1>of the massacre. Most of the casualty and later political

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<v Speaker 1>oppression were against members of the workers faction. The army

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<v Speaker 1>soon reached the square itself for the Western press corps

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<v Speaker 1>bore witness to what became known as the Tianaman Square massacre.

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<v Speaker 1>This is where you get tank Man and the most

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<v Speaker 1>famous accounts of the massacre. But by that point it

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<v Speaker 1>was almost all over. The protests were crushed and the

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese working class died with it. But before the last

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<v Speaker 1>bullet had even been fired, every faction under the sun

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<v Speaker 1>began to construct their own narratives about what had just happened.

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<v Speaker 1>The most common narrative is that Tianeman was a clash

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<v Speaker 1>between democracy and authoritarianism, and to some extent it's not

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<v Speaker 1>exactly wrong. There were a lot of other pro democracy

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<v Speaker 1>movements in this period. You see them in Taiwan and Korea.

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<v Speaker 1>They swept across huge swaths of Latin America and eventually

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<v Speaker 1>spread to places like the Philippines. But the real question

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<v Speaker 1>of the pro democracy movements was what kind of democracy.

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<v Speaker 1>The students at Tieneman, to the extent that their democratic

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<v Speaker 1>principles were sincere and not simply cover for a deeply

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<v Speaker 1>authoritarian version of liberalism that demanded rule of law by

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<v Speaker 1>a new class of intellectuals to oversee market reforms, believed

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<v Speaker 1>in a narrow conception of political democracy. This political democracy

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<v Speaker 1>operates at the level of the state. It's based on

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<v Speaker 1>free citizens equal before the law, participating in elections to

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<v Speaker 1>choose representatives who pass laws and generally oversee and manage

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<v Speaker 1>the state bureaucracy. This model of political democracy relegates the

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<v Speaker 1>workplace to a separate economic sphere into which democracy does

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<v Speaker 1>not extend. The capitalist firm or its state owned equivalent,

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<v Speaker 1>remained the absolute dictatorship of the capitalists and their managerial flunkies.

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<v Speaker 1>Even the progressive wings of the pro democracy movements in

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<v Speaker 1>Taiwan and South Korea maintained this private dictatorship. Workers would

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<v Speaker 1>be given rights under the progressive regimes, permission to form unions,

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<v Speaker 1>access to the welfare state, limited protections from the worst

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<v Speaker 1>physical and psychological abuses their bosses could inflict. But no

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<v Speaker 1>matter how progressive the pro democracy movement, the legitimacy of

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<v Speaker 1>the dictatorship of the bosses was not up for dispute.

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<v Speaker 1>To them, democracy meant a democratic state, not a democratic workplace.

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<v Speaker 1>The workers of Tienemen alone disagreed. They stood against not

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<v Speaker 1>only the rest of the world's pro democracy movements, but

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<v Speaker 1>the tide of history itself. By applying the principles of

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<v Speaker 1>the pro democracy movement to their own concerns skyrocketing inflation,

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<v Speaker 1>mounting debt, rampant corruption by government officials, spiraling inequality, and

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<v Speaker 1>petty bureaucratic oppression, Beijing's working class reinvented an old and

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<v Speaker 1>now largely forgotten traditional democracy in the factory, democratic workers

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<v Speaker 1>self management. This is, to a large extent, what Tianmen

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<v Speaker 1>was actually about. It was the culmination of a century

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<v Speaker 1>and a half long war between the democratic wing of

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<v Speaker 1>the classical workers' movement and essentially every other ideological movement

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<v Speaker 1>on Earth. The worker's movement would fight capitalists and communists,

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<v Speaker 1>liberals and fascists, monarchies and republics, social democracies and theocracies,

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<v Speaker 1>and at Tienemen they would lose one final time. That

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<v Speaker 1>defeat is the origin of the modern world. One man

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<v Speaker 1>rule in the factory, in its thousand thousand forms is

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<v Speaker 1>the author of the hell of the twenty first century.

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<v Speaker 1>And when we come back, we're going to look at

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<v Speaker 1>the international part of the struggle that ended at Tianeman.

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<v Speaker 1>To fully understand the magnitude of Tianemen, we need to

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<v Speaker 1>go back to the revolutions of eighteen forty eight. If

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<v Speaker 1>you want a detailed accounting of eighteen forty go listen

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<v Speaker 1>to the Revolutions podcast. It's great. It's also many, many, many, many,

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<v Speaker 1>many many episodes. The short version is that there were

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<v Speaker 1>a bunch of revolutions across Europe in eighteen forty eight,

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<v Speaker 1>collectively known as the Springtime of the Peoples. It was

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<v Speaker 1>the first wave of revolutions where socialists were a real

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<v Speaker 1>political faction. Frederick Engels death that angles of Marx and

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<v Speaker 1>Engels fame was on the barricades with a rifle fighting

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<v Speaker 1>in Prussia. There was a huge revolution in France where

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<v Speaker 1>they deposed the king and the question of how far

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<v Speaker 1>democracy was going to go came for the first time

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<v Speaker 1>to the forefront. Inside of a democratic movement itself, you

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<v Speaker 1>had a split between the sort of French radicals who

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<v Speaker 1>done the original French Revolution, who wanted electoral democracy but

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<v Speaker 1>dictatorship in the workplace, and the new socialists who wanted

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<v Speaker 1>to question property relations and the question of class itself,

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<v Speaker 1>and most importantly for our purposes, whether democracy would extend

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<v Speaker 1>past the political sphere and directly into economics. These prefigures

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<v Speaker 1>a split inside the socialist movement itself. For the most

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<v Speaker 1>radical factions, control over the means of production meant that

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<v Speaker 1>workers would control the production process directly through free associations

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<v Speaker 1>of workers direct democratic unions, a position later known as

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<v Speaker 1>syndicalism or workers councils. But more conservative factions of the

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<v Speaker 1>socialists became enamored with the bureaucratic technologies of the state.

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<v Speaker 1>They watched with envy as the industrializing powers of the

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<v Speaker 1>eighteen sixties and eighteen seventies engage in increasingly elaborate planning schemes,

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<v Speaker 1>first of roads canals in railroads, then of entire cities

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<v Speaker 1>with complex electrical grids, gas lines and plumbing systems, and

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<v Speaker 1>began to believe that centralized state planning, not the democratic

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<v Speaker 1>association of workers, could bring about the long sought after

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<v Speaker 1>cooperative commonwealth of socialism, and that planning obsessed facts began

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<v Speaker 1>to encompass more and more of the left. In Germany,

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<v Speaker 1>home to the powerful German Social Democratic Party, socialists became

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<v Speaker 1>divided between two camps, the Revisionists led by Edward Bernstein,

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<v Speaker 1>who renounced Marxism and Revolution entirely in favor of reforming

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<v Speaker 1>capitalism in the state from within, and Karlkovski's orthodox Marxists. Basically,

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<v Speaker 1>the only two things these factions, who otherwise despise each other,

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<v Speaker 1>agreed on was the primacy of state bureaucratic planning over

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<v Speaker 1>workplace democracy. This led to the Social Democratic Party disastrously

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<v Speaker 1>working to break the workplace autonomy of many of its

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<v Speaker 1>own workers, but were still The person who became most

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<v Speaker 1>obsessed with the potential of bureaucratic state planning was one

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<v Speaker 1>Vladimir Bilitch Lenin. As the anthropologist David Graeber pointed out,

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<v Speaker 1>Lenin's obsession with the German postal service was such that

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<v Speaker 1>he included this passage about the future social state in

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<v Speaker 1>his famous State and Revolution a text written between the

0:15:04.960 --> 0:15:09.840
<v Speaker 1>February October revolutions of nineteen seventeen. Quote a witty German

0:15:09.880 --> 0:15:13.280
<v Speaker 1>social democrat of the seventies of the last century called

0:15:13.280 --> 0:15:16.560
<v Speaker 1>the postal service an example of the socialist economic system.

0:15:17.200 --> 0:15:20.880
<v Speaker 1>This is very true. At present. The postal service is

0:15:20.880 --> 0:15:24.440
<v Speaker 1>a business organized on the lines of a state capitalist monopoly.

0:15:25.320 --> 0:15:29.160
<v Speaker 1>Imperialism is gradually transforming all trust into organizations of a

0:15:29.200 --> 0:15:32.920
<v Speaker 1>similar type to organize the whole national economy on the

0:15:32.920 --> 0:15:37.120
<v Speaker 1>lines of the postal service, so that the technicians, foreman, bookkeepers,

0:15:37.160 --> 0:15:40.080
<v Speaker 1>as well as all officials receive salaries no higher than

0:15:40.120 --> 0:15:44.240
<v Speaker 1>a workman's wage, all under the leadership and control of

0:15:44.280 --> 0:15:50.040
<v Speaker 1>the armed proletariat. This is our immediate aim. Lenin's idealized

0:15:50.080 --> 0:15:52.200
<v Speaker 1>form of socialism would thus take the form of a

0:15:52.240 --> 0:15:57.560
<v Speaker 1>total state bureaucracy tasked with planning the entire economy. This

0:15:57.640 --> 0:16:00.880
<v Speaker 1>would set off a massive series of confrontations with the

0:16:00.880 --> 0:16:03.720
<v Speaker 1>part of the workers movement who wanted workers control over

0:16:03.760 --> 0:16:07.520
<v Speaker 1>the means of production to mean workers making decisions overworked

0:16:07.600 --> 0:16:11.560
<v Speaker 1>themselves and not just working for a different set of bureaucrats.

0:16:11.680 --> 0:16:15.080
<v Speaker 1>The struggle between bureaucracy and democracy in the workers movement

0:16:15.720 --> 0:16:18.880
<v Speaker 1>mirrorred the struggle between the workers movements and the capitalist state.

0:16:19.800 --> 0:16:23.040
<v Speaker 1>By the eighteen eighties, the workers movement had created variable

0:16:23.160 --> 0:16:26.640
<v Speaker 1>states within a state in countries like Germany and Italy.

0:16:27.440 --> 0:16:31.680
<v Speaker 1>These quote unquote states were vast networks of workers' institutions,

0:16:32.400 --> 0:16:36.920
<v Speaker 1>ranging from as grape were described free schools, workers associations,

0:16:36.960 --> 0:16:42.240
<v Speaker 1>friendly societies, libraries and theaters end quote to unions, co ops,

0:16:42.280 --> 0:16:46.640
<v Speaker 1>neighborhood associations, tennis unions, mutual aid societies, and political parties

0:16:46.720 --> 0:16:50.880
<v Speaker 1>ran democratically by workers themselves, which provided vital services to

0:16:50.880 --> 0:16:53.960
<v Speaker 1>workers and their families, and served, so the workers hoped,

0:16:54.240 --> 0:16:58.320
<v Speaker 1>as the basis for a new socialist society. Fearing the

0:16:58.320 --> 0:17:02.440
<v Speaker 1>popularity of these democratic works workers' institutions, Otto von Bismarck

0:17:02.480 --> 0:17:06.399
<v Speaker 1>created bureaucratic, state run versions of the library's, theaters and

0:17:06.440 --> 0:17:10.480
<v Speaker 1>welfare services to replace them. Telling an American observer quote,

0:17:10.840 --> 0:17:13.600
<v Speaker 1>my idea was to bribe the working class, or shall

0:17:13.640 --> 0:17:16.320
<v Speaker 1>I say, to win them over, to regard the state

0:17:16.400 --> 0:17:19.560
<v Speaker 1>as a social institution existing for their sake and interested

0:17:19.680 --> 0:17:25.000
<v Speaker 1>in their welfare. And this works. It was enormously successful.

0:17:25.560 --> 0:17:29.680
<v Speaker 1>Socialists themselves came to confuse Bismarck's welfare state bribe with

0:17:29.880 --> 0:17:33.680
<v Speaker 1>socialism itself, and when they took power, they replicated the

0:17:33.680 --> 0:17:37.760
<v Speaker 1>bureaucratic nature of many of Bismarck's programs, eliminating the democratic

0:17:37.800 --> 0:17:41.720
<v Speaker 1>aspects of the older workers' institutions entirely. But where their

0:17:41.800 --> 0:17:45.480
<v Speaker 1>leaders I'd forgotten the democratic core of the Rowan ideology,

0:17:46.119 --> 0:17:50.720
<v Speaker 1>workers themselves never did. As the nineteenth century drew to

0:17:50.760 --> 0:17:54.560
<v Speaker 1>a close and the twentieth century began, workers who engaged

0:17:54.560 --> 0:18:00.000
<v Speaker 1>in spontaneous uprisings instinctively began to form democratic institutions, particular

0:18:00.000 --> 0:18:04.119
<v Speaker 1>clarly workers councils. The most famous of these councils, of course,

0:18:04.680 --> 0:18:07.960
<v Speaker 1>were formed between the spontaneous Russian revolutions of nineteen oh

0:18:08.040 --> 0:18:13.320
<v Speaker 1>five in nineteen seventeen. These councils, called soviets, were originally

0:18:13.320 --> 0:18:15.720
<v Speaker 1>formed in nineteen oh five out of ad hoc strike

0:18:15.800 --> 0:18:19.800
<v Speaker 1>committees that became formalized elected bodies of representatives in the

0:18:19.840 --> 0:18:24.480
<v Speaker 1>various factions who worked to coordinate the general strike. The

0:18:24.560 --> 0:18:26.960
<v Speaker 1>revolution of nineteen oh five was crushed by the Czar,

0:18:27.320 --> 0:18:30.040
<v Speaker 1>but in nineteen seventeen the Russian working class would once

0:18:30.080 --> 0:18:35.040
<v Speaker 1>again form workers' councils as another revolution commenced. This time,

0:18:35.240 --> 0:18:39.200
<v Speaker 1>the councils would take control of production, directly coordinating between

0:18:39.240 --> 0:18:41.879
<v Speaker 1>various factories and industries, as well as serving as a

0:18:41.880 --> 0:18:46.400
<v Speaker 1>worker's counterpower to the new revolutionary government. The Russian Revolution

0:18:46.560 --> 0:18:49.680
<v Speaker 1>kicked off a period of open warfare that stretched from

0:18:49.720 --> 0:18:52.760
<v Speaker 1>Italy to Argentina between the forces of democracy and the

0:18:52.840 --> 0:18:57.119
<v Speaker 1>factory and the newly formed anti democratic alliance of social Democrats,

0:18:57.160 --> 0:19:02.480
<v Speaker 1>Bolsheviks capitalists. Between nineteen in seventeen and nineteen twenty, workers

0:19:02.560 --> 0:19:06.320
<v Speaker 1>councils formed in Germany, Poland, Austria, Ukraine, and Ireland, and

0:19:06.359 --> 0:19:10.320
<v Speaker 1>were matched by revolts of syndicalist unions in Brazil and Argentina.

0:19:11.080 --> 0:19:15.800
<v Speaker 1>These uprisings were all crushed in Italy, which saw some

0:19:15.880 --> 0:19:19.160
<v Speaker 1>of the most intense conflict between syncalists and the Italian state.

0:19:19.760 --> 0:19:22.520
<v Speaker 1>The famous occupation of the Factories was ended not by

0:19:22.520 --> 0:19:26.000
<v Speaker 1>the Italian government but by the Italian Socialist Party in

0:19:26.040 --> 0:19:30.840
<v Speaker 1>their union, the General Confederation of Labor. This, in large part,

0:19:31.280 --> 0:19:34.760
<v Speaker 1>was how fascism won in Italy and in Germany. Faced

0:19:34.760 --> 0:19:38.040
<v Speaker 1>with workers movements on the verge of seizing power, social

0:19:38.040 --> 0:19:41.440
<v Speaker 1>democrats turned on the working class slaughtered their own comrades,

0:19:42.040 --> 0:19:46.720
<v Speaker 1>propelling the fascists into power in their wake. Ironically, the

0:19:46.760 --> 0:19:49.800
<v Speaker 1>worst defeat of the democratic workers movements will come not

0:19:49.920 --> 0:19:52.720
<v Speaker 1>at the hands of the capitalists or social democrats, but

0:19:52.760 --> 0:19:55.840
<v Speaker 1>from Lenin and the Bolsheviks, the very party at the

0:19:55.840 --> 0:19:59.879
<v Speaker 1>workers councils had put in power. Lenin began to undermine

0:19:59.920 --> 0:20:03.320
<v Speaker 1>the the power of the Soviets almost immediately. Published mere

0:20:03.440 --> 0:20:07.280
<v Speaker 1>days after the October Revolution, his draft Decrees on Workers

0:20:07.400 --> 0:20:11.800
<v Speaker 1>Control stated in no uncertain terms that real power and

0:20:11.840 --> 0:20:15.040
<v Speaker 1>authority lay with the new state and the Bolshevik dominated

0:20:15.080 --> 0:20:19.320
<v Speaker 1>trade unions. In the face of massive and unexpected resistance

0:20:19.320 --> 0:20:22.000
<v Speaker 1>from the workers councils, the decree is needed to be

0:20:22.080 --> 0:20:25.400
<v Speaker 1>modified before they could be implemented. But while publicly declaring

0:20:25.400 --> 0:20:28.560
<v Speaker 1>his support for the workers councils, the Bolshevik slogan was

0:20:28.720 --> 0:20:32.159
<v Speaker 1>after all, all power to the Soviets, Lenin continued to

0:20:32.160 --> 0:20:34.439
<v Speaker 1>trip away at their power until he finally admitted his

0:20:34.480 --> 0:20:37.320
<v Speaker 1>real position of democracy in the Factory in nineteen eighteen

0:20:37.920 --> 0:20:41.480
<v Speaker 1>in the Horrifying the immediate tasks of the Soviet government

0:20:42.080 --> 0:20:48.400
<v Speaker 1>quote unquestioning submission to a single will is absolutely necessary

0:20:48.440 --> 0:20:50.960
<v Speaker 1>for the success of labor processes that are based on

0:20:51.119 --> 0:20:56.480
<v Speaker 1>large scale machine industry today, the revolution demands, in the

0:20:56.520 --> 0:21:01.560
<v Speaker 1>interests of socialism, that the masses on we obey the

0:21:01.600 --> 0:21:06.720
<v Speaker 1>single will of the leaders of the labor process. This

0:21:07.600 --> 0:21:10.000
<v Speaker 1>is obviously one of the most disturbing things I've ever read.

0:21:10.600 --> 0:21:14.000
<v Speaker 1>But to be clear, while Lenin is more candid about

0:21:14.000 --> 0:21:17.480
<v Speaker 1>what one man rule in the factory actually entails, the

0:21:17.520 --> 0:21:21.040
<v Speaker 1>system he's describing isn't actually different from one man rule

0:21:21.040 --> 0:21:24.240
<v Speaker 1>and any other political system. Bolshevik rule in the factory

0:21:24.240 --> 0:21:27.720
<v Speaker 1>would be no different than capitalist, social democratic, or even

0:21:27.760 --> 0:21:31.760
<v Speaker 1>fascist rule. The movement for democracy in the factory now

0:21:31.800 --> 0:21:35.560
<v Speaker 1>faced four implacable enemies willing to put aside their ideological

0:21:35.560 --> 0:21:40.520
<v Speaker 1>differences to ensure that workers would not run their workplaces directly,

0:21:41.160 --> 0:21:43.760
<v Speaker 1>and as the nineteen twenties bled into the nineteen thirties,

0:21:44.240 --> 0:21:47.000
<v Speaker 1>the movement seemed to have all but disappeared in a

0:21:47.040 --> 0:21:52.800
<v Speaker 1>haale of bullets and blood. But they didn't. And next episode,

0:21:53.080 --> 0:21:57.760
<v Speaker 1>our heroes, the collective hero the world's working class will

0:21:57.760 --> 0:22:02.480
<v Speaker 1>be back. They will do any many more revolutions, and

0:22:02.560 --> 0:22:05.760
<v Speaker 1>we're going to talk about why those revolutions happened, what

0:22:05.840 --> 0:22:08.680
<v Speaker 1>the ruling class did to stop them, And then returned

0:22:08.720 --> 0:22:11.359
<v Speaker 1>to the lead up to Tianaman Square to see the

0:22:11.359 --> 0:22:13.959
<v Speaker 1>final stand of the Chinese working class.

0:22:17.880 --> 0:22:20.359
<v Speaker 2>It could Happen Here is a production of cool Zone Media.

0:22:20.560 --> 0:22:23.640
<v Speaker 2>For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website

0:22:23.680 --> 0:22:27.280
<v Speaker 2>coolzonemedia dot com, or check us out on the iHeartRadio app,

0:22:27.359 --> 0:22:30.920
<v Speaker 2>Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to podcasts. You can

0:22:30.960 --> 0:22:33.280
<v Speaker 2>now find sources for it could Happen Here listed directly

0:22:33.320 --> 0:22:35.600
<v Speaker 2>in episode descriptions. Thanks for listening.