WEBVTT - After Oath Keepers Verdict, Trump Allies May Be Next

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>It's the first time in almost thirty years that the

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Department has convinced a jury to convict citizens of

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<v Speaker 1>seditious conspiracy against the United States, convicting two members of

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<v Speaker 1>the far right wing group the Oath Keepers, of conspiring

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<v Speaker 1>to oppose by force the peaceful transfer of presidential power before, during,

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<v Speaker 1>and after the attack on the Capitol. On January six,

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<v Speaker 1>Attorney General Merrick Garland vowed to continue the prosecutions over

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<v Speaker 1>the insurrection as a verdict of this case makes clear,

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<v Speaker 1>the Department will work tirelessly to hold a countel those

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<v Speaker 1>responsible for crimes relating to the attack on our democracy.

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<v Speaker 1>On January six, in a marathon trial that stretched over

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<v Speaker 1>seven weeks, the government displayed hundreds of messages, call logs,

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<v Speaker 1>and video footage like this made by Oathkeepers founders Stuart

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<v Speaker 1>Rhodes right after the election. We have been already stationed

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<v Speaker 1>outside DC as a nuclear option in case the attempt

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<v Speaker 1>to remove the president illegally, we will step in and

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<v Speaker 1>stop it. My guest is former federal prosecutor Jimmy Grula,

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<v Speaker 1>a professor at Notre Dame Law School Jimmy. The jury

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<v Speaker 1>convicted only Rhodes and a top lieutenant of the seditious

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<v Speaker 1>conspiracy charges. It convicted all five defendants of obstructing certification

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<v Speaker 1>of the Electoral College vote and various other felonies. So

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<v Speaker 1>just how significant is this verdict? I think it's important

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<v Speaker 1>on a couple of levels. First, I think it's a

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<v Speaker 1>very powerful rebuttal to the narrative that the January six

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<v Speaker 1>rioters were so called patriots. What this verdict proves is

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<v Speaker 1>in instead of patriots, many of these individuals, certainly, these

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<v Speaker 1>five individuals that were convicted are criminals. And these individuals

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<v Speaker 1>have been can evicted of some of the most serious

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<v Speaker 1>crimes against the government, including two of them convicted of

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<v Speaker 1>seditious conspiracy, which is second only in terms of its

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<v Speaker 1>severity and important, second only to treason. And I think

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<v Speaker 1>the other important takeaway is whether or not the convictions

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<v Speaker 1>are going to motivate any of the five defendants to

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<v Speaker 1>cooperate with the government. So all five defendants were convicted

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<v Speaker 1>of obstructing an official proceeding. That's a very serious offense

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<v Speaker 1>that carries a penalty up to twenty years in prison.

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<v Speaker 1>So these individuals have a real incentive to try to

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<v Speaker 1>reduce their criminal liability and term of imprisonment by cooperating

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<v Speaker 1>with the government. So we'll have to wait and see

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<v Speaker 1>what happens there, and then lastly, whether or not these

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<v Speaker 1>verdicts are going to encourage others to cooperate with the government.

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<v Speaker 1>So there are several individuals that have trials that are

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<v Speaker 1>pending and again involving very serious felony charges, and it

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<v Speaker 1>will be interesting to see whether they're motivated to operate

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<v Speaker 1>with the government as well. The verdicts weren't a slam

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<v Speaker 1>dunk for the prosecution. I mean they only found too

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<v Speaker 1>guilty of the top charge, which is really the minimum

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<v Speaker 1>number for a conspiracy. Yeah, that's true. There are ten

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<v Speaker 1>counts that the jury considered. The fact that some were quitted,

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<v Speaker 1>some were convicted. What a suggest to me is that

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<v Speaker 1>it was a jury that really took its responsibilities seriously

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<v Speaker 1>with respect to each count and the evidence as it

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<v Speaker 1>retained to each individual. So they really called through the

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<v Speaker 1>evidence and applied the evidence defended by defendant, and in

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<v Speaker 1>some cases they just found that there was not sufficient

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<v Speaker 1>evidence beyond a reasonable doubt of an agreement, which is

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<v Speaker 1>the central element to establish conspiracy, including seditious conspiracy. Will

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<v Speaker 1>these verdicts make other defendants more or less likely to

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<v Speaker 1>try to reach a plea deal. I think they're going

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<v Speaker 1>to have the effect of causing others to rethink whether

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<v Speaker 1>they want to go to trial and whether they want

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<v Speaker 1>to run the risk of being convicted. Now, again, it's

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<v Speaker 1>going to depend upon the strength of the government's evidence

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<v Speaker 1>in each of these other cases that are yet to

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<v Speaker 1>be litigated at trial. But I think this is sending

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<v Speaker 1>a very powerful message that you very well could be convicted,

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<v Speaker 1>and if so, you could be looking at twenty, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>plus years in prison, spending a substantial period of your

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<v Speaker 1>life in prison. And so I think it's going to

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<v Speaker 1>cause a number of defendants to pause and reconsider. I

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<v Speaker 1>think it's going to cause their attorneys to reach out

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<v Speaker 1>to them and say, you know what, let's think about this,

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<v Speaker 1>let's talk through this. Are you sure you want to

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<v Speaker 1>run the risk, because if you do, you could very

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<v Speaker 1>well run the same fate that these five defendants, including

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<v Speaker 1>Stewart Rhods have with reflected jury convictions. On Monday, four

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<v Speaker 1>other members of the Oath Keepers are scheduled to go

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<v Speaker 1>on trial on seditious conspiracy charges because a judge split

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<v Speaker 1>the trial. So the question is whether a jury will

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<v Speaker 1>hold them accountable for sedition. And even though none of

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<v Speaker 1>them were leaders of the group and that seemed to

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<v Speaker 1>make a difference. Here you raise a good point, and

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<v Speaker 1>again it's very important that we not talk about these

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<v Speaker 1>cases and broad generalities because with respect to criminal liability,

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<v Speaker 1>it's going to turn on the evidence that is relevant

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<v Speaker 1>to each defendant. And in this particular case, with respect

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<v Speaker 1>to Rhodse and Meg's, there was compelling evidence of their

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<v Speaker 1>involvement in a seditious conspiracy. So that evidence was largely

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<v Speaker 1>their own words in various text messages and other communications.

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<v Speaker 1>So that was the most compelling evidence against them that really,

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<v Speaker 1>I think caused the jury to find them guilty. So

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<v Speaker 1>the question is going to be, with respect of future

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<v Speaker 1>cases and the four defendants in this upcoming case on

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<v Speaker 1>seditious conspiracy, does the government have similar compelling evidence coming

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<v Speaker 1>from their own words and their own statements and their

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<v Speaker 1>own admissions. And so that's a critical question moving forward.

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<v Speaker 1>We talked before about Stuart Rhodes being a graduate of

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<v Speaker 1>Yelled Law School and deciding to take the stand in

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<v Speaker 1>his own defense. Do you think that helped him at

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<v Speaker 1>all with some of the charges he was found not

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<v Speaker 1>guilty of. Well, it certainly didn't. Didn't help him with

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<v Speaker 1>the most serious church you know, seditious conspiracy. So it's

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<v Speaker 1>always a risk, it's a major risk whenever a defendant

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<v Speaker 1>decides to testify in his own offense. Of course they

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<v Speaker 1>have that right to do so, but it carries a

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<v Speaker 1>substantial downside, and that is that the government then is

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<v Speaker 1>going to be able to cross examine the witness, and

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<v Speaker 1>that evidence that they used a cross examined could be

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<v Speaker 1>very damaging against the defendant. And that was the case

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<v Speaker 1>with Stuart Rhodes. I mean they confronted him time and

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<v Speaker 1>time again with his own statements that again suggested that

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<v Speaker 1>he was engaged in this conspiracy to use violence to

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<v Speaker 1>prevent the peaceful transfer of power and the certification of

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<v Speaker 1>the Electoral College votes. So yeah, I mean, it may

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<v Speaker 1>have helped him with a couple of charges, but I think,

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<v Speaker 1>to be honest with you, maybe it been of fitted

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<v Speaker 1>him with the lesser charges. But you look at what

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<v Speaker 1>I consider to be that the two most serious charge,

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<v Speaker 1>or the sedition charge and the obstruction of official proceedings charge,

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<v Speaker 1>which both carry a twenty years sentence, and he was

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<v Speaker 1>convicted of both of those. The defendants attorneys said they're

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<v Speaker 1>going to appeal. Any appellate issues stand out to you, No,

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<v Speaker 1>not really, it'll be interesting to see. I mean, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>the defense council is always going to say that, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>we're going to appeal, and they certainly have a right

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<v Speaker 1>to do so, but you're really, in reality, it's it's

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<v Speaker 1>very rare and kind of extraordinary where the Court of

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<v Speaker 1>Appeals will find that there was prejudice at the trial

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<v Speaker 1>that would justify overturning the conviction of those cases are

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<v Speaker 1>very rare, and there's nothing about the proceedings in this case,

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<v Speaker 1>no major issue, no major controversial issue, a major procedural

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<v Speaker 1>or of an injury issue that would cause me to

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<v Speaker 1>believe that any of these convictions are going to be overturned.

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<v Speaker 1>Throughout the trial, prosecutors highlighted the defendants links to key

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<v Speaker 1>allies of former President Trump, such as Roger Stone Alley,

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<v Speaker 1>Alex Ender, Michael Flynn, an attorney Sidney Powell, and Rudy Giuliani,

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<v Speaker 1>and Rhodes. Attorney James Lee Bright said he expects the

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<v Speaker 1>Justice Department to take this mixed verdict as a sign

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<v Speaker 1>to move full speed ahead with prosecutions against others allegedly

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<v Speaker 1>involved in planning January six. Do you agree with that? Yeah?

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<v Speaker 1>I do. I think at the end of the day,

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<v Speaker 1>even though it was a mixed verdie and the jury

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<v Speaker 1>didn't convict all defendants and all charges, the reality is

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<v Speaker 1>this is still a major victory for the Department of Justice.

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<v Speaker 1>And I don't care how you try to spend it,

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<v Speaker 1>you can't spend it away from that result. And so

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's certainly going to encourage and in bolden

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<v Speaker 1>the Department of Justice to move forward in a very

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<v Speaker 1>aggressive manner. And then with respect to the cooperation, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the question is, well, what evidence might these five defendants

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<v Speaker 1>or other defendants have that would be of value to

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<v Speaker 1>the Department of Justice. So do they have valuable evidence

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<v Speaker 1>against Roger Stone as a member of the conspiracy to

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<v Speaker 1>commit sedition? What about Steve Bannon? What about Michael Flynn?

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<v Speaker 1>What about Johnny Man. I do think that someone like

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<v Speaker 1>Stuart Rhodes might have valuable, credible evidence to implicate these

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<v Speaker 1>individuals and perhaps others in conspiratorial conduct. The question always

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<v Speaker 1>ends up being will Trump be prosecuted by the Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Department in this case? The defense lawyers said that nothing

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<v Speaker 1>in all the information they got implicated Trump. Yeah, that's

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<v Speaker 1>that's a very good point. It's a very good question.

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<v Speaker 1>And so we don't want to read too much into

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<v Speaker 1>these verdicts, and so well, again it's a major victory

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<v Speaker 1>for further Department of Justice. I mean, I still think

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<v Speaker 1>there's a long ways to go in terms of establishing

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<v Speaker 1>sufficient evidence or in criminal charges against former President Trump,

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<v Speaker 1>at least based upon the evidence that's been made available

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<v Speaker 1>to the public. And even if Stuart Rhodes decided to

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<v Speaker 1>cooperate fully cooperate with the Department of Justice, then the

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<v Speaker 1>question is, does he have any any evidence, direct evidence,

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<v Speaker 1>credible evidence that would directly implicate Trump. And that's a

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<v Speaker 1>big question mark, and you know, I wouldn't want to

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<v Speaker 1>speculate on that point. So for those that say, oh, well,

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<v Speaker 1>now you know this verdict is really going to open

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<v Speaker 1>the door to bringing criminal charges against former President Trump,

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think we're there yet, and I think that

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<v Speaker 1>at this point is premature to make those those types

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<v Speaker 1>of claims. At the press conference, there are questions for

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<v Speaker 1>Attorney General Merrick Garland about whether having a special counsel

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<v Speaker 1>appointed is slowing down the investigation. That's a question that's

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<v Speaker 1>been posed so many times and is there a real

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<v Speaker 1>rush here? Well, the problem is is that we're now

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<v Speaker 1>close to two years, you know, from the January six insurrection,

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<v Speaker 1>and now with the appointment of a of a special council,

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think there's any question that it's going to

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<v Speaker 1>delay the investigation, which of course is going to delay

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<v Speaker 1>any possible criminal charges. The real question for me is

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<v Speaker 1>how long as the appointment of special council going to

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<v Speaker 1>lay the proceedings? And it could be substantial, it could

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<v Speaker 1>be a substantial delay and and and the reality is,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, we may not have a decision one way

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<v Speaker 1>or the other even up to elections. I mean, it's

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<v Speaker 1>it's conceivable. And I think that as we get closer

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<v Speaker 1>and closer to the election, and of course, if former

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<v Speaker 1>President Trump is the Republican nominee, I think that the

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<v Speaker 1>Department of Justice is probably going to be even less

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<v Speaker 1>inclined to bring criminal charges that would influence certainly the

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<v Speaker 1>the outcome of the presidential election. And so I think

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<v Speaker 1>this process is likely going to be delayed for a

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<v Speaker 1>significant period of time and maybe even beyond election. It

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<v Speaker 1>seems like they could move forward on Moral Lago, on

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<v Speaker 1>the Moral Lago documents, because that's a sort of confined investigation. Yeah,

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<v Speaker 1>I think a couple of things. So I think that's

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<v Speaker 1>an excellent point. Coupled with, you know, maybe where the

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<v Speaker 1>public is focusing too much on the Department of Justice investigation,

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<v Speaker 1>and maybe in terms of criminal charges being brought, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>sooner rather than later, those are going to be coming

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<v Speaker 1>from state jurisdiction, stuff from the Department of Justice. So

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<v Speaker 1>we may be looking at criminal charges coming out of Georgia,

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<v Speaker 1>criminal charges coming out of New York, you know, before

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<v Speaker 1>any federal criminal charges, if any, are filed by the

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<v Speaker 1>Department of Justice. So maybe that should be the proper focus. Finally,

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<v Speaker 1>there was a question about the January six Committee not

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<v Speaker 1>giving all the transcripts and information to the Justice Department.

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<v Speaker 1>What is their motive for holding back on those There's

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<v Speaker 1>a couple of concerns, are I suspect, and that is,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, maybe there's some concern that if these documents,

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<v Speaker 1>these transcripts or discloses, somehow they may be leaked, and

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<v Speaker 1>that would would interfere and obstruct the Congressional January six

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<v Speaker 1>Committee investigation. So but again that that that's very speculative,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, kind of kind of looking to, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>what's the justification, trying to come up with some explanation

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<v Speaker 1>for that. But on the other hand, what trouble to

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<v Speaker 1>me too is that why is an Apartment of Justice

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<v Speaker 1>having to rely upon a congressional committee to assist to

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<v Speaker 1>them in their investigation. Why is it that the Congressional

0:13:09.600 --> 0:13:12.600
<v Speaker 1>committee is taking the lead on this rather than the

0:13:12.600 --> 0:13:15.120
<v Speaker 1>Department of Justice should be the other way around. Should

0:13:15.160 --> 0:13:17.640
<v Speaker 1>be a Department of Justice that should be moving forward

0:13:18.080 --> 0:13:23.520
<v Speaker 1>at at a more assertive, aggressive manner with respect to

0:13:23.559 --> 0:13:28.120
<v Speaker 1>these serious, serious allegations. They shouldn't be reliant on on

0:13:28.160 --> 0:13:31.679
<v Speaker 1>any congressional committee to assist them in their investigation. I mean,

0:13:31.760 --> 0:13:34.720
<v Speaker 1>look at the resources, look at the look at the manpower,

0:13:34.800 --> 0:13:37.840
<v Speaker 1>look at the the assets, you know, the FBI and

0:13:37.960 --> 0:13:41.160
<v Speaker 1>d o J prosecutors that are available to assist in

0:13:41.200 --> 0:13:45.280
<v Speaker 1>this investigation. And so I I don't find very I'm

0:13:45.280 --> 0:13:49.440
<v Speaker 1>not very sympathetic to d o j's criticism that, oh,

0:13:50.000 --> 0:13:54.679
<v Speaker 1>somehow their investigation is being delayed because the January six

0:13:54.720 --> 0:13:57.319
<v Speaker 1>Committee is not fully complying. They should be taking the

0:13:57.440 --> 0:13:59.640
<v Speaker 1>lead on this, and they shouldn't be relying upon a

0:13:59.679 --> 0:14:03.160
<v Speaker 1>congre national committee to do their work. Good point, Thanks

0:14:03.200 --> 0:14:06.280
<v Speaker 1>so much, Jimmy. That's Professor Jimmy Garule of Notre Dame

0:14:06.360 --> 0:14:11.400
<v Speaker 1>Law School. The Senate has passed legislation to enshrine federal

0:14:11.440 --> 0:14:15.600
<v Speaker 1>protection for same sex marriages, with a bipartisan vote that

0:14:15.679 --> 0:14:20.160
<v Speaker 1>demonstrates the dramatic cultural shift in this country on the issue.

0:14:20.600 --> 0:14:23.680
<v Speaker 1>The six to thirty six vote on Tuesday was a

0:14:23.800 --> 0:14:27.560
<v Speaker 1>victory for Democrats, who have raised concerns that the conservative

0:14:27.640 --> 0:14:31.280
<v Speaker 1>leaning Supreme Court could overturn the right to same sex

0:14:31.400 --> 0:14:35.000
<v Speaker 1>marriage in the same way that it overturned the constitutional

0:14:35.120 --> 0:14:38.920
<v Speaker 1>right to abortion in the Jobs decision. President Joe Biden

0:14:39.000 --> 0:14:43.680
<v Speaker 1>has repeatedly expressed concern over the implications of the decision.

0:14:44.120 --> 0:14:48.480
<v Speaker 1>The reasoning of this decision has an impact much beyond

0:14:48.680 --> 0:14:53.760
<v Speaker 1>row and to the right to privacy more generally. Joining

0:14:53.800 --> 0:14:56.520
<v Speaker 1>me is Michael Dorff, a professor of constitutional law and

0:14:56.600 --> 0:15:00.080
<v Speaker 1>Cornell Law School, to talk about his recent article, Well

0:15:00.120 --> 0:15:04.880
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court respect the Respect for Marriage Act? Explain

0:15:05.040 --> 0:15:08.840
<v Speaker 1>why despite what Justice Alito wrote in the majority opinion

0:15:08.880 --> 0:15:13.200
<v Speaker 1>in Dabbs. You feel that Justice Thomas was correct that

0:15:13.320 --> 0:15:18.400
<v Speaker 1>the logic of Dobbs threatens O Burgha fell. The primary

0:15:18.600 --> 0:15:22.440
<v Speaker 1>argument offered by Justice Alito and the majority opinion in

0:15:22.520 --> 0:15:30.240
<v Speaker 1>Dobbs is that abortion was not deeply rooted in history

0:15:30.280 --> 0:15:34.480
<v Speaker 1>and tradition as a constitutional right, and therefore Roe v.

0:15:34.680 --> 0:15:39.400
<v Speaker 1>Wade was not just wrongly decided, but egregiously. So. It's

0:15:39.480 --> 0:15:43.720
<v Speaker 1>true that when he comes to distinguishing other rights, he

0:15:43.880 --> 0:15:49.080
<v Speaker 1>says that those other rights do not destroy a human

0:15:49.160 --> 0:15:52.600
<v Speaker 1>life or a potential human life, but that distinction is

0:15:52.640 --> 0:15:56.240
<v Speaker 1>something of a non sequitur, because that's not his primary

0:15:56.280 --> 0:15:59.320
<v Speaker 1>basis for rejecting the right to abortion. The primary basis

0:15:59.360 --> 0:16:03.520
<v Speaker 1>for rejecting the right is the lack of deep historical roots.

0:16:03.600 --> 0:16:06.760
<v Speaker 1>And one could certainly say the same thing about same

0:16:06.800 --> 0:16:10.040
<v Speaker 1>sex marriage, and for that matter, other rights such as

0:16:10.240 --> 0:16:16.080
<v Speaker 1>interracial marriage, such as contraception, etcetera. And therefore Justice Thomas

0:16:16.160 --> 0:16:18.000
<v Speaker 1>I think, does have a point when he says in

0:16:18.080 --> 0:16:21.800
<v Speaker 1>his concurring opinion, I agree with the majority, and we

0:16:21.840 --> 0:16:25.720
<v Speaker 1>should apply this same rationale to those other precedents and

0:16:25.760 --> 0:16:29.400
<v Speaker 1>overrule them as well. As you point out the justices

0:16:29.400 --> 0:16:35.080
<v Speaker 1>in the Dobbs majority who were on the court in Roberts, Thomas,

0:16:35.160 --> 0:16:39.920
<v Speaker 1>and Alito all dissented in O. Burger Fell. Does that

0:16:40.400 --> 0:16:43.360
<v Speaker 1>give us pause to think that they'll be ready to

0:16:44.160 --> 0:16:47.720
<v Speaker 1>overturn O. Berger Fell? I think probably not. With respect

0:16:47.800 --> 0:16:51.280
<v Speaker 1>to Chief Justice Roberts, who I should say I characterized

0:16:51.280 --> 0:16:53.360
<v Speaker 1>in a column as in the Dobbs majority, and he

0:16:53.480 --> 0:16:55.640
<v Speaker 1>was in the adopts majority with respect to the outcome,

0:16:55.640 --> 0:16:59.880
<v Speaker 1>but he didn't join Justice Alito's opinion. And more general,

0:17:00.280 --> 0:17:04.320
<v Speaker 1>I don't think Chief Justice Roberts is especially opposed to

0:17:04.359 --> 0:17:06.879
<v Speaker 1>the outcome of A Burgher felt. He is uh seemed

0:17:06.880 --> 0:17:08.840
<v Speaker 1>to have made his peace with it. I do think

0:17:09.000 --> 0:17:13.639
<v Speaker 1>Justices Thomas and Alito would be prepared to overrule A

0:17:13.680 --> 0:17:16.480
<v Speaker 1>Burger Felt. Certainly. Justice Thomas said as much in his

0:17:16.840 --> 0:17:20.760
<v Speaker 1>Dobb's concurrence, And while Justice Alito didn't say that, I

0:17:20.800 --> 0:17:23.439
<v Speaker 1>think that all he was saying was that this case

0:17:23.560 --> 0:17:27.120
<v Speaker 1>doesn't overrule a Burgher felt. If enough of his colleagues

0:17:27.119 --> 0:17:29.679
<v Speaker 1>were willing to reconsider it, I don't doubt that he

0:17:29.720 --> 0:17:34.280
<v Speaker 1>would be in the majority to overturn. Did Justice Thomas

0:17:34.320 --> 0:17:38.760
<v Speaker 1>mentioned interracial marriage when he was talking about cases that

0:17:38.880 --> 0:17:43.240
<v Speaker 1>might be reversed? He did not, But I think Justice

0:17:43.280 --> 0:17:46.359
<v Speaker 1>Thomas would say, as probably most of the justices in

0:17:46.440 --> 0:17:50.320
<v Speaker 1>the majority would say, that the right interracial marriage recognize

0:17:50.359 --> 0:17:55.480
<v Speaker 1>in Loving against Virginia can be independently justified as a

0:17:55.520 --> 0:17:58.639
<v Speaker 1>matter of equal protection. So Justice Thomas has said that

0:17:58.680 --> 0:18:01.560
<v Speaker 1>he doesn't think there's any constitutional right to marry at all,

0:18:02.040 --> 0:18:05.199
<v Speaker 1>but I think he would probably say that if the

0:18:05.280 --> 0:18:08.840
<v Speaker 1>state does recognize marriages, it can't discriminate on the basis

0:18:08.840 --> 0:18:11.520
<v Speaker 1>of race because that would deny equal protection. So I

0:18:11.560 --> 0:18:15.520
<v Speaker 1>don't think that interracial marriage is really at risk because

0:18:15.560 --> 0:18:19.840
<v Speaker 1>it's independently protected by a different constitutional right. Now, explain

0:18:19.880 --> 0:18:24.240
<v Speaker 1>what the Respect for Marriage Act does. The Second Marriage

0:18:24.280 --> 0:18:28.800
<v Speaker 1>Act does three main things. First, it says that the

0:18:28.920 --> 0:18:32.600
<v Speaker 1>definition of marriage for purposes of federal law, for example,

0:18:32.680 --> 0:18:37.000
<v Speaker 1>federal income tax law, depends on whether a couple are

0:18:37.119 --> 0:18:40.560
<v Speaker 1>married under state law. So if a same sex couple

0:18:40.680 --> 0:18:44.080
<v Speaker 1>is married under Massachusetts law and they live in Massachusetts,

0:18:44.200 --> 0:18:47.560
<v Speaker 1>then on their federal taxes, they're married for federal purposes.

0:18:47.840 --> 0:18:51.200
<v Speaker 1>The second thing it does is it says that even

0:18:51.240 --> 0:18:54.520
<v Speaker 1>if the state doesn't want to recognize same sex marriage

0:18:54.600 --> 0:18:58.600
<v Speaker 1>on its own, it must give recognition to same sex

0:18:58.640 --> 0:19:02.280
<v Speaker 1>marriages of people who were married in another state, and

0:19:02.320 --> 0:19:06.240
<v Speaker 1>that includes both couples who lived in another state where

0:19:06.320 --> 0:19:08.600
<v Speaker 1>same sex marriage was legal and then moved to the

0:19:08.600 --> 0:19:12.320
<v Speaker 1>new state. Let's say they moved from New York to Louisiana.

0:19:12.400 --> 0:19:15.680
<v Speaker 1>If Louisiana were to outlast same sex marriage after a

0:19:15.760 --> 0:19:18.520
<v Speaker 1>burgher Fell were overruled, they would have to be treated

0:19:18.560 --> 0:19:21.400
<v Speaker 1>as married by Louisiana, and so would a couple from

0:19:21.440 --> 0:19:26.080
<v Speaker 1>Louisiana who went to New York to get married there. So,

0:19:26.119 --> 0:19:29.000
<v Speaker 1>in that sense, it effectively makes it possible to have

0:19:29.000 --> 0:19:31.440
<v Speaker 1>a same sex marriage anywhere in the country, at least

0:19:31.480 --> 0:19:33.720
<v Speaker 1>if one is willing to travel to another state to

0:19:33.760 --> 0:19:35.720
<v Speaker 1>get married and one has the wherewithal to do it.

0:19:35.880 --> 0:19:38.240
<v Speaker 1>The third thing it does, and this is different in

0:19:38.280 --> 0:19:41.680
<v Speaker 1>the Senate version that just passed from the original House version,

0:19:42.160 --> 0:19:47.800
<v Speaker 1>is it includes a provision that allows nonprofit religious organizations

0:19:47.840 --> 0:19:52.600
<v Speaker 1>to decline to provide services, accommodations, goods, et cetera to

0:19:53.119 --> 0:19:56.640
<v Speaker 1>the wedding that of a same sex couple. The Respect

0:19:56.680 --> 0:20:01.560
<v Speaker 1>from Marriage Act, why doesn't it require states to recognize

0:20:01.640 --> 0:20:06.320
<v Speaker 1>same sex marriage no matter where the marriage is performed.

0:20:06.960 --> 0:20:10.520
<v Speaker 1>Probably because it's not clear that Congress has the power

0:20:10.640 --> 0:20:13.480
<v Speaker 1>to do that. The powers of Congress are set out

0:20:13.520 --> 0:20:16.399
<v Speaker 1>in the Constitution, mostly in Article one, Section eight, but

0:20:16.440 --> 0:20:21.000
<v Speaker 1>a few other places, and family law is generally deemed

0:20:21.040 --> 0:20:24.359
<v Speaker 1>a matter of state law that is reserved to the

0:20:24.400 --> 0:20:27.760
<v Speaker 1>states by the Tenth Amendment. So Congress probably doesn't have

0:20:27.800 --> 0:20:31.960
<v Speaker 1>the affirmative power to create a nationwide law of marriage

0:20:32.240 --> 0:20:34.080
<v Speaker 1>in the same way that it doesn't have the affirmative

0:20:34.080 --> 0:20:38.119
<v Speaker 1>power to create a nationwide law of divorce or child

0:20:38.200 --> 0:20:41.000
<v Speaker 1>custody or any of a number of other things. That's

0:20:41.000 --> 0:20:44.640
<v Speaker 1>not to say there isn't federal power in the area, right,

0:20:44.720 --> 0:20:48.680
<v Speaker 1>And so when federal power is being exercised, as for example,

0:20:48.760 --> 0:20:51.760
<v Speaker 1>with respect to the tax code, and it implicates marriage,

0:20:52.080 --> 0:20:54.920
<v Speaker 1>then the federal government can step in either with its

0:20:54.920 --> 0:20:58.320
<v Speaker 1>own definition or as under the Respect for Marriage Act,

0:20:58.520 --> 0:21:02.480
<v Speaker 1>and indeed under the current law by accepting the state definition.

0:21:03.040 --> 0:21:06.720
<v Speaker 1>And why doesn't the full Faith and Credit clause require

0:21:06.840 --> 0:21:12.280
<v Speaker 1>states to recognize marriages performed in other states even without

0:21:12.359 --> 0:21:15.960
<v Speaker 1>this new law the r M A. Well, arguably it does,

0:21:16.359 --> 0:21:21.720
<v Speaker 1>but there has long been a recognized exception to full

0:21:21.760 --> 0:21:25.920
<v Speaker 1>faith and credit not expressly included in Article four of

0:21:25.960 --> 0:21:29.480
<v Speaker 1>the Constitution, which is where that clause appears, but recognized

0:21:29.520 --> 0:21:34.960
<v Speaker 1>by courts that states can refuse to recognize marriages and

0:21:35.200 --> 0:21:39.440
<v Speaker 1>other provisions of state law where it violates the state's

0:21:39.480 --> 0:21:42.360
<v Speaker 1>own public policy. To give us you have a relatively

0:21:42.400 --> 0:21:48.840
<v Speaker 1>uncontroversial example. Imagine that a state recognizes child marriage, as

0:21:49.119 --> 0:21:54.440
<v Speaker 1>California actually does, with the consent of parents. And so

0:21:54.520 --> 0:21:56.760
<v Speaker 1>you have a twelve year old or a thirteen year

0:21:56.760 --> 0:22:00.160
<v Speaker 1>old who's married in California, and then they move move

0:22:00.240 --> 0:22:02.919
<v Speaker 1>to a state that sets as a minimum age for

0:22:03.000 --> 0:22:06.560
<v Speaker 1>marriage sixteen or eighteen or something like that. The state

0:22:06.680 --> 0:22:11.040
<v Speaker 1>would be entitled to use its public policy exception to say, well,

0:22:11.240 --> 0:22:13.840
<v Speaker 1>you might be married in California, but here we regard

0:22:13.920 --> 0:22:17.720
<v Speaker 1>that as against our public policy. So the key way

0:22:17.800 --> 0:22:21.320
<v Speaker 1>in which the r m A is lacking then is

0:22:21.359 --> 0:22:24.720
<v Speaker 1>that it doesn't give the protection that oh Burgherfel gives

0:22:24.760 --> 0:22:29.439
<v Speaker 1>two marriages performed anywhere in the country. Yes, that's right.

0:22:29.480 --> 0:22:33.480
<v Speaker 1>It doesn't mandate that every state legalize same sex marriage

0:22:33.600 --> 0:22:36.840
<v Speaker 1>performed in that state, but it effectively reproduces much of

0:22:36.880 --> 0:22:40.080
<v Speaker 1>that except as I say, and this is perhaps a

0:22:40.080 --> 0:22:43.359
<v Speaker 1>pretty big exception, except for couples who can't afford to

0:22:43.400 --> 0:22:47.359
<v Speaker 1>travel to another state, potentially a distant one. Because states

0:22:47.440 --> 0:22:51.399
<v Speaker 1>tend to clump geographically with respect to social issues. So

0:22:51.400 --> 0:22:53.000
<v Speaker 1>if they can't afford to travel to a state where

0:22:53.000 --> 0:22:55.560
<v Speaker 1>the same six marriage is recognized, then they can't get

0:22:55.560 --> 0:22:57.840
<v Speaker 1>married in their home state. So in that sense that

0:22:57.960 --> 0:23:00.200
<v Speaker 1>that is a big difference. So now that the sane

0:23:00.600 --> 0:23:04.879
<v Speaker 1>focus of your piece is whether the Supreme Court would

0:23:05.000 --> 0:23:08.880
<v Speaker 1>respect the Respect for Marriage Act, So tell us about

0:23:08.960 --> 0:23:12.159
<v Speaker 1>your conclusions there. Well, my conclusion is that if you

0:23:12.320 --> 0:23:18.159
<v Speaker 1>straightforwardly apply the existing precedent, the answer is yes with

0:23:18.240 --> 0:23:22.560
<v Speaker 1>respect to all three of the key elements of the

0:23:22.760 --> 0:23:27.200
<v Speaker 1>r m A. First, Congress has wide latitude to define

0:23:27.600 --> 0:23:31.560
<v Speaker 1>the meaning of terms in federal statutes, and sometimes it

0:23:31.600 --> 0:23:34.399
<v Speaker 1>expressly does that. There's an actually a federal statute that

0:23:34.440 --> 0:23:37.480
<v Speaker 1>goes by the name of the Dictionary Act that defines

0:23:37.760 --> 0:23:43.639
<v Speaker 1>various words in all federal statutes unless particular context suggests otherwise.

0:23:44.040 --> 0:23:47.399
<v Speaker 1>But it's also quite common that federal law will piggyback

0:23:47.480 --> 0:23:49.520
<v Speaker 1>on state law in the way that the r m

0:23:49.560 --> 0:23:51.159
<v Speaker 1>A does. I think there's a very little chance of

0:23:51.200 --> 0:23:54.280
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court would say that that's unconstitutional. I think

0:23:54.280 --> 0:23:56.720
<v Speaker 1>there's also very little chance that the Court would say

0:23:56.800 --> 0:24:02.480
<v Speaker 1>that the provision giving religious nonprofit organizations are right to

0:24:02.640 --> 0:24:06.280
<v Speaker 1>opt out of providing services is unconstitutional. Indeed, the only

0:24:06.560 --> 0:24:09.280
<v Speaker 1>way this issue would arise is if the Supreme Court

0:24:09.440 --> 0:24:12.120
<v Speaker 1>overrules a burgher Fell, and if a court that would

0:24:12.119 --> 0:24:14.920
<v Speaker 1>be willing to do that would welcome such an exception.

0:24:15.160 --> 0:24:17.679
<v Speaker 1>The only place where there is the tiniest bit of

0:24:17.680 --> 0:24:21.040
<v Speaker 1>wiggle room, I suppose, is with respect to the obligation

0:24:21.160 --> 0:24:25.000
<v Speaker 1>of states to recognize out of state same sex marriages.

0:24:25.440 --> 0:24:31.360
<v Speaker 1>And they're most of the cases involving limits on full

0:24:31.400 --> 0:24:34.800
<v Speaker 1>faith and credit have involved divorced and there are other

0:24:34.880 --> 0:24:39.760
<v Speaker 1>contexts in which Congress has exercised its power to, as

0:24:39.800 --> 0:24:44.359
<v Speaker 1>it says an article for decide the effect of full

0:24:44.359 --> 0:24:48.440
<v Speaker 1>faith and credit or out of state acts. But there's

0:24:48.520 --> 0:24:51.359
<v Speaker 1>not a whole lot of law on that, And so

0:24:51.440 --> 0:24:54.399
<v Speaker 1>one could imagine a sort of willful Supreme Court that

0:24:54.560 --> 0:24:58.399
<v Speaker 1>really really doesn't like same sex marriage, denying Congress the

0:24:58.480 --> 0:25:02.920
<v Speaker 1>power to mandate interstate recognition. I don't think that's likely.

0:25:03.000 --> 0:25:05.160
<v Speaker 1>I also don't think it's likely that the Supreme Court

0:25:05.400 --> 0:25:07.520
<v Speaker 1>would over rule a burgher Felt. But I make that

0:25:07.640 --> 0:25:12.560
<v Speaker 1>judgment based mostly on the psychology of the particular justices,

0:25:13.040 --> 0:25:15.960
<v Speaker 1>And if I'm wrong about the psychology with respect to

0:25:15.960 --> 0:25:18.320
<v Speaker 1>their wanting to over rule a burgh Felt, I could

0:25:18.320 --> 0:25:21.200
<v Speaker 1>be wrong about how faithful they would be to existing

0:25:21.280 --> 0:25:24.160
<v Speaker 1>precedent regarding full faith and credit. Tell us a little

0:25:24.200 --> 0:25:27.719
<v Speaker 1>bit more about the psychology of the different justices. Well,

0:25:28.000 --> 0:25:32.120
<v Speaker 1>you know, what we're really asking is to what extent

0:25:33.320 --> 0:25:37.280
<v Speaker 1>is oh burgher Felt a reflection of the values of

0:25:37.320 --> 0:25:40.160
<v Speaker 1>the justices. I think it's fair to say that when

0:25:40.280 --> 0:25:45.159
<v Speaker 1>Chief Justice Robert's dissented in obergha Fell, he wasn't saying

0:25:45.240 --> 0:25:48.159
<v Speaker 1>and he wasn't acting on a view that opposes the

0:25:48.200 --> 0:25:50.600
<v Speaker 1>same sex marriage as a policy matter. I take him

0:25:50.600 --> 0:25:53.520
<v Speaker 1>at his word when he says that he thinks this

0:25:53.680 --> 0:25:56.719
<v Speaker 1>is probably, you know, a perfectly fine development, and he

0:25:56.760 --> 0:25:59.320
<v Speaker 1>has he has no difficulty with it. To put it differently,

0:25:59.480 --> 0:26:02.480
<v Speaker 1>it's not really a culture warrior. He was dissenting on

0:26:02.840 --> 0:26:06.639
<v Speaker 1>jurisprudential principles. On the other hand, I think that some

0:26:06.760 --> 0:26:12.520
<v Speaker 1>of the justices, especially Justices Thomas and Alito, regard same

0:26:12.520 --> 0:26:17.480
<v Speaker 1>sex marriage in much the way that other social conservatives do.

0:26:17.640 --> 0:26:21.720
<v Speaker 1>That is, they oppose it, and so they would think

0:26:21.840 --> 0:26:24.400
<v Speaker 1>that it's not just wrong as a matter of interpreting

0:26:24.400 --> 0:26:28.000
<v Speaker 1>the Constitution, but that it leads to bad results. Now

0:26:28.280 --> 0:26:33.000
<v Speaker 1>In deciding whether to overrule a decision, the Court takes

0:26:33.040 --> 0:26:36.480
<v Speaker 1>account of how well reasoned the case was, but also

0:26:37.480 --> 0:26:42.840
<v Speaker 1>somewhat intangible factors, like what they think of the prior president,

0:26:42.840 --> 0:26:45.080
<v Speaker 1>whether they think it's a good idea bad idea, of

0:26:45.080 --> 0:26:48.119
<v Speaker 1>harmful effects not harmful effect. On the current Court, I

0:26:48.280 --> 0:26:52.360
<v Speaker 1>certainly count Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Gore Such as

0:26:52.400 --> 0:26:55.359
<v Speaker 1>being perfectly fine with same sex marriage. I say that

0:26:55.400 --> 0:26:58.080
<v Speaker 1>about Justice Course Such because he wrote the opinion of

0:26:58.119 --> 0:26:59.960
<v Speaker 1>the Court in the Boss Dot case a couple of

0:27:00.200 --> 0:27:06.200
<v Speaker 1>years ago, holding that the Federal Statutory Employment Discrimination Statute

0:27:06.359 --> 0:27:11.879
<v Speaker 1>forbids sexual orientation discrimination and gender identity discrimination in virtue

0:27:11.920 --> 0:27:14.760
<v Speaker 1>of its prohibition of sex discrimination. So I don't see

0:27:14.800 --> 0:27:16.680
<v Speaker 1>him as having any kind of a beef with same

0:27:16.680 --> 0:27:19.840
<v Speaker 1>sex marriage. And I think I make the same judgment

0:27:20.000 --> 0:27:23.919
<v Speaker 1>probably about Justice Kavanaugh and Barrett. So I really only

0:27:24.000 --> 0:27:28.439
<v Speaker 1>count two and maybe only one justice who are itching

0:27:28.520 --> 0:27:31.200
<v Speaker 1>to over rule oor burgher Felt. But as I say,

0:27:31.320 --> 0:27:33.720
<v Speaker 1>what I've just done is to sort of analyze the

0:27:33.760 --> 0:27:40.080
<v Speaker 1>individual justices based on what I infer are their normative preferences,

0:27:40.680 --> 0:27:44.800
<v Speaker 1>rather than just giving you an account of the logical

0:27:44.840 --> 0:27:47.399
<v Speaker 1>implications of all the legal principles. And that's what I

0:27:47.400 --> 0:27:49.560
<v Speaker 1>mean when I say this is a kind of psychological

0:27:49.920 --> 0:27:53.640
<v Speaker 1>rather than a strictly legal analysis. So let me ask

0:27:53.680 --> 0:27:59.119
<v Speaker 1>you another psychological question. Perhaps there's a great fear since

0:27:59.200 --> 0:28:03.439
<v Speaker 1>the dabbs this vision that the super conservative majority on

0:28:03.480 --> 0:28:07.359
<v Speaker 1>this court is going to lay waste to precedent in

0:28:07.400 --> 0:28:11.439
<v Speaker 1>cases this term from you know, affirmative action, the Voting

0:28:11.520 --> 0:28:17.159
<v Speaker 1>Rights Act giving state legislature's unprecedented power to up end

0:28:17.280 --> 0:28:21.040
<v Speaker 1>federal elections. Do you think that people are right to

0:28:21.040 --> 0:28:24.280
<v Speaker 1>be concerned? Yes, in each of the three cases you

0:28:24.400 --> 0:28:26.760
<v Speaker 1>just identified, they're actually four because there are two affirmative

0:28:26.800 --> 0:28:30.960
<v Speaker 1>action cases. I think that it is not only possible

0:28:31.000 --> 0:28:35.679
<v Speaker 1>but likely that they will reach very conservative results. I

0:28:35.680 --> 0:28:39.280
<v Speaker 1>think they will forbid all or almost all race based

0:28:39.320 --> 0:28:43.280
<v Speaker 1>affirmative action. I think they will further constrain the Voting

0:28:43.400 --> 0:28:47.000
<v Speaker 1>Rights Act. And I have somewhat less confident and I

0:28:47.000 --> 0:28:49.520
<v Speaker 1>therefore I'm a little bit more hopeful with respect to

0:28:49.520 --> 0:28:51.600
<v Speaker 1>what they're going to do in more against Harper, the

0:28:51.640 --> 0:28:55.560
<v Speaker 1>case involving the so called independence date legislature theory. But

0:28:55.680 --> 0:28:59.280
<v Speaker 1>I know that based on what various of the conservative

0:28:59.320 --> 0:29:03.280
<v Speaker 1>justices of in other contexts that they're at least sympathetic

0:29:03.360 --> 0:29:06.680
<v Speaker 1>to some version of this idea that a state legislature

0:29:06.760 --> 0:29:10.360
<v Speaker 1>can decide for itself how to allocate its electors in

0:29:10.400 --> 0:29:13.840
<v Speaker 1>a presidential election, or, as in this particular case, is involved,

0:29:13.920 --> 0:29:18.280
<v Speaker 1>gets the final say over the drawing of district lines,

0:29:18.400 --> 0:29:22.480
<v Speaker 1>notwithstanding the intervention of a state supreme court based on

0:29:22.520 --> 0:29:26.240
<v Speaker 1>the state constitution. One last question. A New Market Law

0:29:26.280 --> 0:29:30.800
<v Speaker 1>School poll finds only of adults approve of the job

0:29:30.880 --> 0:29:35.960
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court is doing, while fifty disapprove. But those

0:29:36.000 --> 0:29:39.880
<v Speaker 1>approval numbers are actually up a bit from September where

0:29:40.880 --> 0:29:46.680
<v Speaker 1>approved and six disapproved. What's happened between September and now

0:29:46.920 --> 0:29:48.840
<v Speaker 1>to lead to a bit more approval of the court.

0:29:49.080 --> 0:29:54.160
<v Speaker 1>Public opinion polling about the Supreme Court is notoriously weird

0:29:54.680 --> 0:29:57.960
<v Speaker 1>because people don't have a lot of information about the

0:29:58.000 --> 0:30:00.600
<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court. They often don't really understand and the meaning

0:30:00.640 --> 0:30:03.800
<v Speaker 1>of cases. If I had to guess, I would say

0:30:03.840 --> 0:30:08.880
<v Speaker 1>that the decline in disapproval of the Supreme Court reflects

0:30:08.920 --> 0:30:12.360
<v Speaker 1>the fact that more time has elapsed since the Dawb's opinion,

0:30:12.400 --> 0:30:15.560
<v Speaker 1>which was the last very salient mention of the Supreme Court.

0:30:15.680 --> 0:30:19.400
<v Speaker 1>It's also possible that it reflects us about affirmative action.

0:30:20.200 --> 0:30:25.400
<v Speaker 1>Affirmative action has been unpopular for a couple of decades now,

0:30:25.760 --> 0:30:30.840
<v Speaker 1>so that even blue states like Michigan and California number

0:30:30.880 --> 0:30:34.840
<v Speaker 1>of years ago forbade it by ballot initiative. So insofar

0:30:34.880 --> 0:30:38.600
<v Speaker 1>as there was news reporting that the Supreme Court is

0:30:39.040 --> 0:30:42.800
<v Speaker 1>considering making affirmative action unlawful, I can see how that

0:30:42.800 --> 0:30:45.440
<v Speaker 1>would lead to a slight uptick in approval rating for

0:30:45.480 --> 0:30:48.600
<v Speaker 1>the Court. Thanks so much, Mike for those insights. That's

0:30:48.640 --> 0:30:52.360
<v Speaker 1>Professor Michael Dorff of Cornell Law School. Remember you can

0:30:52.400 --> 0:30:55.640
<v Speaker 1>always get the latest legal news on our Bloomberg Law podcast.

0:30:55.920 --> 0:30:58.920
<v Speaker 1>You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify and at

0:30:59.120 --> 0:31:03.600
<v Speaker 1>ww doul you dot Bloomberg dot com, slash podcast Slash Law.

0:31:04.200 --> 0:31:06.959
<v Speaker 1>I'm Jim Grosso, and you're listening to Bloomberg