WEBVTT - Bloomberg's Nicholson, Heilemann, on Trump Rhetoric (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>Global business news twenty four hours a day. If Bloomberg

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<v Speaker 1>rates lower for longer. The SMP five index down four

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<v Speaker 1>to one, a drop of two tenths of one percent,

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<v Speaker 1>of point one percent. Gold surging two and a half

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<v Speaker 1>percent to thirty ninety. The ounce thirty up thirty ninety,

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<v Speaker 1>the ounce to twelve fifty crewed down one barrel on

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<v Speaker 1>West Texas Intermedia crwede a drop of eight tenths of

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<v Speaker 1>one percent. I'm Charlie Pellett. That's a Bloomberg business flash.

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to taking stock with Cale and pim Box

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<v Speaker 1>on Bloomberg Radio. Republican candidate Donald Trump he emphasizes his

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<v Speaker 1>business savvy as one reason to make him president. But

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<v Speaker 1>is he business savvy about the US treasury market? Let's

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<v Speaker 1>find out more from Jonathan Nicholson. He is Capitol Hill

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<v Speaker 1>budget reporter for Bloomberg b NA, joining us from Arlington, Virginia,

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<v Speaker 1>the metro area Washington, d C, home to Bloomberg twelve

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<v Speaker 1>and nine. I beg your pardon one and one oh

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<v Speaker 1>five point seven h d F M h D two.

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<v Speaker 1>Jonathan tell us what exactly is this Trump talk? And

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<v Speaker 1>is Wall Street taking him seriously? Well? The excuse me? Um,

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<v Speaker 1>he talked about bondholders taking haircuts, discounts on bombs. He's

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<v Speaker 1>talked about, you know, talked about a trade getting into

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<v Speaker 1>retarritory trade uh A wars specifically about who cares if

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<v Speaker 1>there's a who the hell cares if there's a trade

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<v Speaker 1>war with China. Um. These are ordinary things that would

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<v Speaker 1>make markets sort of spoopd uh for coming from a

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<v Speaker 1>major part of the nominee. But so far, UM, really

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<v Speaker 1>markets have shown very little reaction to this. So the

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<v Speaker 1>debate is sort of come to why haven't they shown

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<v Speaker 1>that reaction yet? Well? Could it be simply that they

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<v Speaker 1>know that trade wars are not conducted solely by presidents.

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<v Speaker 1>Congress has to be involved to uh, And so they

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<v Speaker 1>realize that a president can push for certain things, but

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<v Speaker 1>they don't necessarily get them. That's right there. There's sort

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<v Speaker 1>of three theories. UH. One is is that some people

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<v Speaker 1>say that they just simply don't believe that he doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>believe what he's saying. That he's just started saying these

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<v Speaker 1>things to get past the geop primary UH, to get

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<v Speaker 1>to the right of the rest of what used to

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<v Speaker 1>be the rest of the field. UM, and then he

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<v Speaker 1>comes back to the general he'll say something much more,

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<v Speaker 1>much more in line with mainstream thinking. The other aspect

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<v Speaker 1>is yes, uh. Some people, such as the Congressman Dave Ratt,

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<v Speaker 1>point out that some of these things are some things

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<v Speaker 1>he cannot do on his own that he would have

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<v Speaker 1>to have Congressional approval for, and therefore Congress would act

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<v Speaker 1>to sort of a moderating influence even if he did

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<v Speaker 1>believe some of these things. Uh. There's a third school

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<v Speaker 1>of thought, um, which I think we may be borne

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<v Speaker 1>out a little bit by Poles at this point, which

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<v Speaker 1>is that simply people Wall Street at this point, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>things still early, and that the odds of Trump being

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<v Speaker 1>elected are still very much on the negative side. So

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<v Speaker 1>it's not really a risk to be incorporating into into

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<v Speaker 1>their into their trading decisions at this point. Well, let's

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<v Speaker 1>bring another voice. He's not exactly Jonathan, but he is

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<v Speaker 1>a John. Uh into this conversation now, John Hylemans in studio.

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<v Speaker 1>He is host of with all due respect on Bloomberg

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<v Speaker 1>Television and radio every day at five o'clock Wall Street Time.

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<v Speaker 1>So what do you make of this question? John Hyleman,

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<v Speaker 1>You've been following campaigns like this for a long time.

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<v Speaker 1>Wall Street seems to be taken and stride. Why I'm sorry,

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<v Speaker 1>what the precise question is? With the precise question, my

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<v Speaker 1>friend is um, Donald Trump talks about trade wars, he

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<v Speaker 1>talks about bonds in China, and you if people were

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<v Speaker 1>taking seriously this is the question that Jonathan Nicholson has

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<v Speaker 1>been raising Bloomberg b n A. So what gives Why

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<v Speaker 1>do you think that's so? What would what do your

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<v Speaker 1>sources tell you? Well, I think there's um. You know

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<v Speaker 1>that The thing with Trump, right is that I think, uh,

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<v Speaker 1>there's no doubt that if we get closer and closer

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<v Speaker 1>to election day and people increasingly believe that Donald Trump

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<v Speaker 1>will be president number one and number two, the Donald

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<v Speaker 1>Trump actually means many of the things he says on

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<v Speaker 1>economic policy that there will be um consequences in the

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<v Speaker 1>financial markets. I think those two are two big contingencies

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<v Speaker 1>at the moment still, right, One of which is people

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<v Speaker 1>don't necessarily think that Trump is going to be the president.

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<v Speaker 1>But more importantly, he everything he's been saying of late

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<v Speaker 1>suggests that virtually everything he says on policy is I'm

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<v Speaker 1>gonna use their variety of potential words here, right. One

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<v Speaker 1>potential word would be um just a posture, Another would

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<v Speaker 1>be a negotiating position. A third would be a fraud. Right.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, depending on what your your predisposition is. Some

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<v Speaker 1>people think that Trump. There's there's one school of thought,

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<v Speaker 1>which is Trump is a hundred percent transactional. He said

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<v Speaker 1>a bunch of things in the course of the Republican

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<v Speaker 1>nomination fight in order to get nominated, but he doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>really believe any of those things. He's just saying what

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<v Speaker 1>it takes to get elected. Other people think he basically

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<v Speaker 1>believes most of what he says, but he's willing to negotiate.

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<v Speaker 1>He's taken extreme positions that he understands he's going to

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<v Speaker 1>have to back off from. UM. And other people believe

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<v Speaker 1>he believes absolutely everything he says, he's a hundred percent

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<v Speaker 1>sincere and that that would be scary if that were

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<v Speaker 1>true on these questions of economic policy and trade, so

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<v Speaker 1>for as as a good example. No one knows though

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<v Speaker 1>at this point right and Trump seems to be trying

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<v Speaker 1>to seed people's notion see the notion with people that

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<v Speaker 1>that that many of the things he says are at

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<v Speaker 1>minimum highly negotiable UM, and potentially entirely negotiable. Uh. And

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<v Speaker 1>there are other people, I think who have this the

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<v Speaker 1>final thing that the people believe. And again Mitch McConnell

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<v Speaker 1>is someone and others who says things like this where

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<v Speaker 1>they say, look, um, it sort of matters with Donald

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<v Speaker 1>Trump thinks. But in the end, UM, accepting matters of

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<v Speaker 1>national security, the president is doesn't have pure executive authority

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<v Speaker 1>to do much of anything. If he wanted to pass

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<v Speaker 1>a law, I'd have to go through Congress. They're all

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<v Speaker 1>kinds of institutional restraints that would keep him from doing

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<v Speaker 1>some of the more extreme things that he suggested. And

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<v Speaker 1>so everyone just calmed down. The American system is designed

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<v Speaker 1>to keep anyone from doing anything too radical if they

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<v Speaker 1>get into the Oval office. John Hyman Europe well too.

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<v Speaker 1>Based on your experience and based on covering this campaign,

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<v Speaker 1>where do you fall in those three different areas of

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<v Speaker 1>Donald Trump investigation analysis? Don't know. I don't know the answer,

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<v Speaker 1>I really don't. I mean, if you looked at the

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<v Speaker 1>history Trump's history, UM, there are some issues where um.

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<v Speaker 1>For instance, on social issues, Trump's position on abortion, for instance,

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<v Speaker 1>where um, not that long ago he was not only

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<v Speaker 1>pro choice, but in favor of things like partial birth abortion,

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<v Speaker 1>which he thought were fine. Now he says he's pro life.

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<v Speaker 1>That seems to me to be the one that's most

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<v Speaker 1>likely to be transparently um, a position that he's taken

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<v Speaker 1>for purely political reasons on questions of foreign of his

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<v Speaker 1>view of of of how the world economy works. He

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<v Speaker 1>has been somewhat more cantilest for a long time, and

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<v Speaker 1>his attacks on China, has attacks on Japan, his view

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<v Speaker 1>of how foreign trade works, of how free trade hurts

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<v Speaker 1>American workers, etcetera. Those seem to be more consistently applied

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<v Speaker 1>across a long a period of time in his life,

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<v Speaker 1>and so they seem to me to be maybe closer

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<v Speaker 1>to where his actual heart and head are. But again,

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<v Speaker 1>because he is a very transactional person, he is a

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<v Speaker 1>dealmaker at heart. Right, it does even mean that even

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<v Speaker 1>in those instances, those positions that he's put forward, like

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<v Speaker 1>specific tariffs he wants to put on China, for instance,

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<v Speaker 1>those may be really in the category of negotiating positions

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<v Speaker 1>rather than things he will push for in their most

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<v Speaker 1>absolute form. Uh. The primaries are coming up next week.

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<v Speaker 1>They're big ones, certainly in the size of the states

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<v Speaker 1>and the potential number of delicates, even though the presumptive

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<v Speaker 1>nominees for both parties look, you know, like they're pretty

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<v Speaker 1>much almost solid in that position, John Right, So you know,

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<v Speaker 1>we have these a bunch of primaries coming up on Tuesday.

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<v Speaker 1>The two big ones are California New Jersey, which have

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<v Speaker 1>the biggest delegate halls. Obviously that there, Donald Trump is

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<v Speaker 1>already um in in terms of the math has already

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<v Speaker 1>gone over the magic number on the Republican side, and

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<v Speaker 1>so he is officially kind of the presumptive nominee. That's

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<v Speaker 1>not the case yet for Hillary Clinton. But no matter

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<v Speaker 1>what happens on Tuesday, um she will um have. Because

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<v Speaker 1>of the way Democrats allocate their delegates, she will um

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<v Speaker 1>uh again with certainty she will have between her pledge

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<v Speaker 1>delegates and her commitments from super delegates, she will go

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<v Speaker 1>over the Democratic magic number on Tuesday night. The big

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<v Speaker 1>issue in the Democratic Party is not about the delegate halls.

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<v Speaker 1>It's about um bragging rights and the effect psychologically of

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<v Speaker 1>what happens in California, particularly on Bernie Sanders, is he

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<v Speaker 1>if he wins California, that may embolden him to continue

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<v Speaker 1>fighting on even after the Primers event, and fighting on

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<v Speaker 1>all the way to Philadelphia. The reason the Clinton campaign

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<v Speaker 1>really wants to win California is now spending money there

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<v Speaker 1>on the air, sending Bill Clinton there, sending Hillary Clinton there.

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<v Speaker 1>They want to win so that they can strengthen their

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<v Speaker 1>claim that it's time for Bernie Sanders to stop and

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<v Speaker 1>to try to put his efforts into unifying the party

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<v Speaker 1>rather than continuing to fight I'm Jonathan Nicholson, our Capital

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<v Speaker 1>Hill budget reporter for Bloomberg BNA. Still with us, and

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<v Speaker 1>Jonathan want to put to you the issue of trade

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<v Speaker 1>wars that John Hayman raised. Trump says that he would

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<v Speaker 1>rewrite international trade agreements. Has that reverberated in financial markets? UM,

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<v Speaker 1>not so far. Uh. The interesting thing is if you

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<v Speaker 1>kind of if you go and take a look at

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<v Speaker 1>sort of like his written policy in terms of what

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<v Speaker 1>he was put on his website, UM, in terms of

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<v Speaker 1>what they're counting as policy paper type type material, UM,

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<v Speaker 1>he actually talks more about designating China's a currency manipulator, UM,

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<v Speaker 1>rather than more about tariffs. He'll talk about the tariffs

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<v Speaker 1>UH and so on on the campaign trail and and

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<v Speaker 1>and be very loud about it. But actually when you

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<v Speaker 1>look at what he's got to put on paper, he's

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<v Speaker 1>much more talked about, uh, doing this designation as a

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<v Speaker 1>currency manipulator, which is certainly sort of an ongoing debate

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<v Speaker 1>here in Washington for some time. And he's only talked

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<v Speaker 1>about retaliatory tariffs UM in light of if China didn't

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<v Speaker 1>open up their markets. That does play a little bit

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<v Speaker 1>into into UH. John's point about transactionality that they might

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<v Speaker 1>say that his arc maybe worse than his bike in

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<v Speaker 1>some respect. Thank you very much, Jonathan Nicholson, Capitol Hill

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<v Speaker 1>budget reporter for Bloomberg and b n A, or thanks

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<v Speaker 1>to John Heilman, co host, with all due respect, weeknights

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<v Speaker 1>five pm Bloomberg Television and Bloomberg nine and nine one

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<v Speaker 1>in Washington, d C.