WEBVTT - Does New Immigration Order Pass Judicial Muster? (Audio)

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<v Speaker 1>President Trump's first attempt at a travel ban was a failure,

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<v Speaker 1>at least in court. A federal appeals court sided a

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<v Speaker 1>host of reasons in blocking the plan, which tried to

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<v Speaker 1>halt entry into the US by people from seven mostly

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<v Speaker 1>Muslim countries. The administration rescinded the old band yesterday, replacing

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<v Speaker 1>it with a new executive order that addresses some, though

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<v Speaker 1>perhaps not all, of the legal issues. Among the key changes,

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<v Speaker 1>the measure explicitly allows entry by Green card holders, by

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<v Speaker 1>people with valid visas, and by dual nationals traveling under

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<v Speaker 1>a passport from the non covered country. It also drops

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<v Speaker 1>a provision that gave preference to religious minorities in refugee admissions.

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<v Speaker 1>Are these and other changes enough to survive the inevitable

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<v Speaker 1>legal challenges. Our guests today to discuss that are David Beer,

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<v Speaker 1>an immigration policy analyt at the libertarian Cato Institute, and

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<v Speaker 1>Liza Gatine, co director of the Liberty and National Security

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<v Speaker 1>Program at the Brennan Center for Justice. Um, Liza, is

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<v Speaker 1>it fair to welcome to you both? Umliza? Is it

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<v Speaker 1>fair to say that this new executive order is a

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<v Speaker 1>significant improved and from a legal standpoint from the original one.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm not sure I would say that from a from

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<v Speaker 1>a legal standpoint, I think it's certainly made an effort

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<v Speaker 1>to try to defuse some of the legal objections and

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<v Speaker 1>the legal problems with the with the first order, and

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<v Speaker 1>you mentioned some of the some of the ways it

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<v Speaker 1>did that, for example, by eliminating language that carved out

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<v Speaker 1>and express preference for religious minorities, um, and also by

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<v Speaker 1>exempting current visa holders as well as green card holders.

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<v Speaker 1>These were all efforts to try to mitigate some of

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<v Speaker 1>the constitutional concerns with the original policy. UM. I don't

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<v Speaker 1>think they will that will be enough actually to to

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<v Speaker 1>change the legal analysis, because the crux of the order

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<v Speaker 1>remains a policy that on its face has a discriminary

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<v Speaker 1>discriminatory impact on Muslims. After President Trump made a number

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<v Speaker 1>of statements saying that he intended to put in place

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<v Speaker 1>a Muslim Van David, Do you agree that the revised

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<v Speaker 1>order eliminates certain problems, but that the core constitutional problem,

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<v Speaker 1>which is religious discrimination, remains well. I don't particularly take

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<v Speaker 1>the view that this is a constitutional issue. I I

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<v Speaker 1>My argument is that this is a statutory problem for

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<v Speaker 1>the president, that we have a law on the books

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<v Speaker 1>that Congress enacted in nine that bands discrimination based on

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<v Speaker 1>UH nationality for immigrants. So at least as far as

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<v Speaker 1>this band applies to immigrant visa applicants in these countries,

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<v Speaker 1>then it's illegal under the law. And this new order

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<v Speaker 1>did nothing to resolve that fundamental problem that you have

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<v Speaker 1>a statute that bands this type of discrimination. I also

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<v Speaker 1>would say that while I'm not convinced that you know

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<v Speaker 1>that this is necessarily a Muslim band, there are elements

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<v Speaker 1>of this order really undermine the argument that the administration

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<v Speaker 1>is making that this is about vetting people. So, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>the order sites this case of a Somali child who

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<v Speaker 1>was brought over and then grew up here and then

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<v Speaker 1>became a terrorist. Well, that case has nothing whatsoever to

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<v Speaker 1>do with vetting. UH. The person was a child when

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<v Speaker 1>they came over. There's no way to vet for future um,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, intent when you grow up. So that's a

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<v Speaker 1>failure of assimilation, not not vetting. And so now he's

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<v Speaker 1>using this example to say that this band makes sense. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>if the band is only temporary to allow them time

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<v Speaker 1>to review the vetting procedures, well that doesn't really fit

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<v Speaker 1>with this example, and it would indicate that he has

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<v Speaker 1>no plans for it to be temporary, and it really

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<v Speaker 1>is intended to ban people from the United States. Lies

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<v Speaker 1>of the phrase Muslim band is used a lot in

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<v Speaker 1>talking about this UH plan, this order, UM, but it

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<v Speaker 1>really only affects a very small percentage of the world's Muslims.

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<v Speaker 1>And of course it doesn't on its face say anything

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<v Speaker 1>about Muslims. So other than than those comments that that

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<v Speaker 1>the President made during the campaign, other people have made,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, outside the scope of this order, what you know,

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<v Speaker 1>what what evidence do we have that that this should

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<v Speaker 1>be thought of as something that is either a Muslim

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<v Speaker 1>ban or targets Muslims. Well, the fact that the van

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't prohibit every single Muslim in the world from coming

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<v Speaker 1>into the United States doesn't mean that it can't be

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<v Speaker 1>discriminatory against Muslims. UM. There are plenty of countries that

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<v Speaker 1>are experiencing political chaos UM at the same level of

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<v Speaker 1>some of the countries on this list that are not

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<v Speaker 1>majority of Muslim countries, such as for example, Venezuela that

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<v Speaker 1>are not on this list. And I think if you had,

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<v Speaker 1>for example, an employer who uh, you know, fired twenty

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<v Speaker 1>employees in one year, and all of the employees that

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<v Speaker 1>they employer fired were African American, despite the fact that

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<v Speaker 1>the that there was a you know, a variety of

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<v Speaker 1>races represented in that company. Um. I think the fact

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<v Speaker 1>that there were still some African Americans who were not

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<v Speaker 1>fired wouldn't change your perception that this was discriminatory. Our

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<v Speaker 1>guests are Liza Gatine of the Brennan Center for Justice

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<v Speaker 1>and David Beer of the Cato Institute. David, earlier, you

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<v Speaker 1>were expressing some skepticism about some of the explanations for

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<v Speaker 1>the band, the need for it, But is this an

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<v Speaker 1>area we really want our courts getting into. I mean,

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<v Speaker 1>normally we think that the president is going to know

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<v Speaker 1>much more about the national security needs of the country

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<v Speaker 1>than a court would, or that you're than you or

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<v Speaker 1>I would. Uh, you know what, what's the standard here

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<v Speaker 1>for a court of court saying no, we disagree with you,

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<v Speaker 1>Mr President. Look, I don't think that the courts should

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<v Speaker 1>second guess the president, but I also don't think that

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<v Speaker 1>they should second suck and guests Congress, and it's Congress

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<v Speaker 1>who enacted this prohibition on nationality based discrimination in the law.

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<v Speaker 1>And when they did that in nine we did have

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<v Speaker 1>a very discriminatory immigration system we banned almost all Asian

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<v Speaker 1>in the United States, for example, And the reason why

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<v Speaker 1>they got rid of this band is because they thought

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<v Speaker 1>it would be good for US security interest. They thought

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<v Speaker 1>that it was harming our battle against the Communists, that

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<v Speaker 1>communists were using it for recruitment. And the same arguments

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<v Speaker 1>that Congress was using then against banning all Asians, UH,

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<v Speaker 1>really applies with the same level of force, UH to

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<v Speaker 1>this current band. So just so I'm clear, Um, So

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<v Speaker 1>I'm clear. So you're saying that even if the President

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<v Speaker 1>really had a compelling reason to say, as a national

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<v Speaker 1>security reason why this particular country we need to prevent

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<v Speaker 1>people from from entering the kind tree, that wouldn't be

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<v Speaker 1>enough because of this statue of Congress had passed. Exactly.

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<v Speaker 1>Congress has already exercised its authority on this issue. It

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<v Speaker 1>has the power to set immigration statutes, and this is

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<v Speaker 1>the one that it chose. So the courts shouldn't second

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<v Speaker 1>guess the security judgment of Congress. Liza. One thing I

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<v Speaker 1>find curious with the order is in justifying the need

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<v Speaker 1>for national security more national security they talk about. It

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<v Speaker 1>talks about three people who entered the country as refugees

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<v Speaker 1>who were the subject of counter terrorism investigations. It only

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<v Speaker 1>talks about within that three individuals January to Iraqi nationals

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<v Speaker 1>in October, a native of Somalia. They failed to put

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<v Speaker 1>in the nine eleven hijackers, and Saudi Arabia is not

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<v Speaker 1>on this list, which is now different than the list

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<v Speaker 1>that Obama had. So is there any reason for not

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<v Speaker 1>putting Saudi Arabia on this list? Well, there's certainly no

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<v Speaker 1>reason if the true purpose is a national security one.

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<v Speaker 1>But um, as you know, you and others have pointed

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<v Speaker 1>out that the national security justification here is fairly thin.

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<v Speaker 1>The three hundred investigations that are mentioned, um, all we

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<v Speaker 1>know about them is that they are investigations. The FBI

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<v Speaker 1>has a number of different levels of investigation, and some

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<v Speaker 1>are as low as uh following up on a on

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<v Speaker 1>a hunch or a tip. So we have no way

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<v Speaker 1>of knowing how how serious these investigations are when it

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<v Speaker 1>comes or or frankly, how many of them were launched

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<v Speaker 1>after the courts said there was no national security justification

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<v Speaker 1>for this policy. Um, you know, when it comes to

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<v Speaker 1>the examples, which were presumably the strongest examples that the

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<v Speaker 1>administration was able to find in the weeks that it

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<v Speaker 1>has had to put together this revised order. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>one of those examples, as has already been noted, relates

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<v Speaker 1>to a a Somali American who came to this country

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<v Speaker 1>as a child, and then with the subject of an

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<v Speaker 1>FBI sting where the FBI actually put together the plot

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<v Speaker 1>and took the lead on the plot. It was a

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<v Speaker 1>fake plot. Uh. The other example involves Iraqi refugees who

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<v Speaker 1>were plotting terrorist attacks in irect, not in the United States.

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<v Speaker 1>So if those are the most convincing examples the administration

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<v Speaker 1>can come up with, that really undermines the pretextual national

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<v Speaker 1>security justification. David, A big issue of the last time

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<v Speaker 1>around was whether anybody, like a state, had had legal

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<v Speaker 1>standing to challenge the travel band. How about with this

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<v Speaker 1>the revised band, is anybody going to have the right

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<v Speaker 1>to go to court to say that the president has

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<v Speaker 1>gone too far? Well, it's true that visa applicants don't

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<v Speaker 1>typically have constitutional rights to challenge their denials, but American

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<v Speaker 1>citizens who are petitioning for them to come over would

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<v Speaker 1>had standing to sue. And so in the exact s

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<v Speaker 1>in court in Seattle that heard the case that you know,

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<v Speaker 1>put a hold on the executive order the first time.

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<v Speaker 1>There's another case brought by US citizens who are petitioning

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<v Speaker 1>for their family members to come over on immigrant visas,

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<v Speaker 1>and they would be the ones to challenge, not the

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<v Speaker 1>immigrant visa applicants themselves, and so I do think you

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<v Speaker 1>will get standing to sue. The question ultimately will come

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<v Speaker 1>down to whether or not the courts are willing to

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<v Speaker 1>side with Congress and the statute, or whether they're going

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<v Speaker 1>to side with the President and his national security justifications.

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<v Speaker 1>If I gave you only ten seconds, could you tell

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<v Speaker 1>me if you agree with that, Yes, I would agree

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<v Speaker 1>with that. I think the ten seconds that I have,

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<v Speaker 1>I want to say that this is this discriminates against

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<v Speaker 1>people from majority Muslim countries without any evidence of a

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<v Speaker 1>national security harm. So I think the courts need to

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<v Speaker 1>look at that really closely. Okay, Thanks Lizagotine of the

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<v Speaker 1>Brennan Center and David Bier of the Cato Institutes. I'm

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<v Speaker 1>sure we'll be talking more about Donald Trump's revised travel band,

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<v Speaker 1>which he issued yesterday and which almost certainly will be

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<v Speaker 1>taken on in court in the coming weeks.