Speaker 1: Hello, and welcome to it could happen here. I'm Andrew
Speaker 1: of Digi Channel andrewism and.
Speaker 2: Hi, this is this is Garrison. I've not been on
Speaker 2: an Andrew episode in a while.
Speaker 1: Yeah, it's beIN a minute, spin a minute, and it's
Speaker 1: been a meme at this point that Aotra or New
Speaker 1: Zealand is forgotten, you know, from maps, both physical and mental.
Speaker 1: But those islands contain a rich history of activism that
Speaker 1: deserves this spotlight.
Speaker 2: You know.
Speaker 1: Much of what I've discovered has been sounds. The academic
Speaker 1: efforts of Taya who and I hope I'm saying the
Speaker 1: name correctly, but their research found formed the foundation of
Speaker 1: my exploration of just some of the twentieth century history
Speaker 1: behind contemporary Maori struggles for autonomy on the islands. The
Speaker 1: story of Mari oppression begins not long after the arrival
Speaker 1: of European settlers in the late eighteenth century. The Treaty
Speaker 1: of Waitangi, signed in eighteen forty between the British Crown
Speaker 1: and Mari chiefs, was meant to protect Maori rights and
Speaker 1: the ensure a peaceful co existence. However, as a bilingual text,
Speaker 1: it kind of sucked at being bilingual because some of
Speaker 1: the words in the English treaty did not translate directly
Speaker 1: into the written Maori language at the time, and so
Speaker 1: the Mari text is not an exact translation of the
Speaker 1: English text, partically in relation to the meaning of having
Speaker 1: and seeding sovereignty. In other words, the full implications of
Speaker 1: what they were signing was not fully understood. The concept
Speaker 1: of private land ownership as the British understood it clashed
Speaker 1: with Maori communal land practices, which led to a significant
Speaker 1: land loss for Maria communities. The New Zealand month implemented
Speaker 1: policies and laws that systematically favored European settlers and throught
Speaker 1: the latter half of the nineteenth century, Mari lost control
Speaker 1: of much of the land they had owned, sometimes through
Speaker 1: legitimate sale, but often by way of unfaired land deals,
Speaker 1: settlers occupying land that had not been sold, or through
Speaker 1: outright confiscation. In the aftermath of the New Zealand Wars
Speaker 1: and New Zealand Wars, where they also run as the
Speaker 1: Land Wars or Mari Wars, were a series of conflicts
Speaker 1: that took place in Auti Aura between the indigenous married
Speaker 1: people and the British government and its colonial forces. These
Speaker 1: wars banned from the early eighteen forties to the late
Speaker 1: eighteen seventies, and the underlying cause was that very struggles
Speaker 1: for land and resources as European settlers were arriving in
Speaker 1: increasing numbers and more and more dispute ceteris and over
Speaker 1: land ownership and the interpretation of the Treaty of Watangi.
Speaker 1: The wars were fought on multiple fronts involving different married
Speaker 1: tribes and regions. Conflicts included the Northern War, the Tehranki,
Speaker 1: the Taranaki Wars, the Wakaito War, and the Tauranga Campaign,
Speaker 1: and these were also characterized by a combination of gorilla warfare, fortifications,
Speaker 1: and conventional military tactics. The results, as with pretty much
Speaker 1: all wars, was the disruption of well, in this case
Speaker 1: specifically traditional Marii social structures and economic systems, and the
Speaker 1: results and hardship for those Mari communities and so As
Speaker 1: the nineteen and twentieth century progressed, Mari oppressioned also manifest
Speaker 1: in the suppression of cultural practices and languages by the
Speaker 1: government as a government aimed to assimilate Mari into European
Speaker 1: culture because of course, to them European culture is considered superior.
Speaker 1: Married children were often forced into English speaking schools where
Speaker 1: their own language and customs were discouraged, and that also
Speaker 1: led to decline the use in transmission of the Mari
Speaker 1: language and the loss of cultural identity for many Maria individuals.
Speaker 1: This I think can be characterized as a cultural genocide. Moreover,
Speaker 1: discriminatory practices were prevalent in various areas and putting in employment,
Speaker 1: in housing, and in political representation. Married people faced significant
Speaker 1: barriers and discrimination when seeking employment or housing opportunities. They
Speaker 1: were also underrepresented in political institutions, which lim to their
Speaker 1: ability to advocate for their rights and influence decision making processes. Now,
Speaker 1: the seeds of contemporary married activism were sowing in the
Speaker 1: sixties and seventies. Struggles were taking place basically from the
Speaker 1: point of first contact, but Mari activism as we understand
Speaker 1: it today really launched with a new fervor in the
Speaker 1: sixties and seventies. The late sixties and early seventies really
Speaker 1: marked a turbulent period globally because there was an upsurge
Speaker 1: in class conflicts and social activism. You know, they are
Speaker 1: the independence movements and decolonization movements happening all over the world.
Speaker 1: It was a time when people all over were taking
Speaker 1: a stand against it injustice and fighting for their rights.
Speaker 1: And this wave of political and social movements as soon
Speaker 1: as the New Left had a profound impact on the
Speaker 1: Islands as well. In New Zealand as in elsewhere, student
Speaker 1: activism was really taken in shape across the world. Students
Speaker 1: who were protesting against the Vietnam War in the US,
Speaker 1: they were advocating for black liberation, and then they were
Speaker 1: all social movements gain momentum, like the women's liberation movement,
Speaker 1: the anti racism movement, the environmentalism movements and the game
Speaker 1: that's been rights movements. They were all sparking around the
Speaker 1: same time. So the new Left in Autai rower was
Speaker 1: shaped by these international developments. The late nineteen sixties when
Speaker 1: it's a surge in student activism and the emergence ofverior
Speaker 1: social movements again environmentalism, women's liberation, anti racism, et cetera,
Speaker 1: and so Mari protest groups were really picking up on
Speaker 1: those movements and those movements would shape the mindsets and
Speaker 1: the actions of married protest groups during that period. They
Speaker 1: were taking the analysis and the understanding of racism and
Speaker 1: inequalities faced by Mari in a broader context, and so
Speaker 1: they were aligning themselves with class struggle as well, and
Speaker 1: were the progressive I dual to the left at large.
Speaker 1: So this point in time, the Maori struggle it was
Speaker 1: characterized as largely leftist. That is something that will change
Speaker 1: later on as the movements become more heterogeneous, but for
Speaker 1: now it's been mostly leftist. Even though there were some
Speaker 1: part protest groups that were less left oriented and more
Speaker 1: just you know, national liberation focused, they still saw themselves
Speaker 1: as part of this broader left movement. Okay, they were
Speaker 1: still actively working to incorporate these radical intellectual traditions, particularly
Speaker 1: Marxism and feminism into the Maori struggle. In the late
Speaker 1: nineteen sixties, there was this very strong collaboration taking place
Speaker 1: between Pakeha or European New Zealanders and pakiher anti racist
Speaker 1: groups and the emergent Maori protest movements. One significant event
Speaker 1: that really brought them together was the exclusion of Mari
Speaker 1: rugby players from the nineteen sixty All Black Tour of
Speaker 1: South Africa by the New Zealand Rugby Football Association, and
Speaker 1: that decision, of course sparked widespread opposition because at the
Speaker 1: time South Africa was very much involved in the part
Speaker 1: TI and this decision to exclude Mari rugby players from
Speaker 1: the team and from that particular tour led to many
Speaker 1: protests under this banner of No Maori, No Tour, which
Speaker 1: focused not only in the exclusion of the Maori but
Speaker 1: also on the morality of engaging with the country practicing apartheid.
Speaker 1: More collaboration would take place in the form of the
Speaker 1: formation of the Halt All Racist Tours Group also His
Speaker 1: Heart in nineteen sixty nine, which is an umbrella organization
Speaker 1: that united a couple different voices and groups, both Maori
Speaker 1: and Pakiha in the opposition to relish their discriminatory sports tours.
Speaker 1: They were so involved organizations like Care which included young
Speaker 1: Mari political activists among its members, alongside Pakeha political activists
Speaker 1: in organizing these panel discussions to address the position of
Speaker 1: Mari in New Zealand society. And then this is going on.
Speaker 1: This also the growth in the influence of individuals like Gahria,
Speaker 1: te Awaikotuku and Don Abatiri began shedding more and more
Speaker 1: light on the barriers that prevented married women, specifically from
Speaker 1: fully participate in and contributing to Maori society. They were
Speaker 1: out here criticizing the patriarchal nature to show Mari leadership
Speaker 1: an aratification for the speaking rights of married women, trying
Speaker 1: inspiration from the broader, non Mari specific women's liberation movement
Speaker 1: as well.
Speaker 2: So these were like other with these other movements that
Speaker 2: were happening in New Zealand that were kind of working
Speaker 2: together or this just like part of like a broader
Speaker 2: trend of these movements in the sixties.
Speaker 1: Yes, so they were starting to collaborate. At this point
Speaker 1: in time, both Pakeha and Mari poltical organizations were being
Speaker 1: to form connections and spark discussions other Pakia organizations, obviously
Speaker 1: being of the leftist variety, and the Maori organizations being
Speaker 1: primarily leftists, apparently aligned themselves with the leftists causes and.
Speaker 2: Plisical ideologies, but from like a more like indigenous perspective
Speaker 2: and standpoint and like goals.
Speaker 1: Yeah, yeah, definutely all right, got it. One particular organization,
Speaker 1: which was forming in the mid nineteen seventies was created
Speaker 1: by Maori women within the Mari activist organization Tamatoa who
Speaker 1: had embraced a feminist perspective to analyze the oppression faced
Speaker 1: by Mario women particularly, and this awareness was fueled by
Speaker 1: their experiences of frustration and anger with the Mari land
Speaker 1: rights movement because the this women are here and they're
Speaker 1: struggling for Marie rights as a whole, but then also
Speaker 1: they're facing issues as women, both in the organization and
Speaker 1: in broader society. So they're fighting to presume the politics
Speaker 1: and culture and language of Marii society while also seeking
Speaker 1: liberation from the oppression that they would face in that
Speaker 1: married society. So it's a struggle for both preservation and
Speaker 1: also reformation of Mariori society, or rather liberation, preservation and reformation.
Speaker 1: There was also an increase in strike activity and general
Speaker 1: class struggle happening during the late nineteen sixties, which had
Speaker 1: a significant impact in the political education of many Mari
Speaker 1: workers who were fighting for better wages and improved working conditions.
Speaker 1: Trade unions were playing a crucial role in providing organizational
Speaker 1: base Mari protest groups, as demonstrated by the emergence of
Speaker 1: groups like Tehoki Oi and the Mario Organization on Human
Speaker 1: Rights or MWHR, both located in the Wellington and both
Speaker 1: strongly connected to trade unions. The secretary in fact of
Speaker 1: the MWHR, Tamapuata, was actively involved in the Wellington Drivers
Speaker 1: Union and the New Zealand Communist Party. These organizations were
Speaker 1: advocating for an alliance between MARI and progressivelopments in the
Speaker 1: working class. The view the fundamental contradiction society as being
Speaker 1: between labor and capital, between workers and bosses or landowners,
Speaker 1: and racism was seen as a consequence of class inequality,
Speaker 1: and the majority of MARI being working class, were considered
Speaker 1: an impressed segment of the working class. Both POKYOI and
Speaker 1: MWHR promoted the idea of a unified struggle across racial lines,
Speaker 1: focusing one class B strategies as the most effective means
Speaker 1: of addressing racism and reducing MARI inequality. If you pick
Speaker 1: an up hints of class reductionism.
Speaker 2: Yep, I was I was actually gonna mention.
Speaker 1: That, Yeah, yeah, there are some some some hints of
Speaker 1: that in this particular approach, and you'll see the consequences
Speaker 1: of that as we progress a bit further through the history.
Speaker 2: Like could you, I mean, could you briefly explain class
Speaker 2: reductionism in case someone is like listening and is unaware
Speaker 2: of that concept.
Speaker 1: Sure, so, class reductionism is basically the idea that the
Speaker 1: explotation of label and the explotation of the working class
Speaker 1: by the capitalist class is the fundamental, you know, form
Speaker 1: of oppression within society, and it trumps all other social divisions,
Speaker 1: all of the forms of oppression such as racism or sexism.
Speaker 2: Yeah. Like when you mentioned like they were viewing like
Speaker 2: racism as like a consequence of capitalism, right, that puts
Speaker 2: racism like after capitalism. But racism has existed way before capitalism.
Speaker 2: It is midyway one of is it is one of
Speaker 2: the main drivers of capitalism. It's not merely a consequence.
Speaker 2: It's actually like a motivating factor.
Speaker 1: Yeah, and particularly their position that focusing on class based
Speaker 1: strategies will be the most effective means of addressing racism. Yeah,
Speaker 1: what I can see from a particular angle, considering that
Speaker 1: the majority of Mario will work in class at the
Speaker 1: time saying that the best way to alleviate their condition
Speaker 1: we to focus on things we do to impact their
Speaker 1: class position. That may be true, But then at the
Speaker 1: same time you also to consider that the racism embedded within.
Speaker 1: You see the society, You're not going to go away
Speaker 1: just as a result of the end to that class
Speaker 1: based depression. To be fair to the MWHR, they will
Speaker 1: also play in an active role in reason awareness about
Speaker 1: racism specifically you know, in housing, in sports and employment,
Speaker 1: and in violation generally I marrit political rights. They also
Speaker 1: had a very strong stance on issues relating to the
Speaker 1: Treaty of our Tangi, you know, the alienation of Mari
Speaker 1: from the land and the depletion of resources and the
Speaker 1: inability of Maori to access those resources. Their stance, interestingly enough,
Speaker 1: was really on sort of reclaiming the Treaty of Waitangi
Speaker 1: as a potential foundation for harmonious and bicultural country, with
Speaker 1: the conditions that past injustices were addressed and rectified. However,
Speaker 1: like I alluded to earlier, there would be a shift
Speaker 1: as the movement would progress. The inspirational momentum behind the
Speaker 1: te Hokioi and MHR had begun to weigne, particularly during
Speaker 1: the early to mid nineteen seventies, and eventually in nineteen
Speaker 1: seventy five, the m WHR would merge with Matakite as
Speaker 1: part of the land rights movement, which marked the end
Speaker 1: of their separate existence and also led to the rise
Speaker 1: of Brown power. So if brown power sounds like black power,
Speaker 1: that's because it's copied power. Similar to the ideologies of
Speaker 1: black power advocated by folks like Kamiture and Charles V. Hamilton,
Speaker 1: Brown power is centered on the complete rejection of the
Speaker 1: racist institutions and values of New Zealand society and the
Speaker 1: belief that group solidarity was essential effective collective action and negotiation.
Speaker 1: The proponents of Brown power urged Mari people to unite,
Speaker 1: to recognize their shared history and the foster sense of
Speaker 1: solidarity and community. Significant emphasis was placed on the goal
Speaker 1: of Marie's self determination, which of all, the ability for
Speaker 1: Maria to define their own objectives and to establish their
Speaker 1: own distinct organizations and institutions. So this is like at
Speaker 1: this point, brown power, much like black power, is the
Speaker 1: opposite of just assimilation or adjustment or cohabitation with existing structures.
Speaker 1: It is a movement that desired complete autonomy from those systems,
Speaker 1: from those structures, an assertion of the freedom of Mari
Speaker 1: people to exist and not have their existence imposed upon
Speaker 1: the organization. Tamatoa initially drew inspiration from the revolutionary faction
Speaker 1: of the Black Poor movement in the US. However, as
Speaker 1: the group evolved, different interests and objectives had emerged, which
Speaker 1: led to a division within the movement. On the one side,
Speaker 1: they were the conservative, university educated members such as Sid
Speaker 1: and Hannah Jackson, Peter Reikis, and Don Abatiri. And on
Speaker 1: the other side they were the more militant proponents of
Speaker 1: black or brown power like John Ohio, Paul Kottara, and Tednia. Eventually, unfortunately,
Speaker 1: the more conservative members of Tamatoa really took center stage
Speaker 1: in the movement. Their strategies diverged from the militants and
Speaker 1: that they sort of changed through alliance with more liberal
Speaker 1: elements within the Ruins. They believed that by implementing appropriate
Speaker 1: legal measures, MARI could achieve prosperity, so they were really
Speaker 1: advocating for like welfare and self help programs for MARI development.
Speaker 1: And in fact, there was even some belief among them
Speaker 1: that New Zealand capitalism coupled with the parliamentary political system
Speaker 1: could be rid of racism, that you could extract racism
Speaker 1: from capitalism and then everything would be hunky door.
Speaker 2: Interesting. Yeah, which is like this perspective which is like
Speaker 2: the opposite of like the class productionism that we mentioned previously.
Speaker 1: Yeah, yeah, yeah, And I mean this, this perspective is
Speaker 1: exactly the kind of thing that you see manifest again
Speaker 1: and again within political move one so across the world,
Speaker 1: really the interests of middle class, university educated individuals who
Speaker 1: are more focused on their own individual advancement within the
Speaker 1: existing system than an actual thorough critique of the structure
Speaker 1: and history of that system. And so when you have
Speaker 1: when you're fueled by those individual interests and you're focused
Speaker 1: on how you can advance through that system in business
Speaker 1: or in politics, whatever the case may be, is very
Speaker 1: easy to just you know, be like, oh, well, I'm
Speaker 1: not you guys are talking about and I'm sure once
Speaker 1: we get the racism out of the way, you know,
Speaker 1: we can all succeed, wink wink. But of course that
Speaker 1: is a rather my opic approach. And so as a
Speaker 1: result of the centrality of those individuals and that particular
Speaker 1: perspective in the movement, the meaning of brown power as
Speaker 1: a slogan kind of got water down. It became more
Speaker 1: ambiguous and potentially associated with either mari capitalism or evolutionary activity. Arguably,
Speaker 1: the same thing could be said for black power. A
Speaker 1: lot of people, a lot of advocates of black power
Speaker 1: ended up going in the direction of black capitalism, talented
Speaker 1: tenth black business, black wealth, that kind of thing. And
Speaker 1: well we've seen consequests to that. I mean, there are
Speaker 1: more black billionaires and millionaires than they ever have been
Speaker 1: in human history. But that doesn't mean racism has been
Speaker 1: dealt with. Putting aside the capitalist oriented advocates of brown
Speaker 1: power on the revolutionary side, a new group would emerged
Speaker 1: to challenge the system. And this group and you're gonna
Speaker 1: you're gonna pick up on a little bit of a
Speaker 1: theme here in terms of inspiration. This group was called
Speaker 1: the Polynesian Panthers. Interesting establish Yeah, they were established in
Speaker 1: June of nineteen seventy one, and they had a membership
Speaker 1: primarily composed of Pacific Islanders such as Simmo Wan's Tongueuns
Speaker 1: and News. And they drew obviously explicitly inspiration from the
Speaker 1: Black Panther Party the United States. Just a heads up
Speaker 1: in Maori, well, in New Zealand, the Mari and the Pakea.
Speaker 1: The Pakea the Europeans are the two primary groups, right,
Speaker 1: But in New Zealand they are also minorities of other
Speaker 1: Pacific islanders Samoans and tongue Guns and new Ones, and
Speaker 1: people from the other smaller islands within Polynesia, within the
Speaker 1: you know area, from those various islands in Oceania and
Speaker 1: the Pacific Ocean, and a lot of them had arrived
Speaker 1: as immigrants during the nineteen sixties economic boom that had
Speaker 1: taken place New Zealand. The founders of the Polynesian Panther
Speaker 1: Party were actually high school students, they weren't university students,
Speaker 1: they weren't adults. They were mostly from working class, first
Speaker 1: generation families that's cool, and their parents were actually encouraged
Speaker 1: by the New Zealand government to migrate as cheap labor
Speaker 1: during that economic boom. But of course, as these things
Speaker 1: go again once even like looking at this history and
Speaker 1: for any significant length of time, you see certain patterns emerge.
Speaker 1: So governments are going to invite You're like, yeah, yeah, yeah,
Speaker 1: migrants come, We'll take advantage of your labor. And then
Speaker 1: the second last of down to migrants are to blame
Speaker 1: for everything. So as the production boom was subsiding in
Speaker 1: the mid nineteen seventies and different conditions were deteriorating. Racism
Speaker 1: and police harassment against Pacific Islanders became even more prevalent,
Speaker 1: and by the Pacific Islanders does technically refer to Maria
Speaker 1: as well, and the Asian Panther Party position is that
Speaker 1: Maria Pacific Islanders are contider parts of the Polynesian Panthers,
Speaker 1: but speaking specifically about the migrant Pacific Islanders and they
Speaker 1: experiencing they're doing three, you know, just like the Maria.
Speaker 1: They're dealing with low wages and poor living conditions and
Speaker 1: the government, you know, being migrants, they were an even
Speaker 1: more precarious position because government had taken a more aggressive
Speaker 1: stance towards over stairs people who overstad on their work visas,
Speaker 1: which put these first generation New Zealanders at risk of
Speaker 1: deportation to countries that they had never visited, had never known,
Speaker 1: you know, being forced into these precarious circumstances. A lot
Speaker 1: of young Pacific Islanders were living in unsafe neighborhoods and
Speaker 1: a lot of them felt compelled to join gangs or
Speaker 1: to stay hidden at home for survival. And so the
Speaker 1: Polynesian Panthers really emerged as an alternative option, seeking to
Speaker 1: provide a more positive path for young people in Pacific
Speaker 1: islander communities. The Polynesian Panthers were particularly influenced by huy
Speaker 1: Newton's policy of Black Unity, and also echoed his distinction
Speaker 1: between revolutionary and cultural nationalism when debating the conservative members
Speaker 1: of Nagatamatoa. The Panthers identified the root cause of Pacific
Speaker 1: calendar oppression within the exploitative social relations of the capitalist system,
Speaker 1: and so they advocated for a liberation strategy that involved
Speaker 1: completely overthrowing the capitalist system and the social relations and
Speaker 1: enabled its existence. And so in practice this meant that
Speaker 1: the Panthers expressed solidarity with other liberation struggles, oppressed groups
Speaker 1: and activists, and ultimately aimed for a global revolution. They
Speaker 1: worked to empower the Polation community and improve their quality
Speaker 1: of life. They organized strikes and factories to the poor
Speaker 1: working conditions. They protested outside substandard housing through the Tenant's
Speaker 1: Aid Brigade. They established homework centers to help address educational struggles,
Speaker 1: and they focused on the reising awareness of writing entitlements
Speaker 1: among Pacific Islander families who were often unaware of their
Speaker 1: legal protections. The fact a lot of the Panthers focus
Speaker 1: was on assistant individuals who were caught up in legal issues.
Speaker 1: They distributed pamphlets that informed people of their rights, They
Speaker 1: provided legal aid for court representation, and they organized buses
Speaker 1: for families to visit their loved ones in prison. The
Speaker 1: Panthers support and advocacy in them the gratitude of prisoners,
Speaker 1: who often contributed a portion of their legal earnings to
Speaker 1: the movement. As they shed light and the daily struggles
Speaker 1: faced by Maor and also other Pacific Islanders, ranging from
Speaker 1: land claims to discrimination police violence. The Panthers actively worked
Speaker 1: to unite Maori and Pacific Islanders in a pan ethnic coalition,
Speaker 1: which contrasted with the viewpoint of Nigar Tamatoa because they
Speaker 1: were prioritizing Mari unity above everything else. It almost reminds
Speaker 1: me of the the way that sometimes in the US context,
Speaker 1: there were some organizations, or rather there are some to
Speaker 1: me si of organizations that are tempting now in the
Speaker 1: present day to emphasize African American unity above and before
Speaker 1: any other form of Pan Afghanism, more black unity. So
Speaker 1: an insidu a seedes to attempt to distance African Americans
Speaker 1: from the rest of the black as broa and to
Speaker 1: ferment divisions between African Americans and African immigrants or Caribbean immigrants.
Speaker 1: So again the tactics, the strategy is the it feels
Speaker 1: like a canon event at this point that there will
Speaker 1: always be these individuals or groups who are trying to
Speaker 1: find ways to chop up and to divide groups that
Speaker 1: should be united and have a lot to gain from
Speaker 1: being united in a common struggle. The Panthers, along with
Speaker 1: any other civic Island youth, were actively working to support
Speaker 1: Marie causes, including the nineteen seventy five Landmarch and the
Speaker 1: Bastion Point occupation. They became one more depth at political lobbying,
Speaker 1: which became apparent during the Dawn Raids in nineteen seventies
Speaker 1: and the Spring Bok Tour of nineteen eighty one. Te
Speaker 1: Ness was jailed for his actions during the tour, but
Speaker 1: wassventually released without charge and will Arollahya, along with jne
Speaker 1: Harawira and others wee trial for two years, only getting
Speaker 1: off the charge after And you know they'll come your
Speaker 1: pearance here. Bishop Desmond tou Tou, well known South African activist,
Speaker 1: flew in to be a character witness for their trial.
Speaker 1: And I think I'm going I put a pin on it.
Speaker 1: There covered the seeds of contemporary mariactivism, the trade union movement,
Speaker 1: Brown Power, and the Polynation Panthers. And in the next
Speaker 1: episode we'll talk more about the development of the land
Speaker 1: rights movement and the weaknesses of the Mari struggle in
Speaker 1: the post nineteen eighties context. That's a finale for me.
Speaker 1: I'm Andrew. Could follow me on YouTube, out at Andrew's
Speaker 1: own and supporting Patre dot com slash Saint Drew. This
Speaker 1: has been It Could Happen Here.
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Speaker 1: Thanks for listening.