WEBVTT - The Panic: How Mobil Oil Changed Advertising Forever 

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<v Speaker 1>Everyone has a story I can learn from to be

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<v Speaker 1>fearless like her, to have the confidence to achieve my dreams.

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<v Speaker 2>To know this ad that you're hearing. It starts out

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<v Speaker 2>with a little girl dressed in an Amelia Earhart outfit.

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<v Speaker 2>Then it pans to a montage of women playing golf professionals. Clearly,

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<v Speaker 2>nearly one hundred thousand girls are participating in lpga Usta

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<v Speaker 2>Girls Golf. It's about so much more than golf. It

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<v Speaker 2>sure is golf Lady, because this ad was paid for

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<v Speaker 2>by Chevron, who sponsored the program. And it's not just

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<v Speaker 2>Chevron either. Take a listen to this recent Conico Phillips ad,

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<v Speaker 2>which sounds like it's actually advertising an education nonprofit.

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<v Speaker 3>Who's gonna hold you back.

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<v Speaker 1>I always wanted to be a teacher. It was just

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<v Speaker 1>something that came natural to me.

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<v Speaker 4>If I knew I wanted to be a teacher when

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<v Speaker 4>I was a middle schooler, and now I'm a teacher

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<v Speaker 4>here at my old middle school.

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<v Speaker 2>Ads like these and the activities behind them, from sponsoring

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<v Speaker 2>sports events and teams to funding education initiatives or supporting

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<v Speaker 2>women in stem have become so common that you might

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<v Speaker 2>be wondering why I'd bother calling attention to them at all.

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<v Speaker 2>But it's important to talk about why companies, and especially

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<v Speaker 2>oil companies, spend so much money on stuff that is

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<v Speaker 2>entirely unrelated to their core business and why you almost

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<v Speaker 2>never see an ad that's about what they actually do.

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<v Speaker 2>It's not so much about being a good corporate citizen

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<v Speaker 2>as it is about seeming like a citizen period, someone

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<v Speaker 2>with ideas and policy positions, morals, ethics, a philosophy, a reputation,

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<v Speaker 2>and most of importantly, a personality that's mostly due to

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<v Speaker 2>a guy. Longtime listeners of this podcast might recognize one

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<v Speaker 2>of my long running obsessions.

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<v Speaker 1>Herb Schmirtz.

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<v Speaker 2>Here's what ol Herb had to say about the idea

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<v Speaker 2>of companies doing philanthropy for philanthropy's sake.

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<v Speaker 3>It shows a sophistication and awareness on the part of

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<v Speaker 3>corporations that they can tie their business interests to other

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<v Speaker 3>interests in the cultural and educational and philanthropic area and

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<v Speaker 3>yet be able to show to whomever's interested, whether it

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<v Speaker 3>be shareholders or whatever, that there is a bottom line

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<v Speaker 3>payout for the giver.

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<v Speaker 2>Herbschmirtz was a fascinating dude. He worked in military intelligence

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<v Speaker 2>and as a labor lawyer, sorting out disputes, mostly on

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<v Speaker 2>behalf of the government. In the nineteen sixties, he actually

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<v Speaker 2>helped to end a major life Shorman strike. Here's LBJ

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<v Speaker 2>and his labor secretary talking about it and.

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<v Speaker 5>Wants order longshowman. That's the serious one, and I should

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<v Speaker 5>I should sit down and bring you or give you

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<v Speaker 5>a complete memorandum on that that one is not in

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<v Speaker 5>good shape. The dock when is just not in good shape?

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<v Speaker 5>What can we do beforeward through it? And it's very

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<v Speaker 5>likely to bring it out. I had them in this

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<v Speaker 5>last week. And the trouble is that the that the company,

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<v Speaker 5>the employers want to settle it in Congress and the

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<v Speaker 5>union want to sell it in the White House. About

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<v Speaker 5>what it comes down to.

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<v Speaker 2>Schmertz also helped run JFK's presidential campaign. Eventually he ran

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<v Speaker 2>Bobby Kennedy's campaign too and Ted's. In between running campaigns

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<v Speaker 2>for the Kennedys, Herb Schmertz had another job, VP of

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<v Speaker 2>Public Affairs for Mobile Oil. Mobile initially hired Schmertz as

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<v Speaker 2>a labor lawyer, but when he returned to work after

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<v Speaker 2>taking a leave of absence to work on Bobby Kennedy's campaign,

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<v Speaker 2>the company thought, hmmm, maybe someone so tight with the

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<v Speaker 2>Democrats would be more helpful in their public affairs office.

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<v Speaker 2>Schmertz thought the rough and tumbled tactics he'd learned of

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<v Speaker 2>running campaigns in DC could be helpful to Mobil too,

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<v Speaker 2>and so he got a promotion. It helped that the

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<v Speaker 2>company's CEO at the time, a guy named Rolly Warner,

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<v Speaker 2>had a lot in common with Schmertz. They were both

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<v Speaker 2>Ivy League educated but good at talking to normal people,

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<v Speaker 2>and they both thought it was important for Mobil to

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<v Speaker 2>stand up for itself more often. In the early nineteen seventies,

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<v Speaker 2>with an oil crisis brewing and Americans pissed off about

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<v Speaker 2>waiting in line for hours to get gas, the two

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<v Speaker 2>hatched a plan to take charge of Mobile's public image.

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<v Speaker 3>You have to find unconveyed no ways to communicate to

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<v Speaker 3>the public. It's not a question of convincing the press

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<v Speaker 3>of anything. It's a question of convincing the public. And

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<v Speaker 3>to do the job properly, you have to really go

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<v Speaker 3>around the press, or beyond the press, or against the

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<v Speaker 3>press to get a story out so that the public

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<v Speaker 3>focus is on it, not the press. If you're just

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<v Speaker 3>going to limit yourself to getting the press to focus

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<v Speaker 3>on You're not doing the entire job.

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<v Speaker 2>At the time, issue advertising, this thing of an oil

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<v Speaker 2>company doing an ad about diversity or environmental initiatives, it

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<v Speaker 2>was relatively new. Schmertz eventually called it affinity of purpose marketing,

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<v Speaker 2>not great branding, but he explained why in a speech.

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<v Speaker 3>The term affinity of purpose marketing is a term that

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<v Speaker 3>I developed because the American Express has caused related marketing.

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<v Speaker 3>But it basically says the same thing.

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<v Speaker 2>Affinity of purpose marketing cause related marketing. Today this is

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<v Speaker 2>basically just marketing, But back then it was pretty revolutionary,

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<v Speaker 2>especially in the oil industry. Schmertz thought the company needed

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<v Speaker 2>to focus on ideas and issues rather than just selling

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<v Speaker 2>gas at stations, and to do that it needed more

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<v Speaker 2>than just the ideas themselves. Mobile needed a personality. Here

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<v Speaker 2>he is a leader in life, describing that personality, well,

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<v Speaker 2>it was multifaceted.

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<v Speaker 6>It was a personality where we believed very strongly about

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<v Speaker 6>the importance of public policiation. Secondly, we believed fervently that

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<v Speaker 6>as a sort of a custodian of a large corporation

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<v Speaker 6>and as custodians of vast resources and employment and everything else.

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<v Speaker 6>That we were not doing our job if we did

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<v Speaker 6>not participate in the marketplace of ideas. Third part of

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<v Speaker 6>our personality was we believed in that a democracy is

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<v Speaker 6>composed of a group of free institutions. We believed in

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<v Speaker 6>free market, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, academic freedom,

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<v Speaker 6>freedom to organize and participate in union activities.

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<v Speaker 3>Government intrusion into the marketplace of ideas would limit our

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<v Speaker 3>freedom of speech and distort the selection of our leaders.

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<v Speaker 2>Wow, if Mobil was a person, they'd be kind of

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<v Speaker 2>a Dick Ben Shapiro as a company. Anyway. You'll note

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<v Speaker 2>too that a lot of these so called personality traits

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<v Speaker 2>are more like policy positions. But over time, Schmertz started

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<v Speaker 2>to do various things to build out a sense of

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<v Speaker 2>who Mobile was, and he very intentionally did things that

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<v Speaker 2>no other oil exec had really thought about doing. At

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<v Speaker 2>one point he described his approach to this as being

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<v Speaker 2>like a political campaign for a company. He sponsored a

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<v Speaker 2>bunch of art exhibitions, for example, and started a literary prize,

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<v Speaker 2>the Pegasus Prize, in nineteen seventy seven, to honor works

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<v Speaker 2>from country whose literature is rarely translated into English. For Mobile.

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<v Speaker 2>It also helped to strengthen the company's relationships with various

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<v Speaker 2>Middle Eastern countries where it was hoping to drill for oil.

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<v Speaker 2>Schmertz also hired writers to write weekly opinion pieces that

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<v Speaker 2>he edited and paid to run them in The New

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<v Speaker 2>York Times, and of course, he sponsored Masterpiece theater.

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<v Speaker 5>The Bust of Base Theatre is brought to you by Mobile,

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<v Speaker 5>proviting the fuel but helps public television.

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<v Speaker 2>Run Hirschmertz wrote a whole book about his tactics. It's

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<v Speaker 2>called Goodbye to the Low Profile. In Spanish, it went

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<v Speaker 2>by the much better title Elsilenzio noesentable. Silence isn't Profitable.

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<v Speaker 2>In it, Schmertz implores his fellow PR guys to stop

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<v Speaker 2>being nice to the press, to stop being quiet about

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<v Speaker 2>it when they think that the press is being unfair

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<v Speaker 2>to them, and to start shouting their ideas from every

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<v Speaker 2>corner of the public square that they can access. Schmertz

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<v Speaker 2>gives a fascinating window into his whole process in this book.

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<v Speaker 2>At one point he talks about commissioning a survey to

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<v Speaker 2>gauge the public's opinion of Mobile before and after the

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<v Speaker 2>launch of his big issue advertising push, and he remembers

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<v Speaker 2>fondly how the survey taker said to him, Mobile must

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<v Speaker 2>be the thinking man's oil company. Did the survey taker

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<v Speaker 2>actually say that, We'll never know. The point is that

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<v Speaker 2>was Herb's goal, classing up Mobile and making it the

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<v Speaker 2>literary gentleman of oil companies. But while there is a

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<v Speaker 2>lot of evidence to suggest that Herb really liked to

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<v Speaker 2>hobknob with the creative elite, that wasn't the goal. It

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<v Speaker 2>was just a fun side benefit. The point was humanizing Mobile,

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<v Speaker 2>making him seem smart and trustworthy. Oh yeah, Mobil is

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<v Speaker 2>definitely a hymn I bother making an oil company seem

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<v Speaker 2>like a smart, trustworthy dude, so that when he came

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<v Speaker 2>at you with ideas.

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<v Speaker 1>Like, hey, why don't we be more off for drooling.

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<v Speaker 2>You might be more likely to think it's not a

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<v Speaker 2>terrible idea.

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<v Speaker 7>According to the US Geological Survey, there may be sixty

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<v Speaker 7>billion barrels of oil or more beneath our continental shelves.

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<v Speaker 7>Some people say we should be drilling for that oil

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<v Speaker 7>and gas. Others say we shouldn't because of the possible

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<v Speaker 7>environmental risks. We'd like to know what you think, write Mobile,

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<v Speaker 7>Pole Room six four nine one fifty East forty second Street,

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<v Speaker 7>New York, one one seven. We'd like to hear from

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<v Speaker 7>all of you.

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<v Speaker 2>So, Okay, this is interesting history, right, but why are

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<v Speaker 2>we talking about it today? Well, at a certain point,

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<v Speaker 2>Schmertz and Warner ran into an obstacle. They wanted to

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<v Speaker 2>take the advertorial program that they've been running with The

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<v Speaker 2>New York Times and do it on TV.

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<v Speaker 1>Two.

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<v Speaker 2>Schmertz commissioned a few videos, and they went to the

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<v Speaker 2>big three TV broadcasters, ABC, CBS, and NBC. Remember this

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<v Speaker 2>was before cable was widespread and long before streaming. The

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<v Speaker 2>three big broadcasters were a major source of information and

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<v Speaker 2>entertainment for the American public.

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<v Speaker 1>Two of the.

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<v Speaker 2>Three, ABC and CBS turned the ad buy down flat.

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<v Speaker 2>They said it would violate their ethics clauses and that

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<v Speaker 2>it might run a foul of the fairness doctrine, which

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<v Speaker 2>required broadcasters to present both sides of controversial issues. They

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<v Speaker 2>told Schmertz that when it came to covering important political issues,

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<v Speaker 2>they left that to their journalists. Running these new fangled

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<v Speaker 2>ads of mobiles felt like broadcasting propaganda and they weren't

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<v Speaker 2>into it. Let's all pause for a moment and appreciate

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<v Speaker 2>in America in which met corporations had a shred of

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<v Speaker 2>dignity for Mobile, though this was an all hands on

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<v Speaker 2>deck moment. If the TV guys said this was propaganda.

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<v Speaker 2>What if the New York Times started to feel weird

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<v Speaker 2>about running it every single week. What if PBS decided

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<v Speaker 2>its partnership with Mobile was no longer kosher. What if

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<v Speaker 2>all that work on developing a personality, getting their ideas

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<v Speaker 2>into the public square was just a waste of time.

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<v Speaker 2>In the end, they couldn't have it, and so they

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<v Speaker 2>developed a strategy that would protect their new human version

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<v Speaker 2>of Mobile. And that is a problem we are still

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<v Speaker 2>very much dealing with today. That's the story we're going

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<v Speaker 2>to get into in this drilled mini series. Welcome to Yeah,

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<v Speaker 2>Why Not herb? A three part mini series on the

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<v Speaker 2>oil guy who popularized corporate personhood and how it's become

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<v Speaker 2>one of the biggest problems facing climate action today. Part one,

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<v Speaker 2>The Panic After this quick break.

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<v Speaker 4>Mister Olsen, are you taking the position that there is

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<v Speaker 4>no difference in the First Amendment rights of an individual?

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<v Speaker 4>The corporation, after all, is not endowed by its creator

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<v Speaker 4>with inalienable rights, So is there any distinction that Congress

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<v Speaker 4>could draw between corporations and natural human beings full purposes

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<v Speaker 4>of campaign finance.

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<v Speaker 8>What the Court has said in the First Amendment context

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<v Speaker 8>New York Times versus Sullivan, Gross Chain versus Associated Press,

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<v Speaker 8>and over and over again a corporations are persons entitled

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<v Speaker 8>to protection under the First Amendment.

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<v Speaker 2>That's the late Ruth Bader Ginsburg talking to Ted Olsen,

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<v Speaker 2>former Solicitor General of the United States, a founding member

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<v Speaker 2>of the Federalist Society and a partner in the corporate

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<v Speaker 2>law firm Gibson Dunn, which represents Chevron along with several

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<v Speaker 2>other companies in the fossil fuel business. To the extent

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<v Speaker 2>that Americans think about the idea of corporate free speech

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<v Speaker 2>at all, it tends to hinge on this one Supreme

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<v Speaker 2>Court case from twenty ten, Citizens United versus the Federal

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<v Speaker 2>Election Committee. It was a weird case. Basically, a tea

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<v Speaker 2>party Republican group called Citizens United made a movie about

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<v Speaker 2>Hillary Clinton, and they thought it was a documentary, but

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<v Speaker 2>it was very obviously not. It was a bit of

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<v Speaker 2>campaign marketing. It was called Hillary the Movie.

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<v Speaker 1>She is steeped in controversy, steeped in sleeves. That's why

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<v Speaker 1>they don't want us to look at our record.

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<v Speaker 2>Obviously, this was not a movie that was going to

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<v Speaker 2>get a theatrical release, but Citizens United had arranged to

0:15:08.240 --> 0:15:11.160
<v Speaker 2>release it as a video on demand offering on a

0:15:11.200 --> 0:15:15.920
<v Speaker 2>few cable channels right before the Democratic primaries in January

0:15:15.960 --> 0:15:20.600
<v Speaker 2>two thousand and eight, but it was classified as electioneering communication,

0:15:21.000 --> 0:15:24.120
<v Speaker 2>which had been made illegal by the Federal Election Commission.

0:15:24.680 --> 0:15:27.280
<v Speaker 2>The producers fed a lawsuit in the U. S. District

0:15:27.320 --> 0:15:29.520
<v Speaker 2>Court for DC, trying to get a ruling that would

0:15:29.520 --> 0:15:32.440
<v Speaker 2>allow them to show the film and various promotional ads

0:15:32.480 --> 0:15:35.720
<v Speaker 2>for it. The District court judges ruled that there was

0:15:35.800 --> 0:15:39.920
<v Speaker 2>quote no reasonable interpretation of the movie other than as

0:15:39.960 --> 0:15:43.400
<v Speaker 2>an appeal to vote against Senator Clinton, so it clearly

0:15:43.480 --> 0:15:49.280
<v Speaker 2>qualified as electioneering communication. The producers appealed to the Supreme Court,

0:15:49.400 --> 0:15:53.040
<v Speaker 2>which took the case up. For some reason, it was

0:15:53.080 --> 0:15:55.200
<v Speaker 2>a weird decision to begin with for them to even

0:15:55.280 --> 0:15:58.120
<v Speaker 2>hear this case, because by the time they could hear it,

0:15:58.560 --> 0:16:00.920
<v Speaker 2>the election would have been passed and the whole argument

0:16:01.040 --> 0:16:04.480
<v Speaker 2>would be a mood point. When it ruled in twenty ten,

0:16:04.960 --> 0:16:07.880
<v Speaker 2>the Supreme Court upheld the District court on the fact

0:16:07.880 --> 0:16:12.240
<v Speaker 2>that the film was in fact electioneering communication. But it

0:16:12.320 --> 0:16:16.560
<v Speaker 2>applied what's called the strict scrutiny test to the First

0:16:16.600 --> 0:16:20.480
<v Speaker 2>Amendment and concluded that because the money for this film

0:16:21.120 --> 0:16:25.000
<v Speaker 2>wasn't being paid directly to a candidate for a campaign,

0:16:25.720 --> 0:16:29.640
<v Speaker 2>it wasn't illegal under the FEC's laws. Just to make

0:16:29.640 --> 0:16:33.480
<v Speaker 2>it clear, the Justices emphasize in their ruling that corporations

0:16:33.520 --> 0:16:35.960
<v Speaker 2>and labor unions can spend as much as they want

0:16:36.040 --> 0:16:39.160
<v Speaker 2>to convince people to vote for or against a candidate,

0:16:39.800 --> 0:16:42.480
<v Speaker 2>and they don't have to disclose who's paying for what

0:16:43.160 --> 0:16:44.160
<v Speaker 2>or to what end.

0:16:45.000 --> 0:16:50.640
<v Speaker 9>It basically says that from now on, corporations can spend directly.

0:16:50.240 --> 0:16:52.240
<v Speaker 1>From their treasuries.

0:16:53.120 --> 0:16:58.960
<v Speaker 9>And that opens up this, I mean incalculable pool of money.

0:16:59.000 --> 0:17:02.520
<v Speaker 2>This is Robert her a professor at the Journalism School

0:17:02.560 --> 0:17:06.320
<v Speaker 2>at the University of Oklahoma. I went looking for Professor

0:17:06.440 --> 0:17:10.440
<v Speaker 2>Kerr because he wrote two very detailed academic books about

0:17:10.440 --> 0:17:14.400
<v Speaker 2>what he calls the corporate free speech movement, and one

0:17:14.440 --> 0:17:17.760
<v Speaker 2>of them focuses entirely on mobile Oil's role in it,

0:17:18.200 --> 0:17:21.160
<v Speaker 2>which we're going to get to in a minute. But first,

0:17:21.440 --> 0:17:23.760
<v Speaker 2>more on the impact of Citizens United.

0:17:25.240 --> 0:17:30.159
<v Speaker 9>All the business corporations in the world can now spend

0:17:30.200 --> 0:17:34.359
<v Speaker 9>freely from their stockholders' money. Really, Over the years, because

0:17:34.359 --> 0:17:36.760
<v Speaker 9>I wrote so much about it, people often ask me

0:17:36.840 --> 0:17:40.720
<v Speaker 9>to participate in different kinds of discussions, and a lot

0:17:40.760 --> 0:17:45.080
<v Speaker 9>of people first will say, well, I think corporations should

0:17:45.080 --> 0:17:47.560
<v Speaker 9>have a right to speak, and that's a broadly held view.

0:17:47.640 --> 0:17:52.280
<v Speaker 9>Corporations should have a right to speak. And then when

0:17:52.280 --> 0:17:54.280
<v Speaker 9>I'll say, okay, but do you think they should have

0:17:54.359 --> 0:17:56.919
<v Speaker 9>a right If you've invested in a corporation, should they

0:17:56.960 --> 0:18:01.880
<v Speaker 9>have a right to spend your investment for political purposes?

0:18:01.920 --> 0:18:05.160
<v Speaker 9>And they almost always say no. Almost everybody, whether they

0:18:05.160 --> 0:18:09.200
<v Speaker 9>call themselves liberal or conservative, they almost always agree, well, no,

0:18:09.320 --> 0:18:12.240
<v Speaker 9>I invested that because I wanted to make a profit.

0:18:12.560 --> 0:18:13.159
<v Speaker 1>I don't want the.

0:18:13.160 --> 0:18:17.520
<v Speaker 9>Corporation deciding which political side, because when people think about it,

0:18:17.600 --> 0:18:23.560
<v Speaker 9>they realize, you know, wherever their personal political views lie,

0:18:24.040 --> 0:18:27.840
<v Speaker 9>if a corporation can spend the stockholders' money, they might

0:18:27.920 --> 0:18:30.080
<v Speaker 9>spend it for someone you support, but they could very

0:18:30.080 --> 0:18:31.600
<v Speaker 9>well spend it for someone you don't.

0:18:32.920 --> 0:18:35.480
<v Speaker 2>What a lot of people don't know is that there

0:18:35.560 --> 0:18:39.320
<v Speaker 2>was a key case that came a few decades before

0:18:39.400 --> 0:18:43.160
<v Speaker 2>Citizens United that was really the first domino to fall

0:18:43.320 --> 0:18:44.760
<v Speaker 2>on corporate free speech.

0:18:46.600 --> 0:18:50.960
<v Speaker 10>There was a pretty big effort to get a Supreme

0:18:50.960 --> 0:18:54.040
<v Speaker 10>Court ruling that basically supported corporate speech and the right

0:18:54.840 --> 0:19:00.520
<v Speaker 10>of corporations to do advertising of their not just product aising,

0:19:00.680 --> 0:19:03.360
<v Speaker 10>but of their you know, positions.

0:19:04.040 --> 0:19:08.960
<v Speaker 2>That's Brown University environmental sociologist doctor Robert Brule. The ruling

0:19:09.000 --> 0:19:11.880
<v Speaker 2>he's referring to was a case called First National Bank

0:19:11.920 --> 0:19:15.760
<v Speaker 2>of Boston versus Ballatti. It was brought by a bank

0:19:15.920 --> 0:19:18.719
<v Speaker 2>that wanted to be able to advertise in favor of

0:19:18.800 --> 0:19:23.399
<v Speaker 2>a ballot referendum that it had also backed financially. It

0:19:23.520 --> 0:19:27.920
<v Speaker 2>violated a state law in Massachusetts that prohibited corporations from

0:19:27.960 --> 0:19:31.119
<v Speaker 2>this sort of political funding, but the bank decided to

0:19:31.240 --> 0:19:33.879
<v Speaker 2>challenge that law in a case that went all the

0:19:33.920 --> 0:19:37.320
<v Speaker 2>way to the Supreme Court and won. It was the

0:19:37.359 --> 0:19:41.359
<v Speaker 2>first time the Court had stepped in to define corporate

0:19:41.520 --> 0:19:42.840
<v Speaker 2>First Amendment rights.

0:19:45.000 --> 0:19:49.639
<v Speaker 10>I don't think people really appreciate how big of a

0:19:49.720 --> 0:19:54.600
<v Speaker 10>deal that was in shifting the rules of speech in

0:19:54.640 --> 0:19:59.959
<v Speaker 10>the public space that now suddenly corporations could use their budget,

0:20:00.880 --> 0:20:08.400
<v Speaker 10>which are enormously larger than individuals, to advocate their position

0:20:08.520 --> 0:20:12.840
<v Speaker 10>in the public space. And as a sociologist, I would

0:20:12.880 --> 0:20:15.879
<v Speaker 10>say that what this did was it allowed for a

0:20:16.080 --> 0:20:20.639
<v Speaker 10>systematic distortion of the public space. Is that it gives

0:20:21.440 --> 0:20:28.119
<v Speaker 10>corporations basically a loudspeaker to amplify their voice above everybody else's.

0:20:29.119 --> 0:20:33.560
<v Speaker 10>And in a media environment where there's many, many competing voices,

0:20:34.280 --> 0:20:39.720
<v Speaker 10>the ability to get your message out repeatedly, over and

0:20:39.880 --> 0:20:45.560
<v Speaker 10>over and over again an opposition to other voices is

0:20:46.119 --> 0:20:50.439
<v Speaker 10>enormously influential in getting your viewpoint to be part of

0:20:50.480 --> 0:20:54.119
<v Speaker 10>the public discussion and eventually become part of the taken

0:20:54.200 --> 0:20:56.840
<v Speaker 10>for granted worldview.

0:20:58.440 --> 0:21:00.720
<v Speaker 2>And here's where we bring it back to Mobile Oil

0:21:00.880 --> 0:21:03.800
<v Speaker 2>and our old pal Herb Schmirtz.

0:21:03.720 --> 0:21:06.760
<v Speaker 10>And Mobile was one of the leading corporations to fight

0:21:06.920 --> 0:21:08.960
<v Speaker 10>for that legal right.

0:21:10.000 --> 0:21:12.480
<v Speaker 2>That's why Robert Kerr wound up writing a whole book

0:21:12.480 --> 0:21:15.520
<v Speaker 2>about Mobile's role in shaping free speech, a book he

0:21:15.560 --> 0:21:17.080
<v Speaker 2>actually interviewed Herbsmirtz for.

0:21:17.480 --> 0:21:20.720
<v Speaker 9>He was very pleasant, you know, a little bit argumentative,

0:21:20.720 --> 0:21:24.680
<v Speaker 9>but not much. He said that looking back, he thought

0:21:24.760 --> 0:21:28.399
<v Speaker 9>the Mobile op eds demonstrated that corporations can participate in

0:21:28.480 --> 0:21:32.080
<v Speaker 9>the dialogue and that Mobile had achieved leadership.

0:21:32.160 --> 0:21:33.840
<v Speaker 1>And that's basically true.

0:21:33.920 --> 0:21:37.960
<v Speaker 9>They did nobody, no one else utilized The New York

0:21:38.000 --> 0:21:39.960
<v Speaker 9>Times op ed page the way Mobile did.

0:21:41.160 --> 0:21:43.600
<v Speaker 2>I don't think he meant it this way, but wooh,

0:21:43.960 --> 0:21:48.560
<v Speaker 2>sick burn on the New York Times embarrassing. Anyway, Mobile

0:21:49.040 --> 0:21:52.880
<v Speaker 2>didn't just shape public discourse by using the media as

0:21:52.920 --> 0:21:56.640
<v Speaker 2>a tool. It also got involved in shaping the legal

0:21:57.040 --> 0:22:01.399
<v Speaker 2>structures that would allow them to have more influence, to

0:22:01.520 --> 0:22:03.600
<v Speaker 2>be the loudest voice in the room.

0:22:04.359 --> 0:22:10.040
<v Speaker 9>He got into Bolotti some I don't think in his mind,

0:22:11.040 --> 0:22:13.720
<v Speaker 9>at least many years later, he wasn't looking back like, yeah,

0:22:13.760 --> 0:22:16.959
<v Speaker 9>we won that and that change history. He was on

0:22:17.000 --> 0:22:19.800
<v Speaker 9>the side that won and it did change history. And

0:22:19.840 --> 0:22:22.200
<v Speaker 9>of course that's the thing I can talk about endlessly.

0:22:22.320 --> 0:22:27.199
<v Speaker 9>But he said the reason they got into it at

0:22:27.200 --> 0:22:31.159
<v Speaker 9>first was that they saw the energy crisis of the

0:22:31.240 --> 0:22:34.280
<v Speaker 9>nineteen seventies coming, and it was a big deal anyone

0:22:34.280 --> 0:22:36.800
<v Speaker 9>who was alive then as I was, I mean, it

0:22:36.960 --> 0:22:44.560
<v Speaker 9>dominated not just media discussions but popular discussions. And you know,

0:22:44.600 --> 0:22:47.720
<v Speaker 9>man on the street, everybody was for years and years

0:22:47.800 --> 0:22:50.399
<v Speaker 9>was talking about the price of gasoline going up, the

0:22:50.440 --> 0:22:53.720
<v Speaker 9>long lines at the gas stations, and you know, sometimes

0:22:54.200 --> 0:22:57.120
<v Speaker 9>the gas stations closed because they had no gasoline. And

0:22:57.600 --> 0:23:01.480
<v Speaker 9>he said that Mobile felt that media in general were

0:23:01.480 --> 0:23:04.120
<v Speaker 9>getting it wrong and that they had to come in

0:23:04.640 --> 0:23:05.919
<v Speaker 9>and correct things.

0:23:06.640 --> 0:23:09.960
<v Speaker 2>That's why mobile got into what they called issue advertising

0:23:10.280 --> 0:23:13.440
<v Speaker 2>or affinity of purpose marketing. But they started to look

0:23:13.440 --> 0:23:16.560
<v Speaker 2>for ways the law could protect that type of marketing

0:23:16.720 --> 0:23:19.119
<v Speaker 2>because of one big threat to it in the early

0:23:19.240 --> 0:23:24.159
<v Speaker 2>nineteen seventies. Here's Schmertz talking about that threat in a

0:23:24.200 --> 0:23:27.679
<v Speaker 2>promotional video he made for the National Association of Manufacturers

0:23:27.760 --> 0:23:31.240
<v Speaker 2>to circulate to executives at other big corporations.

0:23:31.800 --> 0:23:35.400
<v Speaker 11>Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion,

0:23:35.680 --> 0:23:39.480
<v Speaker 11>or prohibiting the free exercise thereof, or abridging the freedom

0:23:39.480 --> 0:23:42.199
<v Speaker 11>of speech or of the press, while the right of

0:23:42.240 --> 0:23:45.240
<v Speaker 11>the people peaceably to assemble and to petition the Government

0:23:45.560 --> 0:23:48.880
<v Speaker 11>for a redress of grievances. That was the first Amendment.

0:23:50.240 --> 0:23:52.480
<v Speaker 11>And you may not be aware of it, but there

0:23:52.480 --> 0:23:57.160
<v Speaker 11>are two constraints imposed by television networks that we contend

0:23:57.280 --> 0:24:00.920
<v Speaker 11>are not consistent with these First Amendments, right, And I'd

0:24:00.960 --> 0:24:02.720
<v Speaker 11>like to discuss these constraints with you.

0:24:03.920 --> 0:24:07.159
<v Speaker 2>Yep, it was the TV thing I mentioned before. In

0:24:07.200 --> 0:24:10.199
<v Speaker 2>the early nineteen seventies, high on the success of his

0:24:10.280 --> 0:24:14.080
<v Speaker 2>Weekly New York Times advertorials, Schmertz tried to take a

0:24:14.200 --> 0:24:18.879
<v Speaker 2>video version to the three big networks, ABC, CBS, and NBC.

0:24:19.720 --> 0:24:22.800
<v Speaker 2>AC and CBS turned it down flat. NBC accepted a

0:24:22.840 --> 0:24:26.480
<v Speaker 2>couple of the ads, but asked for major edits. It

0:24:26.520 --> 0:24:29.159
<v Speaker 2>was a huge threat to this plan that he and

0:24:29.280 --> 0:24:32.639
<v Speaker 2>Mobile CEO Rolly Warner had cooked up to try to

0:24:32.720 --> 0:24:37.080
<v Speaker 2>mitigate the impact of the energy crisis on Mobile's reputation

0:24:37.359 --> 0:24:41.479
<v Speaker 2>and profits. But Schmertz sold it as a huge threat

0:24:41.680 --> 0:24:46.280
<v Speaker 2>to all businesses and to the American way of life.

0:24:47.480 --> 0:24:50.040
<v Speaker 11>The first constraint, what you may not be aware of,

0:24:50.320 --> 0:24:54.680
<v Speaker 11>is that the television networks take the position that controversial

0:24:54.720 --> 0:24:58.760
<v Speaker 11>issues of public importance should only be presented in formats

0:24:59.000 --> 0:25:02.920
<v Speaker 11>determined by broad cash journalists. They contend that the public's

0:25:02.920 --> 0:25:06.800
<v Speaker 11>interest will best be served by this limitation. The second

0:25:06.840 --> 0:25:10.959
<v Speaker 11>constraint involves the ability to purchase time to present what

0:25:11.000 --> 0:25:15.680
<v Speaker 11>we contend is issue or opinion advertising. The networks take

0:25:15.720 --> 0:25:19.520
<v Speaker 11>the position that they will not sell commercial time to

0:25:19.640 --> 0:25:25.479
<v Speaker 11>advertisers to present what they define as controversial issues of

0:25:25.480 --> 0:25:29.280
<v Speaker 11>public importance. Now, some of the things that they have

0:25:29.440 --> 0:25:34.639
<v Speaker 11>considered controversial are offshore drilling, oil company profits. The energy

0:25:34.680 --> 0:25:37.800
<v Speaker 11>crisis itself has been considered a controversial relationship by one

0:25:37.840 --> 0:25:41.520
<v Speaker 11>state station. Now When you put these two constraints together,

0:25:42.040 --> 0:25:44.879
<v Speaker 11>the result is that the American people are not getting

0:25:44.960 --> 0:25:48.240
<v Speaker 11>adequate information to make up their minds on a very

0:25:48.240 --> 0:25:51.679
<v Speaker 11>crucial issue, namely, the energy crisis and the development of

0:25:51.720 --> 0:25:53.600
<v Speaker 11>adequate energy for the United States.

0:25:54.520 --> 0:25:58.159
<v Speaker 2>Schmertz and Warner immediately started talking to business groups like

0:25:58.200 --> 0:26:01.800
<v Speaker 2>the National Association Manufacturer Is, the Chamber of Commerce, and

0:26:01.920 --> 0:26:06.560
<v Speaker 2>various economics clubs about this looming threat against American business

0:26:07.040 --> 0:26:11.159
<v Speaker 2>and with it, democracy itself. They wrote op eds, They

0:26:11.200 --> 0:26:14.080
<v Speaker 2>went on the radio. They highlighted the problem in their

0:26:14.080 --> 0:26:17.440
<v Speaker 2>weekly New York Times spot. They argue that TV was

0:26:17.520 --> 0:26:21.359
<v Speaker 2>doing a superficial job at best of covering the energy crisis,

0:26:21.640 --> 0:26:24.960
<v Speaker 2>and that by rejecting mobiles ads, they were robbing the

0:26:25.000 --> 0:26:27.480
<v Speaker 2>American public of crucial information.

0:26:28.440 --> 0:26:33.400
<v Speaker 11>And the result is that you get really superficial coverage,

0:26:33.480 --> 0:26:36.760
<v Speaker 11>a visually attractive story, not one that really relates to

0:26:37.200 --> 0:26:40.160
<v Speaker 11>what caused the shortage, what caused the crisis, and where

0:26:40.200 --> 0:26:40.480
<v Speaker 11>do we.

0:26:40.480 --> 0:26:41.160
<v Speaker 7>Go from here?

0:26:42.720 --> 0:26:46.360
<v Speaker 11>Now, that would be all right if we were allowed

0:26:46.359 --> 0:26:49.520
<v Speaker 11>to run the commercials that we think the people are

0:26:49.680 --> 0:26:52.280
<v Speaker 11>entitled to receive and the information that we would like

0:26:52.359 --> 0:26:54.840
<v Speaker 11>to impart to the American people, And indeed if others

0:26:54.880 --> 0:26:57.480
<v Speaker 11>were allowed to present their views, so that the American

0:26:57.520 --> 0:27:01.000
<v Speaker 11>people received a very wide spectrum of views and could

0:27:01.000 --> 0:27:03.040
<v Speaker 11>get all the information and then make up their mind

0:27:03.080 --> 0:27:05.880
<v Speaker 11>on these important natures. But we're not allowed to do that,

0:27:06.560 --> 0:27:10.080
<v Speaker 11>as I said, Television networks say that they will not

0:27:10.240 --> 0:27:11.520
<v Speaker 11>accept commercials that.

0:27:11.600 --> 0:27:13.200
<v Speaker 1>Deal with controversial issues.

0:27:13.480 --> 0:27:16.439
<v Speaker 11>So that means, as I said, that the issues that

0:27:16.480 --> 0:27:20.280
<v Speaker 11>we want to present only can be presented in formats

0:27:20.320 --> 0:27:23.640
<v Speaker 11>determined by broadcast journalists. We can't say it the way

0:27:23.680 --> 0:27:26.399
<v Speaker 11>we'd like to say it. And you, the American people,

0:27:26.480 --> 0:27:31.440
<v Speaker 11>really are not getting an adequate opportunity to get satisfactory information.

0:27:32.800 --> 0:27:35.520
<v Speaker 2>We still hear arguments like this today. So let me

0:27:35.560 --> 0:27:39.879
<v Speaker 2>just emphasize here that the First Amendment protects speech, it

0:27:39.960 --> 0:27:45.720
<v Speaker 2>does not guarantee reach. Nowhere in the Constitution is every

0:27:45.720 --> 0:27:50.520
<v Speaker 2>American promised a primetime TV slot. Here's an example of

0:27:50.600 --> 0:27:52.879
<v Speaker 2>one of the ads that Mobile wanted to run.

0:27:53.640 --> 0:27:57.399
<v Speaker 5>Well, I thought I'd never see this. This country is

0:27:57.440 --> 0:28:00.359
<v Speaker 5>big and huge and it can do just about it anything,

0:28:00.359 --> 0:28:03.160
<v Speaker 5>and let something like this happen. It's unbelievable.

0:28:03.720 --> 0:28:08.000
<v Speaker 4>I find it very disillusioning to find that government seems

0:28:08.040 --> 0:28:10.800
<v Speaker 4>to be as naive as all of us.

0:28:11.000 --> 0:28:11.359
<v Speaker 10>I don't know.

0:28:11.400 --> 0:28:13.760
<v Speaker 5>It could be the oil company not being prepared for

0:28:13.800 --> 0:28:16.280
<v Speaker 5>all the gas that we.

0:28:16.280 --> 0:28:18.360
<v Speaker 11>Need, the people themselves, everybody.

0:28:18.400 --> 0:28:23.320
<v Speaker 7>It's just we went crazy. Last twenty years has been nuts,

0:28:23.359 --> 0:28:25.280
<v Speaker 7>you know, with cars, and I don't know what we

0:28:25.320 --> 0:28:26.120
<v Speaker 7>could do about.

0:28:25.880 --> 0:28:27.520
<v Speaker 5>It about the shortage.

0:28:28.240 --> 0:28:31.119
<v Speaker 7>I think people are trying to use less gas themselves.

0:28:31.440 --> 0:28:35.040
<v Speaker 3>I feel we can be very much self sufficient if

0:28:35.040 --> 0:28:38.200
<v Speaker 3>we just tap our own resources. I don't feel that

0:28:38.240 --> 0:28:40.600
<v Speaker 3>our own resources have been tapped enough.

0:28:40.880 --> 0:28:41.080
<v Speaker 2>Well.

0:28:41.120 --> 0:28:44.280
<v Speaker 3>Like I said, it was beautiful before, this is ridiculous.

0:28:44.280 --> 0:28:45.640
<v Speaker 4>A standing line to get gas.

0:28:46.320 --> 0:28:49.520
<v Speaker 5>We agree, and we're looking for oil everywhere we can,

0:28:50.000 --> 0:28:51.080
<v Speaker 5>as fast as we can.

0:28:53.000 --> 0:28:56.480
<v Speaker 11>This commercial was made during the period of long gas lines,

0:28:56.800 --> 0:29:00.480
<v Speaker 11>and this version was rejected by all three networks because

0:29:00.520 --> 0:29:03.360
<v Speaker 11>they contended a dealt with a controversial issue.

0:29:03.560 --> 0:29:06.760
<v Speaker 2>Keep in mind, this was a pre bloody At the time.

0:29:06.880 --> 0:29:10.040
<v Speaker 2>The networks relied in part on the fairness doctrine to

0:29:10.400 --> 0:29:15.560
<v Speaker 2>justify rejecting ads from mobile It didn't necessarily prohibit the

0:29:15.600 --> 0:29:18.960
<v Speaker 2>networks from taking these kinds of commercials, but it did

0:29:19.000 --> 0:29:22.440
<v Speaker 2>give them cover to reject things they just thought were

0:29:22.520 --> 0:29:23.560
<v Speaker 2>not appropriate.

0:29:24.800 --> 0:29:28.520
<v Speaker 11>Now we've been running ads on the opposite the editorial

0:29:28.560 --> 0:29:30.240
<v Speaker 11>page of The New York Times for about three and

0:29:30.320 --> 0:29:34.080
<v Speaker 11>a half years. These, in effect, have been paid editorials

0:29:34.120 --> 0:29:37.480
<v Speaker 11>where we have had an opportunity to present our views,

0:29:37.600 --> 0:29:40.880
<v Speaker 11>views different, indeed frequently from the editorial policy of the

0:29:41.000 --> 0:29:43.680
<v Speaker 11>New York Times. That hasn't caused the Times any problem.

0:29:43.680 --> 0:29:48.000
<v Speaker 11>They've been delighted to receive these ads, and indeed they've

0:29:48.000 --> 0:29:50.720
<v Speaker 11>been delighted to increase the spectrum of views.

0:29:51.080 --> 0:29:51.920
<v Speaker 1>The networks, on.

0:29:51.880 --> 0:29:55.320
<v Speaker 11>The other hand, have gone just the opposite direction. They

0:29:55.400 --> 0:30:00.040
<v Speaker 11>have said that they will not develop a structure to

0:30:00.120 --> 0:30:03.560
<v Speaker 11>accommodate a wide spectrum of views and have relied on

0:30:03.600 --> 0:30:07.600
<v Speaker 11>the fairness doctrine and have said only broadcast journalists will

0:30:07.640 --> 0:30:08.680
<v Speaker 11>present views.

0:30:08.960 --> 0:30:12.160
<v Speaker 2>That difference, of course, was mostly to do with the

0:30:12.240 --> 0:30:16.800
<v Speaker 2>fairness doctrine which applied to broadcast networks like ABC, NBC

0:30:16.880 --> 0:30:21.040
<v Speaker 2>and CBS, but not two newspapers like The New York Times,

0:30:21.400 --> 0:30:25.320
<v Speaker 2>which schmertz knew, of course, but acknowledging that fact would

0:30:25.360 --> 0:30:28.160
<v Speaker 2>not have served his argument that the TV networks were

0:30:28.200 --> 0:30:30.400
<v Speaker 2>being uniquely unfair to mobile.

0:30:31.720 --> 0:30:34.560
<v Speaker 9>I asked him did he sell Mobile on this, and

0:30:34.680 --> 0:30:36.840
<v Speaker 9>he insisted no, it was the other way around. That

0:30:36.960 --> 0:30:40.640
<v Speaker 9>management came to him Raley Warner, who was the CEO

0:30:40.800 --> 0:30:43.200
<v Speaker 9>back then, had a pretty good interview with him. A

0:30:43.240 --> 0:30:46.040
<v Speaker 9>lot of things he said were consistent with what Schmert said,

0:30:46.480 --> 0:30:49.560
<v Speaker 9>and he did say that, yes, I was angry about

0:30:49.600 --> 0:30:52.760
<v Speaker 9>the way the media were getting everything wrong and I.

0:30:52.760 --> 0:30:54.440
<v Speaker 1>Wanted us to be a bigger voice.

0:30:54.600 --> 0:30:58.120
<v Speaker 2>What it did, Warner confirm what Schmert said about Ballotti.

0:30:58.480 --> 0:30:59.720
<v Speaker 9>You know that he sort of.

0:31:01.440 --> 0:31:03.800
<v Speaker 2>Put that on Schmertz's radar.

0:31:04.280 --> 0:31:07.360
<v Speaker 9>Yes, I think they saw it as just sort of

0:31:07.360 --> 0:31:13.080
<v Speaker 9>a organic piece of what they were doing with trying

0:31:13.080 --> 0:31:16.200
<v Speaker 9>to speak out more in general, because they really got

0:31:16.200 --> 0:31:20.400
<v Speaker 9>active about seventy two with their op eds, and then

0:31:20.440 --> 0:31:23.320
<v Speaker 9>Bellotti probably came on the radar when it was first

0:31:23.400 --> 0:31:25.360
<v Speaker 9>kicking around the Lower Court, so they would have picked

0:31:25.440 --> 0:31:28.600
<v Speaker 9>up on it even though it didn't involve the petroleum

0:31:28.640 --> 0:31:30.640
<v Speaker 9>industry in any way. They just saw it as chance

0:31:30.720 --> 0:31:35.840
<v Speaker 9>of expand First Amendment rights for corporations.

0:31:36.720 --> 0:31:40.400
<v Speaker 2>And they didn't stop there next time. How Mobile turned

0:31:40.400 --> 0:31:44.520
<v Speaker 2>the tide on corporate personhood, why Exon kept that work

0:31:44.560 --> 0:31:47.760
<v Speaker 2>going once the two merged, and how it all played

0:31:47.800 --> 0:31:55.080
<v Speaker 2>out in Nike's sweatshops in the nineties. Drilled is an

0:31:55.080 --> 0:31:59.280
<v Speaker 2>original Critical Frequency production. This season is produced and sound

0:31:59.280 --> 0:32:03.400
<v Speaker 2>designed by Mark Saltz Austwick. Our sound engineer is Peter Duff.

0:32:03.600 --> 0:32:08.320
<v Speaker 2>Additional reporting by Julia Manipela, fact checking by Woodan Yan.

0:32:08.760 --> 0:32:12.640
<v Speaker 2>Our first Amendment attorney is James Wheaton. Marketing is handled

0:32:12.640 --> 0:32:16.560
<v Speaker 2>by Maggie Taylor. Our artwork is by Matt Fleming. The

0:32:16.640 --> 0:32:20.840
<v Speaker 2>show is written and reported by me Amy Westervelt. Primary

0:32:20.880 --> 0:32:24.800
<v Speaker 2>documents and additional information related to this series are available

0:32:24.840 --> 0:32:27.720
<v Speaker 2>on our website at drilled dot Media. You can also

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<v Speaker 2>sign up for our weekly newsletter there.

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