WEBVTT - Final Stages of the Trump Impeachment Trial

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law, with June Grassoe from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>President Donald Trump's impeachment trial heads toward an end on Wednesday,

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<v Speaker 1>with Senators all but certain to acquit him on charges

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<v Speaker 1>of abuse of power and obstruction of Congress after narrowly

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<v Speaker 1>rejecting Democratic demands for witnesses. Before a vote on four amendments.

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<v Speaker 1>On Friday, Minority Leader Chuck Schumer sought to clear up

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<v Speaker 1>one uncertainty that's hung over the trial, whether Chief Justice

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<v Speaker 1>John Roberts, the trial's presiding officer, would cast a vote

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<v Speaker 1>to break a tie. Here's Robert's response. If the members

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<v Speaker 1>of this body, elected by the people and accountable to them,

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<v Speaker 1>divide equally on a motion, the normal rule is that

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<v Speaker 1>the motion fails. I think it would be inappropriate for me,

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<v Speaker 1>an unelected official from a different branch of government, to

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<v Speaker 1>assert the power to change that result so that the

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<v Speaker 1>motion would succeed. My guest is Frank Bowman, professor with

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<v Speaker 1>the University of Zuri and an expert on impeachment. His

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<v Speaker 1>latest book is High Crimes and Misdemeanors, A History of

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<v Speaker 1>Impeachment for the Age of Trump. The Chief Justice said

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<v Speaker 1>it would be inappropriate for him to break any tie

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<v Speaker 1>votes in a sent impeachment trial. What's your take on

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<v Speaker 1>his refusal to do that. I understand it from a perspective,

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, one, he does not want to get himself

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<v Speaker 1>as sort of the representative of the Supreme Court in

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<v Speaker 1>the middle of this ugly partisan fight um and breaking

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<v Speaker 1>a tie on particularly on these issues would certainly be

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<v Speaker 1>perceived as doing so. Equally important is the sort of

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<v Speaker 1>pragmatic calculation here. He's going to want to, I think,

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<v Speaker 1>husband his moral authority or the institutional authority for for

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<v Speaker 1>occasions when it might matter, and you know, to break

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<v Speaker 1>a tie on a question of say, witnesses in this case,

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<v Speaker 1>if that had come up. I mean, Roberts is a

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<v Speaker 1>smart guy. He can count. He knows that there's no

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<v Speaker 1>way that President Trump is ever going to be removed,

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<v Speaker 1>he recognizes, frankly, having listened to all the evidence that

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<v Speaker 1>the case against Trump is overwhelming on the facts already,

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<v Speaker 1>nobody except Trump's most ardent partisans believes otherwise. In fact,

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<v Speaker 1>one of the things you heard at the end from

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<v Speaker 1>a number of sort of sheepish Republican senators was, in effect,

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<v Speaker 1>oh well, okay, we don't need to hear more evidence,

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<v Speaker 1>because actually the case has already proven an additional evidence

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<v Speaker 1>isn't going to prove it anymore, and which is of

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<v Speaker 1>course the truth, right, I mean, that's the state of

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<v Speaker 1>the evidence. So back to Roberts. Roberts knows that he

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<v Speaker 1>knows the evidence is powerful against the president. Then he

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<v Speaker 1>knows that additional evidence, whether it's Bolton or anything else,

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<v Speaker 1>is not going to change the political calculus. You're not

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<v Speaker 1>going to get twenty Republican senators to vote the guy out.

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<v Speaker 1>And so that being so, for what purpose would he

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<v Speaker 1>expend his moral and institutional capital? One can imagine a

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<v Speaker 1>circumstance where h Justice believe that the president in the

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<v Speaker 1>office was deeply dangerous to the country, and I saw

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<v Speaker 1>in front of him a trial where the outcome remained

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<v Speaker 1>in doubt and hinged perhaps on the production of some

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<v Speaker 1>additional evidence. And you can imagine therefore a Chief Justice

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<v Speaker 1>who would be willing to step in and and make

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<v Speaker 1>judgments about the propriety of introducing that additional events. But

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<v Speaker 1>Roberts is looking out at a landscape where he knows

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<v Speaker 1>the result is completely baked in. Why should he expend

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<v Speaker 1>the courts capital his personal capital in a feudal gesture

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<v Speaker 1>through where I land on that. I just also want

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<v Speaker 1>to go through some of the Republican senators some of

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<v Speaker 1>their excuses. Some people might call it reasoning, other people

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<v Speaker 1>might call it for not voting for witnesses. Senator Marco Rubio,

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<v Speaker 1>Republican from Florida, said, just because actions meet a standard

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<v Speaker 1>of impeachment does not mean it is in the best

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<v Speaker 1>interest of the country to remove a president from office.

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<v Speaker 1>If actions meet a standard of impeachment, should a president

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<v Speaker 1>then be impeached and convicted? Well, I mean this this

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<v Speaker 1>raises a tricky point. I mean it's sort of an

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<v Speaker 1>echo of the Clinton affair. In the end, Democrats rationale

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<v Speaker 1>for quitting Clinton. Indeed, the rationality I think some Republicans

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<v Speaker 1>who voted for acquittal was it it Clinton had done

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<v Speaker 1>bad things, he'd committed indeed one or more felonies, but

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<v Speaker 1>that the gravity of what he had done didn't require

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<v Speaker 1>his removal. Indeed, the you know, the best interests of

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<v Speaker 1>the country suggests that he shouldn't be removed. I think

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<v Speaker 1>that Rubio is making a somewhat inelegant version of the

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<v Speaker 1>same argument now, and really this is just sort of

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<v Speaker 1>a terminological quibble. I mean, I would say, as somebody

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<v Speaker 1>who spends time thinking about impeachment, that if you, as

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<v Speaker 1>a senator, conclude that the president has committed an impeachable offense,

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<v Speaker 1>that necessarily requires that you vote to impeach and remove him.

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<v Speaker 1>But you know, you can also recognize that the whole

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<v Speaker 1>notion of what's at least a convictable offense, it's not

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<v Speaker 1>only about the president's conduct, but it's also about the

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<v Speaker 1>welfare of the country. And I think it's entirely within

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<v Speaker 1>the sentis purview to conclude that even though a president

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<v Speaker 1>has done improper things, bad things on a single occasion,

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<v Speaker 1>that the gravity of those bad things, when weighed against

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<v Speaker 1>the other good things he's doing for the country, pushes

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<v Speaker 1>in the direction of a quittal. That's why this is

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<v Speaker 1>a political process. That's why, in large measure, the Framers

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<v Speaker 1>gave the decision to the political branches. And I disagree

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<v Speaker 1>with you Senator Rubio's assessment here. I think not only

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<v Speaker 1>did the president do it, but the kinds of things

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<v Speaker 1>he did here are of such gravity that it's hard

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<v Speaker 1>to see how you can honestly conclude that a he

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<v Speaker 1>did it and be it's not serious enough to remove him.

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<v Speaker 1>But that's at least closer to intellectual honesty than, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>than the president's lawyers or you know, the vast majority

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<v Speaker 1>of the commentators on Fox News and frankly a number

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<v Speaker 1>of the other Senators who were walking around saying, well,

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<v Speaker 1>he didn't actually do anything wrong, that's rubbish. Of course

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<v Speaker 1>he did. I mean, he did wrong. It was plainly proven.

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<v Speaker 1>And the question really is does that warrant removal or not?

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<v Speaker 1>And you know, I think it does. I think any

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<v Speaker 1>senator with you know, any interest in the Constitution, the

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<v Speaker 1>preservation of frankly, the checks and balances, any interest in,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, ensuring that the presidents he doesn't essentially become

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<v Speaker 1>a kingship, ought to vote to convict and remove this president.

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<v Speaker 1>But I mean, Rubio is at least close sertain intellectual

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<v Speaker 1>honesty than some of his his colleagues. One thing that

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<v Speaker 1>has remained clear throughout this is that there won't be

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<v Speaker 1>the votes to convict President Trump. So what implications does

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<v Speaker 1>that have for future impeachments or for future attempts to

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<v Speaker 1>reign in a president That I think very much depends

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<v Speaker 1>on a number of things, and one of them is

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<v Speaker 1>the outcoming outcome of the election. Um remember, of course,

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<v Speaker 1>that the Framers basically devised two mechanisms for removal of

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<v Speaker 1>a president who is misbehaving or is underperforming, and one

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<v Speaker 1>of them is impeachment, of course, but the other's elections.

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<v Speaker 1>They originally thought about not having impeachments at all because

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<v Speaker 1>they thought elect Some of them thought elections would be enough,

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<v Speaker 1>but of course they decided elections might not be enough.

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<v Speaker 1>But they understood that there also was a relationship between

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<v Speaker 1>the two. And if Trump escapes conviction in this case,

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<v Speaker 1>given all the evidence, frankly, given the incredible efforts on

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<v Speaker 1>the part of the members of his party to conceal

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<v Speaker 1>the full extent of it, and then manages to win

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<v Speaker 1>the election anyway, that I think is profoundly troublesome, to

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<v Speaker 1>the mildest word I can come up with, because not

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<v Speaker 1>only in the short term will he, I think, feel

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<v Speaker 1>more or less unbound to completely ignore Congress altogether. But

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<v Speaker 1>it creates a precedent going forward that we should all

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<v Speaker 1>be very very wary of. If, on the other hand, um,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, the President and his party go down to

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<v Speaker 1>a resounding defeat, then the impeachment will be viewed differently.

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<v Speaker 1>Eachment will be viewed as one mechanism by which wrongdoing

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<v Speaker 1>by the president is exposed uh and by which, even

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<v Speaker 1>if his party protects him, the public has an opportunity

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<v Speaker 1>to find out what wrong has been done and to

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<v Speaker 1>respond electorally. Um. I I think we should all be

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<v Speaker 1>very very afraid here. Unless one is already bound heart

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<v Speaker 1>and soul to Donald Trump. The consequences of this acquittal

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<v Speaker 1>followed by re election are very frightening. Indeed, when we

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<v Speaker 1>look at the three times that presidents have been impeached,

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<v Speaker 1>does it show that the Framers set the bar too

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<v Speaker 1>high to require a two thirds vote in the Senate?

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<v Speaker 1>You know? In retrospect, I kind of think so. I

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<v Speaker 1>think we ought to. I think we ought to. Uh.

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<v Speaker 1>I think we ought to be able to remove presidents

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<v Speaker 1>a little more easily. Maybe not on a you know,

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<v Speaker 1>on a straight up majority but vote, but certainly you

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<v Speaker 1>the modern era presidents could use a good deal more accountability,

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<v Speaker 1>of a good deal more personal and institutional humility. And

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<v Speaker 1>one of the problems that with this whole imperial presidency

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<v Speaker 1>that we've created over the last century or so is

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<v Speaker 1>that not only have we given presidents this fast almost

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<v Speaker 1>inconceivable personal power. But we've come to think of them

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<v Speaker 1>as being you know, once we elect them, is somehow

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<v Speaker 1>are there being indispensable, almost godlike, Um, that they somehow

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<v Speaker 1>they're embody the executive branch in some almost mystical sense,

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<v Speaker 1>and that to remove them is you know, a cataclysmic calamity.

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<v Speaker 1>It's not right, among other things. Um, you know, we now,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, elect people on a ticket one of the people.

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<v Speaker 1>Many people don't realize that when the Framers actually created impeachment,

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<v Speaker 1>the original mechanism for choosing president vice president was that

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<v Speaker 1>the presidency went to the person who had the most

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<v Speaker 1>electoral votes, and the vice presidency went to the person

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<v Speaker 1>who at the second most, which led in the third

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<v Speaker 1>election to having you know, John Adams be president and

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<v Speaker 1>his biggest adversary, Thomas Jefferson, be vice president, to predictable results.

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<v Speaker 1>And if we now had that rule, the vice president

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<v Speaker 1>obi Hillary Clinton. Obviously it didn't work very well, so

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<v Speaker 1>they changed it early on the end of the constitution

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<v Speaker 1>so that presidents and vice presidents were run together. But

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<v Speaker 1>that being so, all all impeachment means is that we

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<v Speaker 1>lose the individual at the top of the presidential ticket.

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<v Speaker 1>And we get the person whom the president chose um

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<v Speaker 1>to be his second in command or her second in command,

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<v Speaker 1>which is hardly a cataclysm, and we really ought to

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<v Speaker 1>be much more ready to dispense with the services of

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<v Speaker 1>any particular person. Really, the the world does not end

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<v Speaker 1>if we do that, and the democracy would undoubtedly be

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<v Speaker 1>healthier if we had something a little closer to a

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<v Speaker 1>parliamentary system, not exactly what they have where they can

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<v Speaker 1>get rid of the prime ministers, something with a vote

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<v Speaker 1>or no confidence in Parliament. Something a little closer to

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<v Speaker 1>that wouldn't be a bad idea, But then let's be realistic.

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<v Speaker 1>To fix to fix that problem would require an amendment

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<v Speaker 1>of the Constitution, and that's, you know, pretty inconceivable. On Sunday,

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<v Speaker 1>Adam Schiff, the Leader of the House Managers, said about

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<v Speaker 1>the Bolton information, whether in testimony for before the House,

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<v Speaker 1>in Bolton's book or in another form, the truth will

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<v Speaker 1>come out. But should the House of Representatives now be

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<v Speaker 1>calling Bolton to testify? You know, I'm I'm kind of

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<v Speaker 1>of two minds on that. I think it, I think

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<v Speaker 1>it's useful, I think the I think it will be

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<v Speaker 1>useful for the House to continue to UM employ its

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<v Speaker 1>oversight power two explore misbehavior by the president and the administration.

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<v Speaker 1>That's what they're there for, in part I mean is

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<v Speaker 1>to is to be check and on on the executive

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<v Speaker 1>and a vigilant overseer of what goes on there. So

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<v Speaker 1>I think they should do that. On the other hand,

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<v Speaker 1>what I think Democrats should certainly avoid doing is obsessing

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<v Speaker 1>over what is now or will be on Wednesday, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>a lost battle. UM. If all of this impeachment business

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<v Speaker 1>is to mean anything from the point of view, not

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<v Speaker 1>just of Democrats, but from the point of view of

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<v Speaker 1>preserving you know, constitutional government, Donald Trump has to be

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<v Speaker 1>defeated in November. That will be the event that would

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<v Speaker 1>validate all of this and would represent an affirmation that

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<v Speaker 1>the constitution can work in that presidents will not be king.

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<v Speaker 1>I think if Democrats come obsessed with trying to relitigate

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<v Speaker 1>UM this this particular impeachment for month after month after

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<v Speaker 1>month into the summer, they are doing themselves in the

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<v Speaker 1>country a disservice. They've got to focus on other issues

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<v Speaker 1>that concerned the country or perhaps even other areas of

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<v Speaker 1>wrongdoing by Mr Trump. That's fine, but in my view,

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<v Speaker 1>they need to get to the business at hand, which is,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, choosing an appropriate presidential candidate, appropriate were running mate,

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<v Speaker 1>and focus on turning this man out of office through elections.

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<v Speaker 1>Thanks for being on Bloomberg Law. That's Professor Frank Bowman

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<v Speaker 1>of the University of Missouri School of Law. His book

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<v Speaker 1>is High Crimes and Misdemeanors, A History of Impeachment for

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<v Speaker 1>the Age of Trump. Thanks for listening to the Bloomberg

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<v Speaker 1>Law podcast. You can subscribe and listen to the show

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<v Speaker 1>on Apple Podcasts, SoundCloud, and on bloomberg dot com slash podcast.

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<v Speaker 1>I'm June Brasso. This is Bloomberg, Drunk the t Lent

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<v Speaker 1>and Duck the Bill.