WEBVTT - Why Populism Isn't All About Economics

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<v Speaker 1>What if the Great Recession isn't to blame. So called

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<v Speaker 1>populists have thrived in the aftermath of the two thousand

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<v Speaker 1>seven to two thousand nine financial and economic crisis, but

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<v Speaker 1>as economics the sole cause of the challenge to what

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<v Speaker 1>we have come to call the liberal democratic order, our

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<v Speaker 1>guests this week argues not there are other forces at work.

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<v Speaker 1>After all, the nine year economic expansion gets heat for

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<v Speaker 1>not generating a lot of wage growth. But it's not

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<v Speaker 1>entirely terrible either. There's something else going on, and it's

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<v Speaker 1>not just Facebook or Cambridge Analytica either. Welcome to Benchmark,

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<v Speaker 1>the show about the global economy. I'm Genus Smilik, an

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<v Speaker 1>economics reporter at Bloomberg News in New York, and I'm

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<v Speaker 1>Daniel Boss, economics run and editor at Bloomberg feut In.

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<v Speaker 1>Joining up us this week is Bill Galston from the

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<v Speaker 1>Brookings Institution in Washington, author of the new book Anti Pluralism,

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<v Speaker 1>The Populous Threat to Liberal Democracy. He's also a columist

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<v Speaker 1>at The Wall Street Journal and was an advisor to

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<v Speaker 1>former President Bill Clinton. Bill. Welcome, good to be here.

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<v Speaker 1>So it's not just about their session in its aftermath.

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<v Speaker 1>What is the popular strivel about it's partly about economics,

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<v Speaker 1>but we have to understand what about economics it's about.

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<v Speaker 1>The Berkeley economist Enrico Moretti wrote a terrific book in

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<v Speaker 1>called The New Geography of Jobs, in which he pointed

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<v Speaker 1>out that the knowledge slash innovation economy is having the

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<v Speaker 1>effect of boosting large, diverse cities because innovation turns out

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<v Speaker 1>to be a social process and not a solitary process.

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<v Speaker 1>So more and more of the economic growth in advanced

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<v Speaker 1>industrialized economies is being sucked into metropolitan areas, and increasingly

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<v Speaker 1>smaller towns and rural areas and former manufacturing towns in

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<v Speaker 1>particular are being left farther and farther behind. So the

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<v Speaker 1>fundamental economic driver, in my judgment, is the new spatial

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<v Speaker 1>geography of growth. But on top of that we have

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<v Speaker 1>the sense of cultural displacement that many people are now experiencing,

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<v Speaker 1>and the tip of that sphere is immigration and its consequences.

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<v Speaker 1>Sounds like the recession might need better pr Are you

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<v Speaker 1>saying the recession has become a kind of proxy or

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<v Speaker 1>a trojan horse for other issues that perhaps wouldn't get

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<v Speaker 1>a hearing in truly fabulous economic times. Well in truly

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<v Speaker 1>fabulous economic times. People tend to be in a pretty

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<v Speaker 1>good mood. I can remember the last of those, in

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<v Speaker 1>the late nineteen nineties in the United States. You were

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<v Speaker 1>in the White House there. Well, I'd left the White

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<v Speaker 1>House after Bill Clinton's first term, but I was certainly

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<v Speaker 1>there to admire the consequences of those policies, and unemployment

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<v Speaker 1>was way below four percent. Economic growth was robust. The

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<v Speaker 1>fruits of that growth were widely shared. But we still

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<v Speaker 1>even then had intense controversy about the issue that I

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<v Speaker 1>think is the heart of the matter now, which is immigration.

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<v Speaker 1>Because immigration, for a lot of people is the trifecta

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<v Speaker 1>of woes. They see it as displacing them from jobs,

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<v Speaker 1>as putting a ceiling on their wages. That's the economic dimension.

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<v Speaker 1>They see it as a security threat, both because of

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<v Speaker 1>increased crime from drug gangs and things of that sort,

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<v Speaker 1>although that's greatly overblown, and also because as things now

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<v Speaker 1>stand in the world, it's seen as a potential source

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<v Speaker 1>of terrorism. But third, and most importantly, I think it's

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<v Speaker 1>seen as the v vehicle of cultural displacement. People see

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<v Speaker 1>immigration as changing the fundamental character of their countries, not

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<v Speaker 1>just the color of their countries, but the character of

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<v Speaker 1>their countries, and they feel increasingly marginalized in a country

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<v Speaker 1>where for generations they were the center of the story.

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<v Speaker 1>Now they're peripheral to the narrative, and they don't like

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<v Speaker 1>it now. People who are friendly to broader immigration will

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<v Speaker 1>often bring up the fact that members of the white

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<v Speaker 1>working class are People who are anti immigration often trace

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<v Speaker 1>their origins to say, Ireland, Scotland, Poland and Nordic region. So,

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<v Speaker 1>I guess, what do you think impoldens people to feel

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<v Speaker 1>uncomfortable about current ways of immigration, even if their existence

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<v Speaker 1>in the United States kind of owes to a wave

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<v Speaker 1>of immigration that happened in the past. Well, it's a

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<v Speaker 1>very good question. And one of the most familiar things

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<v Speaker 1>you have to say about the United States, and we

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<v Speaker 1>say it with a measure of pride, is that we

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<v Speaker 1>are a nation immigrants. That being said, we are a

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<v Speaker 1>nation that's gone through spikes of immigration followed by reactions

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<v Speaker 1>to those spikes. And we saw it with the Irish

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<v Speaker 1>in the eighteen forties, we saw it with the Chinese

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<v Speaker 1>in the eighties, and we saw it with Southern European

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<v Speaker 1>Slavs and Jews in the nineteen twenties, and in nineteen

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<v Speaker 1>twenty four we enacted restrictive legislation that slammed the immigration

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<v Speaker 1>gates shut, where they remained for forty one years. So

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<v Speaker 1>we are a nation with a mixed history on immigration.

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<v Speaker 1>And let me give you the most recent historical cycle.

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<v Speaker 1>In nineteen sixty five, when we reopened the gates of

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<v Speaker 1>immigration after forty one years, first generation immigrants constituted four

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<v Speaker 1>point seven percent of the US population. Today, that figure

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<v Speaker 1>is three times as high and is rapidly approaching the

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<v Speaker 1>highest share of first generation immigrants ever recorded in American history.

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<v Speaker 1>So it's not entirely surprising that this issue has reached

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<v Speaker 1>critical mass. Now. Some of these groups, the Irish, Italians,

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<v Speaker 1>Paul's many of these groups are traditionally associated with generational

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<v Speaker 1>support for the Democratic Party. How is what you're describing changing?

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<v Speaker 1>That these groups white working class voters shifted away from

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<v Speaker 1>the Democratic Party some time ago. There's a long history here.

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<v Speaker 1>In the wake of the cultural revolution of the nineteen sixties,

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<v Speaker 1>the anti Vietnam War mobilization of the late sixties and

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<v Speaker 1>early seventies, the white working class felt increasingly distant from

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<v Speaker 1>the emerging new currents within the Democratic party. So Republicans

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<v Speaker 1>have regularly gotten majorities of the white working class vote

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<v Speaker 1>for most of the past half century. What has happened

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<v Speaker 1>recently is that white working class voters, particularly in twenty sixteen,

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<v Speaker 1>have begun to respond much more strongly to these cultural signals,

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<v Speaker 1>and their turnout, which was relatively low, soared in twenty sixteen. So,

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<v Speaker 1>just to give you the numbers, Mitt Romney, no one's

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<v Speaker 1>idea of a populist, got sixty two of the white

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<v Speaker 1>working class vote in twelve. Donald Trump, who is most

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<v Speaker 1>people's idea of an American populist, four years later got

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<v Speaker 1>sixty seven percent. But turnout in the white working class

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<v Speaker 1>rose by nearly ten percentage points between twenty twelve and

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<v Speaker 1>twenty sixteen. And that was the election. It was intensity

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<v Speaker 1>and not just preference. Now, one of the things I

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<v Speaker 1>found really interesting in your book was the role that

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<v Speaker 1>elitists playing all of this. Can you describe to me

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<v Speaker 1>a little bit about what you mean when you say

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<v Speaker 1>elitist and sort of what what is their role in

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<v Speaker 1>a liberal democracy? Uh? Where to begin. Let's talk about

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<v Speaker 1>modern elites, the elites of the current day, who constitute

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<v Speaker 1>a reference point for either approbation or or intense disapproval.

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<v Speaker 1>What we're talking about now is not so much the

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<v Speaker 1>ultra rich business people. We're talking about highly educated professionals

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<v Speaker 1>who have the kinds of mobile skills that equipped them

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<v Speaker 1>to succeed in the new global knowledge economy. They are,

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<v Speaker 1>as I said, highly educated. And it turns out that

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<v Speaker 1>education is not just a key to economic opportunity, it

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<v Speaker 1>also shape a fundamental outlook on life. The more educated

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<v Speaker 1>you are, the more comfortable you are with change and

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<v Speaker 1>dynamism and diversity, the less wedded you are typically to

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<v Speaker 1>quote unquote traditional values. It's not as though you have

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<v Speaker 1>no place. You're not nowhere. If you're highly educated, you

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<v Speaker 1>tend to flock together in large, diverse metropolitan areas. And

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<v Speaker 1>people with less education believe that elites not only don't

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<v Speaker 1>understand how people with lesser lower levels of education and

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<v Speaker 1>income are living, but really don't understand how they're thinking. Either. Okay, well,

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<v Speaker 1>elates us certainly getting a lot of flak at the moment.

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<v Speaker 1>But as the immigrant at this table, let me just

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<v Speaker 1>position the question this way. Isn't America about aspiration? I

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<v Speaker 1>mean I was born in Australia. I didn't need to

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<v Speaker 1>come hire into accracy. I didn't need to come here

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<v Speaker 1>for freedom of worship or freedom of speech. I'm here

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<v Speaker 1>because of the aspirations that America office. What's wrong with

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<v Speaker 1>aspiring to be an elite. Nothing, as long as the

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<v Speaker 1>people who come after you have the same opportunity. The

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<v Speaker 1>problem that we have right now is that upper middle class,

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<v Speaker 1>professionalized elites have become self replicating to some extent. They

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<v Speaker 1>are able to use their stable families, their high income,

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<v Speaker 1>their networks, their understanding of how the system works to

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<v Speaker 1>position their children for success in turn, and so there

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<v Speaker 1>is unfortunately less mobility between the working class and the

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<v Speaker 1>upper middle class than there used to be. I'm not

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<v Speaker 1>saying that we've hardened into a cast system, but I

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<v Speaker 1>will say this. First generation immigrants are more are likely

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<v Speaker 1>to experience the advantages of aspiration then are incumbent members

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<v Speaker 1>of the white working class whose ancestors have been in

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<v Speaker 1>this country for two or three or four generations. And

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<v Speaker 1>so you, as an immigrant, are an excellent example of

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<v Speaker 1>what keeps the American dream alive. And I would go

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<v Speaker 1>so far as to say that at the heart of

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<v Speaker 1>the American dream is the experience of first and second

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<v Speaker 1>generation immigrants and after that it becomes a much more

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<v Speaker 1>complicated story. Interesting. Now, one of the ideas in your

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<v Speaker 1>book is that non college educated Americans who lost in

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<v Speaker 1>the hope in the future longed instead for an imagined

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<v Speaker 1>past that insurgent politicians promised her a star. I found

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<v Speaker 1>that line to be really interesting. Why is it an

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<v Speaker 1>imagined past? What do you mean by that? Well, first

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<v Speaker 1>of all, I should say that it was not entirely imaginary.

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<v Speaker 1>There was a period during which the manufacturing economy in

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<v Speaker 1>this country was much larger as a share of the

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<v Speaker 1>total workforce. Indeed, not just as a share. We have

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<v Speaker 1>lost thirty of our manufacturing jobs since the turn of

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<v Speaker 1>the century, so there's there's been a there's been a

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<v Speaker 1>very big change. But people imagine that they lived in

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<v Speaker 1>a period without demographic change, without cultural change, that they

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<v Speaker 1>lived in a period in which life in the industrial

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<v Speaker 1>workforce was a bed of roses. If they know anything

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<v Speaker 1>about the nineteen thirties and nineteen forties, they will know

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<v Speaker 1>how many people got their heads cracked in order to

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<v Speaker 1>earn and then keep the right to organize. So what

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<v Speaker 1>we're really talking about is a period between n and

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<v Speaker 1>nineteen seventy when the United States bestrode the world like

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<v Speaker 1>a colossus. The rest of the world was flat on

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<v Speaker 1>its back, much of it had been destroyed by the

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<v Speaker 1>Second World War. Are and we have taken those extraordinary

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<v Speaker 1>twenty five years, that quarter of a century as our

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<v Speaker 1>benchmark ever since. And it wasn't ordinary. It was exceptional.

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<v Speaker 1>And I think we've been mourning its loss now for

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<v Speaker 1>two generations. But we can't go back to it because

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<v Speaker 1>it was the fruit of unique circumstances. Bill, Is this

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<v Speaker 1>such a thing as America anymore? Or are we just

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<v Speaker 1>a series of tribes living within the boundaries of a state.

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<v Speaker 1>Is that something you pointed in your work. Yes, indeed

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<v Speaker 1>it is. And tribalism in America is really nothing new.

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<v Speaker 1>I can remember back for fifty years when political machines

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<v Speaker 1>in the big cities were alive and well, and they

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<v Speaker 1>always constructed their electoral tickets based on the demography of

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<v Speaker 1>the cities. So in big cities like New York, you

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<v Speaker 1>had an Allion, you had an Irishman, you had a Jew,

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<v Speaker 1>and subsequently you had an African American and then an Asian.

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<v Speaker 1>And that was what a balanced ticket was. It wasn't

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<v Speaker 1>balanced ideologically, it was balanced ethnically. So ethnic identification, particularly

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<v Speaker 1>for people not too far removed from their immigrant forebears,

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<v Speaker 1>has always been part of American politics and American culture.

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<v Speaker 1>And I can look at previous previous parts of American

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<v Speaker 1>history when it was as fundamental as it is now.

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<v Speaker 1>So America is not a tribal it's plury tribal. And

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<v Speaker 1>on top of that, pluralism is a set of institutions

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<v Speaker 1>and organizing principles. So the real question that you're posing

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<v Speaker 1>is whether Americans have lost faith in those institutions and

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<v Speaker 1>organizing principles. And to that, I would say not really.

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<v Speaker 1>And I say that based on recent survey research in

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<v Speaker 1>which I've had the opportunity to play a part. About

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<v Speaker 1>a year and a half ago, a two years ago,

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<v Speaker 1>a bipartisan voter study group was organized, and they just

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<v Speaker 1>put out the most recent in this series of reports

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<v Speaker 1>about two weeks ago, and it found that support for

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<v Speaker 1>the organizing principles of American constitutional democracy is still very high. Indeed,

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<v Speaker 1>it's somewhat higher than it was just a few years ago.

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<v Speaker 1>You could even argue that the experience of this president

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<v Speaker 1>has forced many Americans to recall what it was that

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<v Speaker 1>attracted them to this country in the first place, and

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<v Speaker 1>what it is that guarantees their liberties now. But at

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<v Speaker 1>the same time, populism obviously emphasizes homogeneity over heterogeneity here,

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<v Speaker 1>at least it seems it does to me. Is that

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<v Speaker 1>statement correct in you know, how do you see that

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<v Speaker 1>changing in America going forward, given that we do have

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<v Speaker 1>sort of this populous wave. That is the most fundamental question.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's why I entitled my book anti Pluralism, because

0:16:12.720 --> 0:16:15.600
<v Speaker 1>I meant that as the grave woman of my core

0:16:15.760 --> 0:16:21.280
<v Speaker 1>charge against contemporary populism. That is, it does tend towards homogeneity.

0:16:21.320 --> 0:16:26.360
<v Speaker 1>When populaces say we the people, they typically don't mean

0:16:26.480 --> 0:16:30.640
<v Speaker 1>we all of the people. They usually mean we our

0:16:30.760 --> 0:16:35.080
<v Speaker 1>kind of people. And they tend to marginalize from the

0:16:35.120 --> 0:16:40.960
<v Speaker 1>civic body people who are unlike them in ethnicity, or religion,

0:16:41.200 --> 0:16:44.720
<v Speaker 1>or you name it. And this drive towards homogeneity in

0:16:44.720 --> 0:16:48.920
<v Speaker 1>the face of increasing pluralism is I think the central

0:16:49.080 --> 0:16:55.520
<v Speaker 1>threat of populism. The other is unbridled majoritarianism, which is

0:16:55.640 --> 0:17:00.400
<v Speaker 1>impatient with constitutional restraints and impatient with gary of teas

0:17:00.440 --> 0:17:04.160
<v Speaker 1>of rights for individuals and minorities. You put those two

0:17:04.160 --> 0:17:09.080
<v Speaker 1>things together, majoritarianism and a restrictive definition of the people,

0:17:09.600 --> 0:17:12.760
<v Speaker 1>and you have it seems to me the most fundamental

0:17:13.000 --> 0:17:16.639
<v Speaker 1>threat to the liberal constitutional order that the West is

0:17:16.680 --> 0:17:19.240
<v Speaker 1>seen in quite some time. Internal threat, I should say,

0:17:19.280 --> 0:17:21.120
<v Speaker 1>there are lots of external threats that we could talk

0:17:21.160 --> 0:17:25.000
<v Speaker 1>about as well build your book, and many that dwell

0:17:25.280 --> 0:17:28.840
<v Speaker 1>on the conflict between populism and the established order tend

0:17:28.920 --> 0:17:33.800
<v Speaker 1>to have the US and Western Europe as their framework.

0:17:34.520 --> 0:17:39.879
<v Speaker 1>Yet there are newer democracies in very heavily populated parts

0:17:39.920 --> 0:17:42.480
<v Speaker 1>of the world that are wrestling with their own challenge

0:17:42.520 --> 0:17:48.080
<v Speaker 1>from populism. Those countries have grown pretty well economically in

0:17:48.119 --> 0:17:50.960
<v Speaker 1>the past ten years now in the face of it.

0:17:51.480 --> 0:17:54.760
<v Speaker 1>That would endorse your argument that it's not just about economics.

0:17:55.760 --> 0:17:59.480
<v Speaker 1>But these countries also haven't had historically high levels of

0:17:59.520 --> 0:18:05.520
<v Speaker 1>immigrant Asian edith. So what's going on here? Well, you know,

0:18:05.880 --> 0:18:08.760
<v Speaker 1>as the Polish Asians say in our nation's capital, thank

0:18:08.800 --> 0:18:12.399
<v Speaker 1>you for asking. I used at the beginning of this

0:18:12.480 --> 0:18:17.639
<v Speaker 1>interview the umbrella phrase cultural displacement. There are different ways

0:18:17.680 --> 0:18:22.280
<v Speaker 1>in which people can experience cultural displacement. Immigration, I think

0:18:22.440 --> 0:18:25.760
<v Speaker 1>is the principle, though not only way that it has

0:18:25.920 --> 0:18:29.879
<v Speaker 1>been experienced in Western Europe, in the UK and in

0:18:29.920 --> 0:18:33.439
<v Speaker 1>the United States. But let's take a country which is

0:18:33.880 --> 0:18:40.440
<v Speaker 1>reeling under an anti democratic populist onslaught, namely Turkey. The

0:18:40.480 --> 0:18:46.200
<v Speaker 1>founding principle of Turkey was the exclusion of Islam from

0:18:46.200 --> 0:18:52.000
<v Speaker 1>public life. Turkish constitution was structured along the lines of

0:18:52.040 --> 0:19:00.200
<v Speaker 1>the French constitution, and Islam and traditional mores were seen

0:19:00.280 --> 0:19:05.800
<v Speaker 1>as like we're seen as obstacles to modernization, political modernization,

0:19:05.840 --> 0:19:11.320
<v Speaker 1>economic modernization, social modernization. But the fact that it was

0:19:11.359 --> 0:19:15.080
<v Speaker 1>excluded from a share of Turkish public life didn't mean

0:19:15.080 --> 0:19:18.800
<v Speaker 1>that it had gone away. It was always there in

0:19:18.880 --> 0:19:24.600
<v Speaker 1>the smaller towns and rural areas. And what Mr Arnowan

0:19:24.720 --> 0:19:30.760
<v Speaker 1>has done is to crystallized generations of resentment that more

0:19:30.800 --> 0:19:35.120
<v Speaker 1>traditional Turks and more pious Turks outside the big cities

0:19:35.200 --> 0:19:39.879
<v Speaker 1>felt about their values not being seen as legitimate in

0:19:40.200 --> 0:19:46.080
<v Speaker 1>public life. Interestingly, I've just been reading a new biography

0:19:46.200 --> 0:19:50.280
<v Speaker 1>of Hungary's Victor Orbon, and it turns out that Orbon

0:19:50.440 --> 0:19:57.840
<v Speaker 1>and his closest associates came from Hungary's hinterland, and they

0:19:58.119 --> 0:20:02.320
<v Speaker 1>grew up resenting in even as students. They resent resented

0:20:02.640 --> 0:20:08.800
<v Speaker 1>the sense of superiority that urban elites exuded visa vi

0:20:08.960 --> 0:20:12.480
<v Speaker 1>those from the countryside who are seen as bumpkins, somehow

0:20:12.600 --> 0:20:16.879
<v Speaker 1>less sophisticated, less up to the minute, and are to

0:20:16.960 --> 0:20:21.000
<v Speaker 1>want to I meant Orbon has been able to mobilize

0:20:21.040 --> 0:20:27.080
<v Speaker 1>those sentiments against the more liberal and pro European sentiments

0:20:27.280 --> 0:20:31.439
<v Speaker 1>in Hungary's major urban areas. That's the fundamental dynamic, and

0:20:31.480 --> 0:20:34.240
<v Speaker 1>you see it everywhere. You see the same thing in Poland.

0:20:34.280 --> 0:20:38.879
<v Speaker 1>By the way, Poles have experienced almost no immigration, but

0:20:39.800 --> 0:20:43.600
<v Speaker 1>you know, what you have is a mobilization of Polish

0:20:43.640 --> 0:20:50.080
<v Speaker 1>traditionalism and especially Catholicism against parties that identified with EU

0:20:50.280 --> 0:20:54.640
<v Speaker 1>and sort of secular internationalist values. So what's the solution

0:20:54.640 --> 0:20:56.879
<v Speaker 1>to all of this? Do you see a resolution or

0:20:56.920 --> 0:21:00.879
<v Speaker 1>an end in sight? Well, to extent that this is

0:21:00.920 --> 0:21:05.840
<v Speaker 1>based on public policy, I think that people who are

0:21:06.600 --> 0:21:10.880
<v Speaker 1>liberal internationalists are going to have to find more common

0:21:10.920 --> 0:21:15.320
<v Speaker 1>ground on contested issues like immigration. They are going to

0:21:15.400 --> 0:21:21.160
<v Speaker 1>have to compromise with forces that they do not agree with.

0:21:22.000 --> 0:21:24.880
<v Speaker 1>If you know, if we and I'll use that term,

0:21:24.960 --> 0:21:29.919
<v Speaker 1>we simply say, uh, our way is the way of

0:21:29.960 --> 0:21:32.800
<v Speaker 1>the future, the wave of the future. We will triumph

0:21:32.880 --> 0:21:35.520
<v Speaker 1>in the end, and we're simply going to hold our

0:21:35.560 --> 0:21:39.760
<v Speaker 1>ground and wait for you people to die, which is

0:21:39.840 --> 0:21:43.160
<v Speaker 1>a reasonable summary of one strand of thought in the US,

0:21:43.240 --> 0:21:47.320
<v Speaker 1>the Democratic Party, the demographic triumphalists. Then we're going to

0:21:47.400 --> 0:21:50.320
<v Speaker 1>be stuck in this morass for a very long time.

0:21:51.200 --> 0:21:55.240
<v Speaker 1>So number one, and I've i've, you know, I've laid

0:21:55.280 --> 0:21:58.360
<v Speaker 1>out a pretty detailed program for how to do this.

0:21:58.880 --> 0:22:01.679
<v Speaker 1>Get the issue of aigration off the table to the

0:22:01.720 --> 0:22:08.959
<v Speaker 1>greatest extent possible. Number two, understand that the economic challenge is,

0:22:09.480 --> 0:22:11.480
<v Speaker 1>you know, is not something you can read off the

0:22:11.520 --> 0:22:16.000
<v Speaker 1>income distribution tables. It has to do with economic geography.

0:22:16.160 --> 0:22:19.840
<v Speaker 1>And urban America must do everything in its power through

0:22:19.880 --> 0:22:23.879
<v Speaker 1>public policy to reach out to non urban America and

0:22:24.080 --> 0:22:27.600
<v Speaker 1>integrate it into American civic life in the same way

0:22:27.600 --> 0:22:30.680
<v Speaker 1>that Franklin Roosevelt did in the nineteen thirties with programs

0:22:30.680 --> 0:22:35.680
<v Speaker 1>such as rural electrification. And finally, a lot of populism

0:22:36.040 --> 0:22:40.760
<v Speaker 1>is driven by impatients at a gridlock political system that

0:22:40.840 --> 0:22:45.439
<v Speaker 1>seems unable to act. And yet many of these people

0:22:45.520 --> 0:22:51.159
<v Speaker 1>send representatives to Congress, like say, for example, the Freedom Caucus,

0:22:51.320 --> 0:22:54.920
<v Speaker 1>who have zero interest in legislating everything. People say they're

0:22:54.960 --> 0:22:57.800
<v Speaker 1>tired of gridlock. At the Tea Party, which was an

0:22:57.800 --> 0:23:01.160
<v Speaker 1>early manifestation of what you're talking about is not remotely

0:23:01.200 --> 0:23:04.240
<v Speaker 1>interested in governing. I'm not going to argue with you,

0:23:05.520 --> 0:23:09.800
<v Speaker 1>but those who are interested in governing have to get

0:23:09.840 --> 0:23:14.960
<v Speaker 1>together across partisan and ideological lines and govern. If I

0:23:15.040 --> 0:23:17.639
<v Speaker 1>may put in a brief advertisement for another one of

0:23:17.680 --> 0:23:20.240
<v Speaker 1>my ventures other than this book, I'm I'm one of

0:23:20.240 --> 0:23:23.080
<v Speaker 1>the co founders of an organization called No Labels, which,

0:23:23.119 --> 0:23:26.080
<v Speaker 1>over the past ten years has been working very hard

0:23:26.200 --> 0:23:30.280
<v Speaker 1>to develop a force within the two party system that

0:23:30.400 --> 0:23:33.040
<v Speaker 1>can get people from the center left to the center

0:23:33.200 --> 0:23:37.159
<v Speaker 1>light uh to cooperate and legislate together. We've put together

0:23:37.200 --> 0:23:40.159
<v Speaker 1>a bipartisan caucus in the House of Representatives of twenty

0:23:40.200 --> 0:23:43.000
<v Speaker 1>three Democrats and twenty three Republicans who have made common

0:23:43.040 --> 0:23:47.480
<v Speaker 1>cause on a number of important legislative initiatives, and if

0:23:47.680 --> 0:23:50.040
<v Speaker 1>the leadership would ever allow them to get to the floor,

0:23:50.720 --> 0:23:54.200
<v Speaker 1>you might actually see a return to more sensible governance.

0:23:54.520 --> 0:23:59.080
<v Speaker 1>How big a problem is that sensible governments is a

0:23:59.160 --> 0:24:04.040
<v Speaker 1>nuanced thing, embracing the complexity of the world and the

0:24:04.160 --> 0:24:07.880
<v Speaker 1>nitty gritty required to legislate. These are not simple things.

0:24:07.920 --> 0:24:11.600
<v Speaker 1>These are nuanced things. People are just getting shouted at

0:24:12.200 --> 0:24:16.919
<v Speaker 1>from the extremes is what you're talking about even possible. Well,

0:24:18.119 --> 0:24:22.040
<v Speaker 1>a late governor of New York, Mario Cuomo, the father

0:24:22.160 --> 0:24:25.840
<v Speaker 1>of the current governor of New York, once said, you

0:24:25.960 --> 0:24:30.879
<v Speaker 1>campaign in poetry, you govern in prose. Not a bad prescription.

0:24:31.359 --> 0:24:36.240
<v Speaker 1>So the problem was that Hillary Clinton campaigned in prose.

0:24:37.600 --> 0:24:39.480
<v Speaker 1>There weren't a lot of readers who stuck around to

0:24:39.560 --> 0:24:46.280
<v Speaker 1>the second page. And on that happy note, we're going

0:24:46.320 --> 0:24:48.880
<v Speaker 1>to wrap up this week's edition of the Bloomberg Benchmark podcast.

0:24:49.200 --> 0:24:51.240
<v Speaker 1>Check back each week or dive into the depths of

0:24:51.240 --> 0:24:53.680
<v Speaker 1>the years ago. I'm Genus Smilets and you can follow

0:24:53.720 --> 0:24:56.639
<v Speaker 1>me at Genus Smilet. I'm ten of the Mosque. You

0:24:56.640 --> 0:25:00.640
<v Speaker 1>can follow me at Moss Underscore Echo. Thanks star guest

0:25:00.720 --> 0:25:03.679
<v Speaker 1>Bill Galston, so you can follow at Bill Galston and

0:25:03.720 --> 0:25:07.520
<v Speaker 1>to our producer Magnus Hendrickson. Thanks also to friend Chess, THEA. Leavie,

0:25:07.640 --> 0:25:08.400
<v Speaker 1>Head of Podcasts,