WEBVTT - Weekend Law: Texas Maps, ICE Profiling & Agency Power 

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grossel from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 2>There being ninety five members presence, a quorum.

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<v Speaker 3>Is not present.

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<v Speaker 4>For the third time in a week, the Texas House

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<v Speaker 4>of Representatives was unable to reach a quorum on Friday,

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<v Speaker 4>as dozens of Democratic lawmakers continued their walkout to block

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<v Speaker 4>an unusual mid decade redistricting in the state. It's designed

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<v Speaker 4>to give Republicans five additional seats in the midterm elections.

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<v Speaker 4>But despite arrest warrants, threats of prosecution and removal from office,

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<v Speaker 4>the Democrats who left the state, like Representative Chris Turner,

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<v Speaker 4>have shown no signs of buckling.

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<v Speaker 5>This is a nationwide fight, and we want everyone in

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<v Speaker 5>the country to understand what the stakes are. So Greg

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<v Speaker 5>Gabbat can make all the threats he want, We're going

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<v Speaker 5>to continue to fight.

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<v Speaker 4>Largely unnoticed with the focus on Texas's voting maps is

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<v Speaker 4>that the Supreme Court has indicated it will consider outlawing

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<v Speaker 4>the use of race in drawing voting maps, setting up

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<v Speaker 4>a showdown with implications for dozens of congressional districts with

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<v Speaker 4>predominantly minority populations. My guest is elections law expert Rick Hassen,

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<v Speaker 4>a professor at UCLA Law School. So, Rick, Texas already

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<v Speaker 4>jerrymandered its maps in twenty twenty one, and that's still

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<v Speaker 4>in the courts. Is what it's doing now, trying to

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<v Speaker 4>redistrict again to get five extra Republican seats. Is that constitutional?

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<v Speaker 2>Well, that remains to be seen. What's going to happen

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<v Speaker 2>if Texas draws its districts again is they will almost

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<v Speaker 2>certainly be challenged as violating either the Voting Rights Act

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<v Speaker 2>or as violating the Constitution's prohibition on racial jerrymandering. And

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<v Speaker 2>that'll get tied up in the courts, just as the

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<v Speaker 2>current round of redistricting is going to get tied up

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<v Speaker 2>in the court. What the federal courts are not going

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<v Speaker 2>to do is say it's unconstitutional as a artisan gerrymander,

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<v Speaker 2>that is drawing the district lines to favor Republicans over Democrats.

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<v Speaker 2>Because back in twenty nineteen, the Supreme Court decided a

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<v Speaker 2>case called Rusho versus Common Cause, where the Court said

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<v Speaker 2>that there are no standards to judge under the Constitution

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<v Speaker 2>whether partisan jerrymandering goes too far.

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<v Speaker 4>Several Blue states have threatened retaliatory redistricting but two key states,

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<v Speaker 4>New York and California, have commissions drawing up the maps,

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<v Speaker 4>so would they be able to retaliate in time for

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<v Speaker 4>the midterms.

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<v Speaker 2>Well, as far as the California case goes, which is

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<v Speaker 2>one I'm most familiar with living here in California, the

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<v Speaker 2>way that registrict could be done consistent with state law

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<v Speaker 2>in the middle of the decade would have to be

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<v Speaker 2>through a voter passed measure, because voters earlier passed to

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<v Speaker 2>measure actually two ballot measures, establishing a non partisan or

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<v Speaker 2>multi partisan commission, and then extending that commission's job to

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<v Speaker 2>clue drawing congressional district To overturn a ballot measure in

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<v Speaker 2>California needs a new ballot measure. So what the legislature

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<v Speaker 2>and the governor are talking about doing now is drafting

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<v Speaker 2>a new registioning plan and putting it before voters in

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<v Speaker 2>a special election. If it passes, the new registing plan

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<v Speaker 2>would be in effect, and then that could be challenged

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<v Speaker 2>in court. But I think that again, because partisan jerry

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<v Speaker 2>managering is not something that federal courts will police, there

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<v Speaker 2>wouldn't be much of a federal basis unless you can

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<v Speaker 2>make an argument again, like under the Voting Rights Actor,

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<v Speaker 2>as a racial ferry manager, the districts somehow are illegal.

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<v Speaker 4>It's sort of startling to hear the Republicans in Texas

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<v Speaker 4>and the presidents say, you know, we're doing this to

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<v Speaker 4>get more seats.

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<v Speaker 2>Well. One reason why we've seen legislators in Texas and

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<v Speaker 2>earlier in North Carolina say we are doing a partisan

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<v Speaker 2>jerry manager, like proudly admitting it, it's because they're trying

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<v Speaker 2>to deflect the argument, No, you're doing this on racial grounds.

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<v Speaker 2>You're doing this to make it harder for black and

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<v Speaker 2>Latino and Native American voters to elect their candidates of choice,

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<v Speaker 2>which could raise a Voting Rights Act question or could

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<v Speaker 2>raise a racial genreymndor in question under the Protection Close.

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<v Speaker 2>So if the Supreme Court says we're not going to

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<v Speaker 2>police politics, but we are going to police race, then

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<v Speaker 2>of course they want to say, if they're trying to

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<v Speaker 2>defend it, we're just doing politics. And so the courts

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<v Speaker 2>have to try and sort that out, which is a

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<v Speaker 2>very difficult thing to do when in a place like Texas,

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<v Speaker 2>minority voters are much more likely to vote for Democrats

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<v Speaker 2>and white voters for Republicans.

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<v Speaker 4>As far as the Supreme Court policing race, the justices

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<v Speaker 4>are ordering reargument of a case that was argued in

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<v Speaker 4>March involving a Louisiana congressional map that created an additional

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<v Speaker 4>majority black district. What are the implications?

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<v Speaker 2>So, what we're talking about here is a case called

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<v Speaker 2>Louisiana versus Calais, and it was already argued last March,

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<v Speaker 2>and it was one of these cases where the Louisiana legislature,

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<v Speaker 2>thanks to an earlier lawsuit, drew a second congressional district

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<v Speaker 2>where black voters could elect their case of choice to

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<v Speaker 2>a congressional district. And the argument in the earlier case

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<v Speaker 2>was you had to draw the second district to comply

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<v Speaker 2>with Section two of the Voting Right sect. Well, then

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<v Speaker 2>a new group of voters came in and they said, hey,

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<v Speaker 2>when you drew that second district, you made race the

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<v Speaker 2>predominant factor in drawing those lines, and you don't have

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<v Speaker 2>up a compelling reason to do so, and therefore you

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<v Speaker 2>were committing a racial gerrymander in violation of the Fourteenth

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<v Speaker 2>Amendments Equal Protection Clause. Back in March, the Court heard

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<v Speaker 2>argument in that case where the main issue was was

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<v Speaker 2>race really the predominant factor, the main reason why the

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<v Speaker 2>second lines were drawn the way they were, or was

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<v Speaker 2>it really about politics. It's surely about politics, then it's

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<v Speaker 2>not a racialtarymander. Again, I find this distinction nonsensical when

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<v Speaker 2>you have so much overlap between race and party in

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<v Speaker 2>these Southern states. But it looked like yet another in

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<v Speaker 2>a series of cases where the court's deciding whether race

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<v Speaker 2>or party predominates. But then the end of the Supreme

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<v Speaker 2>Court's term in June, rather than decide the case, the

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<v Speaker 2>Court issued a somewhat unusual order saying we're going to

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<v Speaker 2>hear reargument in the case, we're going to want additional briefing,

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<v Speaker 2>but we're not telling you yet what we want the

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<v Speaker 2>briefing on. And then it was not until the after

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<v Speaker 2>five pm August first Friday night news dump where the

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<v Speaker 2>Court issued this kind of obscure, cryptic order that I

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<v Speaker 2>read as really asking the question whether Section two of

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<v Speaker 2>the Voting Right Act remains constitutional. And the way this

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<v Speaker 2>comes into the case is if race did predominate, then

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<v Speaker 2>the only way you can do that in drawing district

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<v Speaker 2>lines is if you have a compelling reason to do so,

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<v Speaker 2>and the compelling reason that has been considered is, well,

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<v Speaker 2>the Voting Rights Act made me do it. I had

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<v Speaker 2>to do it to comply with Section two. Now the

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<v Speaker 2>Court wants to hear, maybe it's unconstitutional to apply Section

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<v Speaker 2>two and make race the predominant factor when you're drawing

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<v Speaker 2>these district lines. So it really brings these two lines

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<v Speaker 2>of cases, the Voting Rights AACK cases and the racial

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<v Speaker 2>gerrymandering cases together in a way where the Voting Rights

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<v Speaker 2>Act may lose. And the Supreme Court appears poised to

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<v Speaker 2>consider striking down the second big pillar of the Voting

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<v Speaker 2>Rights Act after it had already struck down the first

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<v Speaker 2>pillar in twenty thirteen in the Shelby County Versus Holder case.

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<v Speaker 4>Many of the Court's conservatives have been what you might

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<v Speaker 4>call hostile to the Voting Rights Act, and some seem

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<v Speaker 4>to think that the Voting Rights Act no longer provides

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<v Speaker 4>a legitimate basis for map makers to intentionally create majority

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<v Speaker 4>Black or majority Hispanic districts.

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<v Speaker 1>Well.

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<v Speaker 2>So, the most recent piece of evidence we have on

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<v Speaker 2>what the Court thinks about the Voting Rights Acts, aside

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<v Speaker 2>from this order that came out in the Louisiana case,

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<v Speaker 2>is a case that was decided a few years ago

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<v Speaker 2>out of Alabama involving very similar facts of the Voting

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<v Speaker 2>Rights Act requiring the drawing of an additional black majority district,

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<v Speaker 2>and in this case Alan versus Milligan, the Supreme Court,

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<v Speaker 2>on a five to four vote upheld the requirement that

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<v Speaker 2>these districts be drawn. The two conservatives who were in

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<v Speaker 2>the majority already with the three liberals of the Court,

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<v Speaker 2>were Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Cavanaugh, making it a

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<v Speaker 2>five to four decision with Justices Gorsich, Barrett, Alito, and

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<v Speaker 2>Thomas is descent. But Justice Cavanaugh, in the majority, wrote

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<v Speaker 2>separately to say, I'm intrigued by the argument that maybe

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<v Speaker 2>Section two is no longer constitutional because of the passage

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<v Speaker 2>of time and the changes in political conditions. This isn't

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<v Speaker 2>the case to decide that, but there may come a

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<v Speaker 2>case down the line where we need to address that,

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<v Speaker 2>and I think now this Louisiana case is that case.

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<v Speaker 2>So Kavanaugh could prove to be the fifth vote, and Roberts,

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<v Speaker 2>who has shown some hostility in voting rights that cases

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<v Speaker 2>in the past, including the Shelby County case I mentioned,

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<v Speaker 2>could be a sixth vote. If the Court divides along

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<v Speaker 2>party lines, along ideological lines, the voter Knight tax Section

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<v Speaker 2>two could either be whittled down or killed off. And

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<v Speaker 2>so what started off as a pretty small, not blockbuster

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<v Speaker 2>case out of Louisiana could turn out to be the

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<v Speaker 2>most important voting rights case of this decade.

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<v Speaker 4>I mean that was just a few years ago. Why

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<v Speaker 4>do you think the Court has reached this sort of

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<v Speaker 4>monumental moment or decision now?

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<v Speaker 2>Well, you know, John Roberts likes to move slowly. Let's

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<v Speaker 2>just take the killing off of Section five of the

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<v Speaker 2>Voting Rice Act, which happened in Shelby County. That was

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<v Speaker 2>the provision that said, the states with a history of

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<v Speaker 2>racial discrimination and voting need to get approval before they

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<v Speaker 2>make their voting changes to make sure that minority voters

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<v Speaker 2>would not be made worse off. Congress renewed section five

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<v Speaker 2>in two thousand and six. The Supreme Court first took

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<v Speaker 2>up the issue of overturning Section five in two thousand

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<v Speaker 2>and nine in a case called Northwest Austin Municipal Utility

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<v Speaker 2>District Number one versus Holder, And in that case, the

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<v Speaker 2>Court punts it on the question, but strongly signals that

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<v Speaker 2>in a future case, it could strike down Section five.

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<v Speaker 2>It was not until twenty thirteen, right, so you're talking

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<v Speaker 2>about seven years after Congress acts that Roberts was finally

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<v Speaker 2>ready to pull trigger. And so Roberts moves slowly, he

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<v Speaker 2>whittles things away. And again, the Court in the Louisiana

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<v Speaker 2>case could whittle it the way at the Voting Rights Act,

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<v Speaker 2>make it essentially toothless without striking it down directly. But

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<v Speaker 2>I think what's coming is not likely to be good

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<v Speaker 2>for the Voting Rights Act.

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<v Speaker 4>So you think they might strike it down completely.

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<v Speaker 2>They might strike it down completely, or they might say

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<v Speaker 2>it's unconstitutionalized applied in Louisiana, and then it will take

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<v Speaker 2>time to figure out, well, what does that mean? How

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<v Speaker 2>does it apply in other cases? That would be much

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<v Speaker 2>more of a John Roberts faux minimalist move, looking like

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<v Speaker 2>they're moving slowly, but in fact, you know, I was

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<v Speaker 2>telling my editor of the piece that I wrote Slate

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<v Speaker 2>about this that you know, the media loves to cover

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<v Speaker 2>the car crash, the Texas registersting, you know, legislators getting

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<v Speaker 2>on planes, and that's great visuals, great story. But the

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<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court does slow poisoning, and so it's very hard

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<v Speaker 2>to cover. Right, So here's an order that's issued, you know,

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<v Speaker 2>Friday after five pm in August. I mean, who cover

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<v Speaker 2>it on the weekend about a case that they're going

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<v Speaker 2>to hear arguments about probably sometime in December or maybe

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<v Speaker 2>in January, and then the issue in opinion in June.

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<v Speaker 2>That will be very hard to understand. So the Court

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<v Speaker 2>is still doing a lot of damage, but it does

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<v Speaker 2>it in a way that is much harder to cover

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<v Speaker 2>and much harder for the public to grasp.

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<v Speaker 4>But it does look like this case could end up

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<v Speaker 4>being one of the blockbusters of the next Supreme Court term.

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<v Speaker 4>Thanks so much for joining me. Rick, that's Professor Rick

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<v Speaker 4>Hassen of UCLA Law School. I'm June Grosso and you're

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<v Speaker 4>listening to Bloomberg. Los Angeles has been in a battle

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<v Speaker 4>with the Trump administration over its aggressive immigration enforcement. Mayor

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<v Speaker 4>Karen Bass has repeatedly called out ICE, saying it's masked

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<v Speaker 4>agents in unmarked cars, we're grabbing suspected undocumented migrants off

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<v Speaker 4>the streets in what looked like kidnappings.

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<v Speaker 3>We know that Los Angeles is the test case, and

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<v Speaker 3>we will stand strong, and we do so because the

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<v Speaker 3>people snatched off city streets and chased through parking lots.

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<v Speaker 3>Are our coworkers, our neighbors, are family members, and they

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<v Speaker 3>are Angelinos.

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<v Speaker 4>In a fast moving case, a federal judge found that

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<v Speaker 4>there was quote a mountain of evidence that ICE agents

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<v Speaker 4>tactics were violating the Constitution. She issued an order barring

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<v Speaker 4>agents in LA from stopping and questioning people on the

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<v Speaker 4>basis of race or ethnicity, they're speaking Spanish or English

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<v Speaker 4>with an accent, the type of work they do, or

0:12:37.200 --> 0:12:40.920
<v Speaker 4>their presence at a particular location. Three weeks later, the

0:12:41.000 --> 0:12:44.480
<v Speaker 4>non Circuit Court of Appeals turned down a Trump administration

0:12:44.640 --> 0:12:48.480
<v Speaker 4>appeal and left the judges ban almost completely in place,

0:12:48.960 --> 0:12:51.840
<v Speaker 4>and six days later, on Thursday of this week, the

0:12:51.880 --> 0:12:56.520
<v Speaker 4>administration asked the Supreme Court to lift the ban. Joining

0:12:56.520 --> 0:12:59.839
<v Speaker 4>me is immigration attorney Leon Fresco, a partner at hond

0:12:59.840 --> 0:13:02.679
<v Speaker 4>and he was the head of the Office of Immigration

0:13:02.840 --> 0:13:07.439
<v Speaker 4>Litigation in the Obama administration. Leon explained what the district

0:13:07.520 --> 0:13:10.559
<v Speaker 4>judge ordered in the LA case well.

0:13:10.800 --> 0:13:14.360
<v Speaker 5>The original case involved the challenge to something that was

0:13:14.360 --> 0:13:18.119
<v Speaker 5>called Operation at Large, which was a federal immigration enforcement

0:13:18.520 --> 0:13:22.360
<v Speaker 5>initiative in Los Angeles. There were these ICE contact teams

0:13:22.440 --> 0:13:26.600
<v Speaker 5>targeting locations such as car washes and home depots and

0:13:26.960 --> 0:13:31.000
<v Speaker 5>other places believed to employ undocumented workers. And there was

0:13:31.040 --> 0:13:35.520
<v Speaker 5>a lawsuit claiming that these roving patrols detained individuals without

0:13:35.520 --> 0:13:40.400
<v Speaker 5>reasonable suspicion, violating the Fourth Amendment, and the District courd

0:13:40.480 --> 0:13:43.800
<v Speaker 5>at Health on July eleventh that the plaintiffs were likely

0:13:43.840 --> 0:13:49.679
<v Speaker 5>to succeed improving unconstitutional seizures. So the judge restricted federal

0:13:49.720 --> 0:13:53.760
<v Speaker 5>agents from conducting these seiss raids and stops without a

0:13:53.800 --> 0:13:59.040
<v Speaker 5>reasonable suspicion. So what that means is that instead of

0:13:59.559 --> 0:14:02.720
<v Speaker 5>walking around and trying to say this person looks like

0:14:02.800 --> 0:14:06.800
<v Speaker 5>somebody that's not here legally, which has a sort of

0:14:06.960 --> 0:14:10.840
<v Speaker 5>dubious application that people get worried about because they say, well,

0:14:10.840 --> 0:14:13.679
<v Speaker 5>how are you making those decisions? What they're trying to

0:14:13.679 --> 0:14:18.160
<v Speaker 5>do is convert ice back into a list sort of

0:14:18.480 --> 0:14:22.160
<v Speaker 5>agency where it says, we know today we're going to

0:14:22.240 --> 0:14:25.360
<v Speaker 5>go after person one, person two, person three, person four,

0:14:25.400 --> 0:14:27.440
<v Speaker 5>person five, And then they go and they look for

0:14:27.480 --> 0:14:31.640
<v Speaker 5>these people because they know they're here undocumented, rather than

0:14:31.720 --> 0:14:34.000
<v Speaker 5>just grabbing people in the middle of the street. And

0:14:34.080 --> 0:14:38.240
<v Speaker 5>so that's really the end goal of this lawsuit. And

0:14:38.320 --> 0:14:41.400
<v Speaker 5>so yes, there are times where they will still be

0:14:41.480 --> 0:14:43.640
<v Speaker 5>able to pick people up because they'll have a reasonable

0:14:43.680 --> 0:14:46.520
<v Speaker 5>suspicion for another reason other than they're on a list.

0:14:47.000 --> 0:14:50.360
<v Speaker 5>But mostly this limits ice to the sort of list

0:14:50.440 --> 0:14:51.400
<v Speaker 5>based enforcement.

0:14:52.000 --> 0:14:54.920
<v Speaker 4>And what was the government's argument in defense of these

0:14:54.960 --> 0:14:56.520
<v Speaker 4>tactics At the Ninth.

0:14:56.240 --> 0:14:59.680
<v Speaker 5>Circuit They said two things. They said, first of all,

0:15:00.120 --> 0:15:02.920
<v Speaker 5>that the organizational plaintiffs and the case didn't even have

0:15:03.040 --> 0:15:06.960
<v Speaker 5>standing to bring the case. And they also said that

0:15:07.600 --> 0:15:11.280
<v Speaker 5>in general, they weren't violating the Fourth Amendment because they

0:15:11.320 --> 0:15:15.960
<v Speaker 5>have the ability and then the right to enforce immigration law.

0:15:16.000 --> 0:15:19.480
<v Speaker 5>They had the right to question anybody about their lawful

0:15:19.520 --> 0:15:22.320
<v Speaker 5>presence in the United States at any time. That's what

0:15:22.440 --> 0:15:26.760
<v Speaker 5>the statue permits them to do. The Ninth Circuit said,

0:15:26.880 --> 0:15:30.840
<v Speaker 5>first that the organizational planets had standing because they showed

0:15:30.840 --> 0:15:34.280
<v Speaker 5>that these kind of roving patrols forced them to divert

0:15:34.320 --> 0:15:37.760
<v Speaker 5>their resources instead of carrying out other missions of supporting

0:15:37.800 --> 0:15:40.720
<v Speaker 5>immigrants rights in the community. They had to move to

0:15:40.760 --> 0:15:44.480
<v Speaker 5>divert the resources into dealing with these enforcement actions. So

0:15:44.600 --> 0:15:47.080
<v Speaker 5>that was the standing issue, and they said there was standing.

0:15:47.520 --> 0:15:51.040
<v Speaker 5>But they also said that with regard to these claims

0:15:51.040 --> 0:15:56.080
<v Speaker 5>about reasonable suspicion and Fourth Amendment violations caused by ICE

0:15:56.240 --> 0:15:59.880
<v Speaker 5>officers roving around looking for people. They said that, yes,

0:16:00.080 --> 0:16:03.040
<v Speaker 5>that does also seem to have a likelihood of success

0:16:03.360 --> 0:16:06.800
<v Speaker 5>enough that they would not say the district court's ruling.

0:16:07.000 --> 0:16:10.320
<v Speaker 5>It was a three zero decision, and so the court

0:16:10.480 --> 0:16:13.960
<v Speaker 5>basically allowed almost all of the ruling to take place,

0:16:14.000 --> 0:16:17.560
<v Speaker 5>except there was one line in the injunction that prevented

0:16:17.720 --> 0:16:21.680
<v Speaker 5>ICE from even asking individuals about their immigration status absent

0:16:21.760 --> 0:16:26.040
<v Speaker 5>reasonable suspicion. That was, they they were allowed to still

0:16:26.400 --> 0:16:30.520
<v Speaker 5>do that. That was considered overbroad and problematic in terms

0:16:30.600 --> 0:16:35.080
<v Speaker 5>of enforcement and constitutional interpretation, but the rest of the

0:16:35.360 --> 0:16:38.040
<v Speaker 5>injunction was allowed to continue.

0:16:38.320 --> 0:16:42.480
<v Speaker 4>So the judge ruled that ICE can't attain people based

0:16:42.600 --> 0:16:47.760
<v Speaker 4>on their apparent race or ethnicity, So speaking Spanish or

0:16:47.920 --> 0:16:52.040
<v Speaker 4>accented English, or being at locations such as home depot

0:16:52.120 --> 0:16:56.000
<v Speaker 4>parking lots, what does constitute reasonable suspicion?

0:16:56.080 --> 0:16:56.280
<v Speaker 3>Then?

0:16:57.200 --> 0:17:01.480
<v Speaker 5>The main thing that people who file this lawsuit basically

0:17:01.520 --> 0:17:04.800
<v Speaker 5>are trying to limit ICE is to say you have

0:17:04.960 --> 0:17:07.640
<v Speaker 5>to have some sort of knowledge of the person you're

0:17:07.680 --> 0:17:11.560
<v Speaker 5>looking for and of their immigration status before you go

0:17:11.680 --> 0:17:15.959
<v Speaker 5>looking for those individuals. So, for instance, if you're at

0:17:16.000 --> 0:17:18.679
<v Speaker 5>an immigration court, then you'll know if somebody has that

0:17:18.800 --> 0:17:21.240
<v Speaker 5>status or not, so then you can pick them up

0:17:21.240 --> 0:17:24.560
<v Speaker 5>after or if again, you're working off a list of

0:17:24.600 --> 0:17:27.400
<v Speaker 5>people who have lost their status that you know from

0:17:27.440 --> 0:17:30.600
<v Speaker 5>the Department of Homeland Security databases, and you're going to

0:17:30.600 --> 0:17:32.880
<v Speaker 5>pick up those people at their work or at their home,

0:17:33.320 --> 0:17:35.639
<v Speaker 5>you then have reasonable suspicion and you can do that.

0:17:35.920 --> 0:17:39.120
<v Speaker 5>And what the decision also allows is so, for instance,

0:17:39.200 --> 0:17:43.520
<v Speaker 5>let's say there's twenty undocumented people at a work site

0:17:43.520 --> 0:17:46.280
<v Speaker 5>that they know about because they have it in their database,

0:17:46.640 --> 0:17:48.840
<v Speaker 5>then they can ask, Okay, well, what about the other

0:17:48.840 --> 0:17:51.159
<v Speaker 5>people at this work site? I want to see the

0:17:51.200 --> 0:17:55.120
<v Speaker 5>paperwork for them, because then there's a reasonable suspicion because

0:17:55.160 --> 0:17:59.119
<v Speaker 5>you've already established that there's twenty undocumented people at that

0:17:59.200 --> 0:18:03.680
<v Speaker 5>work site. Employer hires undocumented people. But in terms of

0:18:04.080 --> 0:18:09.520
<v Speaker 5>just randomly generating leads by going to places and making

0:18:09.960 --> 0:18:13.760
<v Speaker 5>these sort of facial decisions how this person looks or

0:18:13.800 --> 0:18:16.919
<v Speaker 5>how they present themselves, et cetera. That's the kind of

0:18:16.960 --> 0:18:19.720
<v Speaker 5>thing that is enjoyed under this injunction.

0:18:20.520 --> 0:18:26.800
<v Speaker 4>How much of a hindrance is this order to ice, Well.

0:18:26.640 --> 0:18:29.040
<v Speaker 5>It depends if you say, how much of a hindrance

0:18:29.119 --> 0:18:33.920
<v Speaker 5>is it to their deterrent operations as opposed to their

0:18:33.960 --> 0:18:36.960
<v Speaker 5>removal operations. It's not really a turrent at all to

0:18:37.040 --> 0:18:41.000
<v Speaker 5>their removal operations in the sense of ICE has pretty

0:18:41.000 --> 0:18:45.560
<v Speaker 5>sophisticated databases where it knows where most of the undocumented

0:18:45.640 --> 0:18:48.840
<v Speaker 5>people in this country are and where they live, and ICE,

0:18:48.880 --> 0:18:51.600
<v Speaker 5>if they want to, can go and pick up as

0:18:51.600 --> 0:18:55.440
<v Speaker 5>many people as it has detention space to detain, and

0:18:55.520 --> 0:18:59.000
<v Speaker 5>so there's never a shortage of people that ICE can

0:18:59.080 --> 0:19:01.439
<v Speaker 5>pick up on any given day to place and detention

0:19:01.920 --> 0:19:05.200
<v Speaker 5>given the limited detention space it has. But what it

0:19:05.280 --> 0:19:09.360
<v Speaker 5>does limit is ICE's ability to engage in the kind

0:19:09.400 --> 0:19:13.040
<v Speaker 5>of patrols that are designed to create a deterrent effect,

0:19:13.160 --> 0:19:16.560
<v Speaker 5>meaning people are nervous to remain here in the United

0:19:16.600 --> 0:19:19.920
<v Speaker 5>States because they think, oh, if I take a city bus,

0:19:20.200 --> 0:19:23.240
<v Speaker 5>or if I just go shopping, or if I'm taking

0:19:23.280 --> 0:19:26.159
<v Speaker 5>my child to school, I could be apprehended at any moment.

0:19:26.600 --> 0:19:30.760
<v Speaker 5>The design of those operations isn't to meet the quota,

0:19:31.000 --> 0:19:35.280
<v Speaker 5>so to speak. It's to instead create a deterrent effect

0:19:35.320 --> 0:19:38.560
<v Speaker 5>that tells people if you stay here, you never know

0:19:38.600 --> 0:19:40.720
<v Speaker 5>what day is going to be the day you're apprehended,

0:19:41.119 --> 0:19:44.120
<v Speaker 5>so you should just return home and so that's where

0:19:44.160 --> 0:19:46.879
<v Speaker 5>it's limiting the operation is in that deterrent effect.

0:19:47.280 --> 0:19:50.399
<v Speaker 4>The government is asking the Supreme Court to lift the band,

0:19:50.640 --> 0:19:53.320
<v Speaker 4>saying that the judge overstepped her authority.

0:19:53.720 --> 0:19:56.920
<v Speaker 5>The Government's been quite aggressive in appealing to the Supreme Court,

0:19:57.119 --> 0:20:00.240
<v Speaker 5>and they've been getting better results in the Supreme Court

0:20:00.240 --> 0:20:04.480
<v Speaker 5>with saying some of these injunctions. And I could foresee

0:20:04.920 --> 0:20:09.200
<v Speaker 5>the Supreme Court lifting or saying parts of the injunction

0:20:09.560 --> 0:20:12.840
<v Speaker 5>that limit ICE's hands. I mean, I don't see them

0:20:12.960 --> 0:20:16.440
<v Speaker 5>potentially taking away the whole injunction, but I could see

0:20:16.440 --> 0:20:19.040
<v Speaker 5>them giving ICE a little bit more wiggle room here.

0:20:19.920 --> 0:20:25.200
<v Speaker 4>Leon in another lawsuit challenging the constitutionality of ICE agents

0:20:25.200 --> 0:20:30.679
<v Speaker 4>in Los Angeles impersonating police officers or using other ruses

0:20:31.080 --> 0:20:34.199
<v Speaker 4>in order to enter a home or convince someone to

0:20:34.200 --> 0:20:37.639
<v Speaker 4>come outside to make an arrest, ICE has reached a

0:20:37.720 --> 0:20:43.119
<v Speaker 4>court approved settlement and agreed not to use those subterfuges anymore.

0:20:43.560 --> 0:20:45.880
<v Speaker 4>I mean, what were they doing to cause this lawsuit

0:20:45.920 --> 0:20:46.640
<v Speaker 4>to be filed.

0:20:47.640 --> 0:20:49.720
<v Speaker 5>This is sort of a larger issue, which is that

0:20:50.240 --> 0:20:54.200
<v Speaker 5>as people in the immigration rights movement have become very

0:20:54.280 --> 0:20:58.199
<v Speaker 5>very successful in communicating messages of know you're right, a

0:20:58.240 --> 0:21:01.840
<v Speaker 5>lot of people in the immigration community have understood that

0:21:02.040 --> 0:21:05.479
<v Speaker 5>ICE can be refused entry into a home unless they

0:21:05.480 --> 0:21:08.399
<v Speaker 5>have a judicial warrant. So if they have an administrative warrant,

0:21:08.720 --> 0:21:10.520
<v Speaker 5>or if they just say can you let me in,

0:21:11.000 --> 0:21:13.200
<v Speaker 5>you're totally within your right to say no, I don't

0:21:13.240 --> 0:21:15.719
<v Speaker 5>want to let you in, and I can't go in.

0:21:15.800 --> 0:21:18.600
<v Speaker 5>If I goes in, then whatever operation they did is

0:21:18.640 --> 0:21:22.080
<v Speaker 5>invalid under the law once it eventually gets to a court.

0:21:22.520 --> 0:21:24.919
<v Speaker 5>So so a lot of individuals know this now. So

0:21:25.080 --> 0:21:27.760
<v Speaker 5>I has had to operate, and this has been happening

0:21:27.760 --> 0:21:29.879
<v Speaker 5>for many years. This is not a recent thing. So

0:21:30.040 --> 0:21:33.560
<v Speaker 5>I has had to operate where they tried to find

0:21:33.640 --> 0:21:36.200
<v Speaker 5>ways around these limitations. So they try to get people

0:21:36.200 --> 0:21:39.040
<v Speaker 5>to come outside. They say, hey, your car is broken,

0:21:39.200 --> 0:21:42.040
<v Speaker 5>or hey I need some directions, can you come outside

0:21:42.119 --> 0:21:44.640
<v Speaker 5>or whatever, and then once they're outside then they can

0:21:44.680 --> 0:21:48.160
<v Speaker 5>conduct their legal action, or they say they're police, can

0:21:48.200 --> 0:21:51.199
<v Speaker 5>they be let inside? And if people think they're police

0:21:51.240 --> 0:21:53.679
<v Speaker 5>but not ICE, then they let them inside. And so

0:21:54.000 --> 0:21:57.280
<v Speaker 5>the idea of this lawsuit was to say ICE has

0:21:57.320 --> 0:22:00.679
<v Speaker 5>to not do those tactics. They have to say that

0:22:00.720 --> 0:22:04.600
<v Speaker 5>their ICE, both in their clothing and in their verbiage.

0:22:05.000 --> 0:22:08.240
<v Speaker 5>And so that when they are engaging in those operations

0:22:08.240 --> 0:22:12.040
<v Speaker 5>now under this settlement, then the individuals will know this

0:22:12.119 --> 0:22:14.280
<v Speaker 5>is ICE. ICE is strength enter the home. I can

0:22:14.320 --> 0:22:16.399
<v Speaker 5>refuse it unless they have a judicial warrant.

0:22:16.640 --> 0:22:18.600
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, so they have to have a warrant that's signed

0:22:18.640 --> 0:22:20.600
<v Speaker 4>by a judge. Are those hard to get?

0:22:21.080 --> 0:22:23.000
<v Speaker 5>It's not that they're hard to get, but it's time

0:22:23.040 --> 0:22:25.879
<v Speaker 5>consuming because judges only have so many things they can

0:22:25.920 --> 0:22:29.520
<v Speaker 5>do on a given day. And if ICE is trying

0:22:29.560 --> 0:22:32.040
<v Speaker 5>to get one of those warrants, they have to set

0:22:32.119 --> 0:22:35.520
<v Speaker 5>up the paperwork that says, here's this person, here's how

0:22:35.560 --> 0:22:38.679
<v Speaker 5>we know they entered illegally, or they entered legally but

0:22:38.720 --> 0:22:41.359
<v Speaker 5>they've overstayed their status. And also they have to get

0:22:41.520 --> 0:22:45.040
<v Speaker 5>the Department of Justice lawyer involved, and then you wait

0:22:45.080 --> 0:22:47.119
<v Speaker 5>for the judge they issue the warrant, and then the

0:22:47.200 --> 0:22:49.639
<v Speaker 5>judge issues the warrant. So all of this takes time,

0:22:50.240 --> 0:22:52.719
<v Speaker 5>and it's time that ICE doesn't want to be spending

0:22:52.720 --> 0:22:56.000
<v Speaker 5>when it can just write up an administrative warrant on

0:22:56.119 --> 0:22:58.280
<v Speaker 5>their work processing documents.

0:22:58.640 --> 0:23:02.080
<v Speaker 4>Lee on one more question about agents. Attire Mayor Karen

0:23:02.119 --> 0:23:05.280
<v Speaker 4>Bess is one of many who've complained about ICE agents

0:23:05.320 --> 0:23:07.920
<v Speaker 4>being masked when they're making these arrests.

0:23:08.680 --> 0:23:11.440
<v Speaker 5>The agents wear masks because they don't want people coming

0:23:11.480 --> 0:23:14.280
<v Speaker 5>to their homes. Now, in this social media era, you

0:23:14.280 --> 0:23:17.120
<v Speaker 5>could say, oh, that's Ice agent Fred Smith who lives

0:23:17.119 --> 0:23:20.600
<v Speaker 5>on one one one Smith Lane, and so go to

0:23:20.680 --> 0:23:23.000
<v Speaker 5>their house and yell at them. Whether you agree with

0:23:23.119 --> 0:23:26.200
<v Speaker 5>Immigration enforcement or not, the people at I don't deserve

0:23:26.280 --> 0:23:30.159
<v Speaker 5>to have their houses raided by angry people at the community.

0:23:30.760 --> 0:23:33.399
<v Speaker 5>I think most people agree there has to be some

0:23:33.560 --> 0:23:37.720
<v Speaker 5>identification that's done and shown that says I'm an ICE agent.

0:23:37.760 --> 0:23:40.240
<v Speaker 5>So maybe the person wears a mask, but during the

0:23:40.640 --> 0:23:44.520
<v Speaker 5>immediate apprehension says here's my badge and I'm an ICE agent.

0:23:44.880 --> 0:23:48.639
<v Speaker 5>But I think the current way where someone just is

0:23:48.720 --> 0:23:52.600
<v Speaker 5>completely unidentified, wearing a mask and putting someone in a van,

0:23:53.200 --> 0:23:56.680
<v Speaker 5>I think if that continues, you will see courts getting involved,

0:23:57.119 --> 0:23:59.960
<v Speaker 5>and I think you'll even see Congress getting involved, because

0:24:00.200 --> 0:24:03.320
<v Speaker 5>those are not the kind of images that one typically

0:24:03.359 --> 0:24:06.399
<v Speaker 5>associate with normal law enforcement.

0:24:06.840 --> 0:24:10.560
<v Speaker 4>Thanks Leon, as always, that's Leon Fresco of Holland and Knight.

0:24:12.040 --> 0:24:16.600
<v Speaker 4>The Trump administration has been mounting an unprecedented campaign to

0:24:16.720 --> 0:24:22.200
<v Speaker 4>reign in independent agencies and increase executive authority. To that end,

0:24:22.280 --> 0:24:25.439
<v Speaker 4>President Trump has fired more than a dozen leaders of

0:24:25.560 --> 0:24:29.960
<v Speaker 4>independent agencies without cause. What stands out in the long

0:24:30.040 --> 0:24:33.840
<v Speaker 4>list is Trump firing the two Democratic members of the

0:24:33.880 --> 0:24:38.399
<v Speaker 4>Federal Trade Commission. Rebecca Kelly Slaughter is fighting her dismissal

0:24:38.440 --> 0:24:41.000
<v Speaker 4>in court, arguing that it was illegal.

0:24:41.600 --> 0:24:44.760
<v Speaker 6>Only one time in history has a president attempted to

0:24:44.840 --> 0:24:49.159
<v Speaker 6>remove an FTC commissioner over a policy disagreement. It was

0:24:49.359 --> 0:24:53.680
<v Speaker 6>ninety years ago President Roosevelt tried to remove Commissioner Humphrey,

0:24:54.080 --> 0:24:56.879
<v Speaker 6>and in the face of the clear language of the statute,

0:24:56.920 --> 0:25:00.800
<v Speaker 6>the Supreme Court said that was illegal. The statute is

0:25:00.840 --> 0:25:05.800
<v Speaker 6>constitutional and that FTC commissioners and other commissioners of multi member,

0:25:05.920 --> 0:25:10.120
<v Speaker 6>bipartisan agencies cannot be simply removed because the president doesn't

0:25:10.160 --> 0:25:10.760
<v Speaker 6>agree with them.

0:25:10.960 --> 0:25:13.720
<v Speaker 4>But the Justice Department has said it's going to ask

0:25:13.760 --> 0:25:17.520
<v Speaker 4>the Supreme Court to reverse that ninety year old president

0:25:17.800 --> 0:25:22.800
<v Speaker 4>called Humphrey's executor. Legal experts say they'll be broad ramifications

0:25:23.040 --> 0:25:27.359
<v Speaker 4>if the president can fire FTC commissioners at will and

0:25:27.440 --> 0:25:31.800
<v Speaker 4>the agency is no longer independent. My guest is William Kavasik,

0:25:31.920 --> 0:25:35.600
<v Speaker 4>former FDC chair and a professor at the George Mason

0:25:35.720 --> 0:25:39.240
<v Speaker 4>University School of Law Bill tell us about the president

0:25:39.320 --> 0:25:40.320
<v Speaker 4>firing Slaughter.

0:25:40.840 --> 0:25:45.000
<v Speaker 1>Yeah, the President decided that he has the authority to

0:25:45.080 --> 0:25:49.320
<v Speaker 1>simply fire members of the FTC without any cause, and

0:25:49.600 --> 0:25:53.720
<v Speaker 1>this contradicts a nineteen thirty five Supreme Court decision called

0:25:53.880 --> 0:25:57.880
<v Speaker 1>Humphrey's Executor that said that FTC commissioners can be removed

0:25:58.280 --> 0:26:02.080
<v Speaker 1>only for good cause. The President clearly wanted to remove

0:26:02.119 --> 0:26:05.680
<v Speaker 1>the two Democrats from the FTC, Rebecca Kelly Slaughter and

0:26:05.840 --> 0:26:10.400
<v Speaker 1>Alvaro Beadoya, and he simply dismissed them. So he decided

0:26:10.480 --> 0:26:13.040
<v Speaker 1>not just for the FTC, but I think as part

0:26:13.040 --> 0:26:16.800
<v Speaker 1>of a program for government generally, decided to assert executive

0:26:16.840 --> 0:26:19.800
<v Speaker 1>authority to control more directly who can serve on these

0:26:19.840 --> 0:26:21.080
<v Speaker 1>regulatory agencies.

0:26:21.280 --> 0:26:24.840
<v Speaker 4>Slaughter won her first battle in court. A federal judge

0:26:24.880 --> 0:26:29.400
<v Speaker 4>reinstated her last month, although that reinstatement has been put

0:26:29.440 --> 0:26:33.480
<v Speaker 4>on hold pending an appeals court decision explain the judge's

0:26:33.520 --> 0:26:35.840
<v Speaker 4>reasons for reinstating her now.

0:26:35.880 --> 0:26:40.000
<v Speaker 1>She concluded that the president's authority is defined by the

0:26:40.080 --> 0:26:43.720
<v Speaker 1>nineteen thirty five Supreme Court decision, and the nineteen thirty

0:26:43.760 --> 0:26:47.640
<v Speaker 1>five Supreme Court decision said that the president can remove

0:26:47.920 --> 0:26:51.800
<v Speaker 1>federal Trade commissioners only for good cost, that the limitation

0:26:52.000 --> 0:26:56.200
<v Speaker 1>on removal was established in the FTC Statute adopted in

0:26:56.359 --> 0:27:00.480
<v Speaker 1>nineteen fourteen, and that the Supreme Court's interpretation of that

0:27:00.600 --> 0:27:04.200
<v Speaker 1>statute limited the circumstances in which the President could remove

0:27:04.760 --> 0:27:09.000
<v Speaker 1>FPC commissioners. Judge Ali Khan and the District Court opinion

0:27:09.119 --> 0:27:13.960
<v Speaker 1>concluded that those authorities are controlling, that the statute itself

0:27:14.040 --> 0:27:17.800
<v Speaker 1>makes clear the conditions enrich removal can take place, and

0:27:17.880 --> 0:27:23.000
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court upheld the limitation on executive power. She said,

0:27:23.400 --> 0:27:27.200
<v Speaker 1>the President contradicted that approach, and until the Supreme Court

0:27:27.359 --> 0:27:32.400
<v Speaker 1>says otherwise about it's nineteen thirty five decision, that decision

0:27:32.440 --> 0:27:36.119
<v Speaker 1>is binding on me and commissioners, Slaughter is entitled to

0:27:36.160 --> 0:27:36.920
<v Speaker 1>be reinstated.

0:27:37.240 --> 0:27:40.399
<v Speaker 4>It seems like Humphrey's executor is in jeopardy at the

0:27:40.440 --> 0:27:43.960
<v Speaker 4>Supreme Court. In July, the Court allowed the Trump administration

0:27:44.119 --> 0:27:48.400
<v Speaker 4>to remove three democratic members of the Consumer Product's Safety

0:27:48.400 --> 0:27:51.640
<v Speaker 4>Commission that were fired by Trump and then reinstated by

0:27:51.640 --> 0:27:54.439
<v Speaker 4>a federal judge. And in May, the Court rule that

0:27:54.480 --> 0:27:59.040
<v Speaker 4>the democratic members of the NLRB and Merit Systems Protection

0:27:59.200 --> 0:28:02.679
<v Speaker 4>Board could return to their jobs because the government was

0:28:02.960 --> 0:28:06.600
<v Speaker 4>likely to be able to show that the agencies exercised

0:28:06.680 --> 0:28:10.880
<v Speaker 4>considerable independent power. So does it seem like the Supreme

0:28:10.920 --> 0:28:14.720
<v Speaker 4>Court is ready to overturn Humphrey's executor.

0:28:14.720 --> 0:28:17.040
<v Speaker 1>As you say, June, the Court's given a number of

0:28:17.119 --> 0:28:20.760
<v Speaker 1>hints that it is ready to revisit Humphrey's Executor and

0:28:21.000 --> 0:28:24.280
<v Speaker 1>to overturn it. The Court has cautioned that every turn

0:28:24.400 --> 0:28:26.840
<v Speaker 1>in the road, that we're not making a final decision

0:28:26.840 --> 0:28:30.479
<v Speaker 1>on the merit, that that fuller evaluation of the merit

0:28:30.720 --> 0:28:34.520
<v Speaker 1>of Humphrey and its vitality today remains to take place.

0:28:34.760 --> 0:28:38.000
<v Speaker 1>So they've said we're not deciding now, But the way

0:28:38.000 --> 0:28:40.400
<v Speaker 1>in which they've written the decisions that you referred to,

0:28:40.920 --> 0:28:44.600
<v Speaker 1>even these preliminary rulings where they're not offering a final

0:28:44.680 --> 0:28:48.040
<v Speaker 1>view about the legitimacy of the challenges at issue, have

0:28:48.160 --> 0:28:50.680
<v Speaker 1>given hints that at least three members of the Court

0:28:51.000 --> 0:28:55.120
<v Speaker 1>think that Humphreys must be overturned. Maybe two more members

0:28:55.120 --> 0:28:58.560
<v Speaker 1>of the Court are wavering in their support of Humphreys.

0:28:58.680 --> 0:29:01.880
<v Speaker 1>I suppose if you were making a wager now about

0:29:02.000 --> 0:29:05.760
<v Speaker 1>whether Humphreys will live through the end of twenty twenty six,

0:29:06.160 --> 0:29:07.960
<v Speaker 1>I suppose the way to bet would be to say

0:29:08.000 --> 0:29:11.080
<v Speaker 1>no that it won't. I don't think the possibilities for

0:29:11.160 --> 0:29:15.240
<v Speaker 1>Humphrey's executors to survive have been extinguished. There's still possibilities

0:29:15.240 --> 0:29:17.800
<v Speaker 1>that the Court might reflect on the basis for the

0:29:17.880 --> 0:29:21.560
<v Speaker 1>creation of the limit on removal, might think more completely

0:29:21.840 --> 0:29:26.480
<v Speaker 1>about existing controls that the President already has over administrative

0:29:26.520 --> 0:29:29.320
<v Speaker 1>agency discretion, to realize that the choice here is not

0:29:29.440 --> 0:29:33.960
<v Speaker 1>between having no control and absolute control over appointments and removal.

0:29:34.320 --> 0:29:37.240
<v Speaker 1>The president already has a number of tools at the

0:29:37.240 --> 0:29:40.800
<v Speaker 1>president's disposal to influence the way in which the Federal

0:29:40.840 --> 0:29:44.480
<v Speaker 1>Trade Commission and similar agencies operate. The real issue here

0:29:44.520 --> 0:29:47.120
<v Speaker 1>is whether that control must be absolute, and the Court

0:29:47.200 --> 0:29:49.640
<v Speaker 1>might reflect on that in a more elaborate way and

0:29:49.720 --> 0:29:52.000
<v Speaker 1>come to a different conclusion. But that's a long way

0:29:52.040 --> 0:29:56.400
<v Speaker 1>of saying that Humphrey's Executor appears to be in peril,

0:29:56.720 --> 0:29:58.840
<v Speaker 1>and that when the Court does come at some point,

0:29:59.200 --> 0:30:03.440
<v Speaker 1>perhaps in twenty six, to confront the continuing vitality of

0:30:03.520 --> 0:30:07.360
<v Speaker 1>Humphrey's executive, it will probably say that we've decided to

0:30:07.440 --> 0:30:08.200
<v Speaker 1>change our minds.

0:30:08.640 --> 0:30:12.320
<v Speaker 4>Let's talk about what would happen the changes if the

0:30:12.400 --> 0:30:17.000
<v Speaker 4>FDC loses the independence it now has. It's been said

0:30:17.000 --> 0:30:21.080
<v Speaker 4>that one casualty would be the in house adjudication system.

0:30:21.280 --> 0:30:23.760
<v Speaker 1>I think that's right, Jo, and I think the administrative

0:30:23.920 --> 0:30:28.480
<v Speaker 1>in house adjudication system ultimately topples For this reason. I

0:30:28.480 --> 0:30:33.000
<v Speaker 1>think crucial to the legitimacy of any judicial dispute resolution

0:30:33.160 --> 0:30:36.440
<v Speaker 1>tribunal is some degree of autonomy. This is where the

0:30:36.480 --> 0:30:40.840
<v Speaker 1>autonomy is most important for legitimacy. Once it becomes apparent

0:30:40.920 --> 0:30:44.400
<v Speaker 1>that the president can simply fire Federal Trade commissioners because

0:30:44.400 --> 0:30:48.280
<v Speaker 1>he doesn't like their work, doesn't like their philosophy, I

0:30:48.320 --> 0:30:51.840
<v Speaker 1>think that system unravels. You can't have courts where the

0:30:51.920 --> 0:30:56.600
<v Speaker 1>judges are aware that a decision or a specific approach

0:30:56.720 --> 0:30:59.520
<v Speaker 1>taken in a given case could cause their dismissal, and

0:30:59.560 --> 0:31:05.080
<v Speaker 1>the TC commissioners serve as adjudicators when the FTC uses

0:31:05.120 --> 0:31:09.160
<v Speaker 1>that internal mechanism. So I think a domino that falls

0:31:09.320 --> 0:31:14.080
<v Speaker 1>if Humphrey's executor is overturned is the perceived legitimacy and

0:31:14.120 --> 0:31:18.400
<v Speaker 1>functioning of the administrative adjudication system that disappears.

0:31:18.840 --> 0:31:23.600
<v Speaker 4>And even now we're seeing motions to dismiss FTC cases

0:31:24.080 --> 0:31:28.800
<v Speaker 4>eleging that the FTC structure is unconstitutional because of this

0:31:29.200 --> 0:31:30.640
<v Speaker 4>weight over Humphreys.

0:31:31.400 --> 0:31:35.880
<v Speaker 1>I think the deeper threat to the FTC's effectiveness is

0:31:35.920 --> 0:31:38.240
<v Speaker 1>that when it goes to court, it has always had

0:31:38.240 --> 0:31:41.239
<v Speaker 1>the capacity to tell the court the positions we are

0:31:41.320 --> 0:31:44.560
<v Speaker 1>taking are the result of our best professional judgment, and

0:31:44.680 --> 0:31:48.720
<v Speaker 1>as an expert body, we are asking for respect for

0:31:48.880 --> 0:31:52.640
<v Speaker 1>our judgments because they're based on our accumulated experience, our

0:31:52.760 --> 0:31:56.320
<v Speaker 1>research in the field of competition and consumer protection, and

0:31:56.400 --> 0:32:00.320
<v Speaker 1>the expertise that individual members of the Commission bring to

0:32:00.560 --> 0:32:03.680
<v Speaker 1>the analysis of specific cases. When you put all of

0:32:03.760 --> 0:32:08.160
<v Speaker 1>those together, you have a key element of professional judgment

0:32:08.360 --> 0:32:12.800
<v Speaker 1>that might not be always correct, but it deserves respect

0:32:12.960 --> 0:32:16.320
<v Speaker 1>because it is more likely to be correct than the

0:32:16.440 --> 0:32:20.800
<v Speaker 1>judgment of individual federal judges, the parties, and the cases.

0:32:20.960 --> 0:32:23.480
<v Speaker 1>That is that that judgment is worthy of respect. It

0:32:23.520 --> 0:32:25.600
<v Speaker 1>doesn't mean that the FDC is always going to prevail

0:32:25.640 --> 0:32:29.800
<v Speaker 1>in court. The moment that courts perceive that you are

0:32:29.920 --> 0:32:35.040
<v Speaker 1>using your authority not because of your best professional judgment,

0:32:35.360 --> 0:32:38.800
<v Speaker 1>but because you are simply an extension of the political

0:32:38.840 --> 0:32:43.000
<v Speaker 1>process and you are serving the specific interests or whims

0:32:43.040 --> 0:32:46.600
<v Speaker 1>and the chief executive, that element of professional judgment and

0:32:46.640 --> 0:32:51.320
<v Speaker 1>respect disappear. They're gone. So I think a consequence imphmphrase

0:32:51.480 --> 0:32:54.480
<v Speaker 1>dies is that the Commission loses the ability to stand

0:32:54.560 --> 0:32:57.840
<v Speaker 1>before the courts and say you can trust us. And

0:32:57.920 --> 0:33:00.840
<v Speaker 1>in so many ways, that's what government agency ask court

0:33:01.240 --> 0:33:05.320
<v Speaker 1>is trust us because we are the professionals. We're using

0:33:05.360 --> 0:33:08.640
<v Speaker 1>professional judgment, and that's why you can have confidence in

0:33:08.680 --> 0:33:11.440
<v Speaker 1>the judgments we're making. And I think it means that

0:33:11.760 --> 0:33:14.800
<v Speaker 1>simply stated, you have a harder time winning your cases

0:33:14.840 --> 0:33:15.800
<v Speaker 1>when you go to court.

0:33:16.040 --> 0:33:19.800
<v Speaker 4>And build beyond that, Can you give us the broader

0:33:19.920 --> 0:33:24.680
<v Speaker 4>reasons why you think the FTC's independence is critical.

0:33:25.520 --> 0:33:29.960
<v Speaker 1>The broader, high level reason is that the FDC exercise

0:33:30.120 --> 0:33:36.360
<v Speaker 1>is significant economic policy making functions and has broad regulatory responsibilities.

0:33:36.600 --> 0:33:39.480
<v Speaker 1>I think in any economy, and certainly in our market economy,

0:33:39.960 --> 0:33:43.760
<v Speaker 1>the business community, the citizens as a whole have to

0:33:43.800 --> 0:33:46.160
<v Speaker 1>have confidence that that authority is being used in a

0:33:46.200 --> 0:33:50.440
<v Speaker 1>principled way. And then when it's used, it reflects truly

0:33:50.800 --> 0:33:55.040
<v Speaker 1>the exercise of high quality professional judgment from an agency

0:33:55.080 --> 0:33:58.360
<v Speaker 1>that has special expertise, broad experience, and then when it's

0:33:58.360 --> 0:34:01.480
<v Speaker 1>making those judgments, it's making it on the basis of

0:34:01.640 --> 0:34:06.800
<v Speaker 1>sound policy analysis. That assumption and confidence vanishes if the

0:34:06.880 --> 0:34:10.440
<v Speaker 1>head of State can simply designate outcomes or point the

0:34:10.480 --> 0:34:13.200
<v Speaker 1>agency in a specific direction. I mean it's the same

0:34:13.280 --> 0:34:17.160
<v Speaker 1>concern we have about the Federal Reserve Board and monetary policy.

0:34:17.440 --> 0:34:21.000
<v Speaker 1>Notice how the markets lose their minds when it appears

0:34:21.000 --> 0:34:24.160
<v Speaker 1>as though the Fed might lose that insulation from direct

0:34:24.160 --> 0:34:27.720
<v Speaker 1>political influence over the monetary system. I can't quite assert

0:34:27.840 --> 0:34:32.000
<v Speaker 1>that the FTC occupies the same position in the minds

0:34:32.000 --> 0:34:36.400
<v Speaker 1>of business leaders and others about its role in the economy,

0:34:36.640 --> 0:34:40.560
<v Speaker 1>but I think it is nonetheless an important pillar of

0:34:40.600 --> 0:34:43.760
<v Speaker 1>the regulatory mechanism in the US. If you take away

0:34:44.120 --> 0:34:48.400
<v Speaker 1>some measure of autonomy, especially in the decision to prosecute,

0:34:48.560 --> 0:34:52.160
<v Speaker 1>the decision to impose sanctions, the decision to do things

0:34:52.160 --> 0:34:54.759
<v Speaker 1>that in a broad sense hurt, you take away that

0:34:54.880 --> 0:34:59.200
<v Speaker 1>presumption of good professional judgment and autonomy with respect to

0:34:59.280 --> 0:35:02.640
<v Speaker 1>those functions, I think it undermines confidence in the regulatory

0:35:02.680 --> 0:35:06.520
<v Speaker 1>process itself, and at a higher level, for our entire

0:35:06.520 --> 0:35:09.120
<v Speaker 1>political economy and our stature in the world. For the

0:35:09.200 --> 0:35:12.120
<v Speaker 1>last thirty plus years, we have been telling the world

0:35:12.400 --> 0:35:16.800
<v Speaker 1>that these key economic regulatory functions must have some element

0:35:16.880 --> 0:35:21.680
<v Speaker 1>of protection with respect to these fundamental decisions about prosecuting cases,

0:35:21.920 --> 0:35:25.200
<v Speaker 1>initiating rules, that there has to be an accountability regime.

0:35:25.480 --> 0:35:29.520
<v Speaker 1>But you can't have political leadership telling the agency to

0:35:29.600 --> 0:35:33.719
<v Speaker 1>punish enemies, reward friends, and otherwise simply be party to

0:35:33.760 --> 0:35:37.960
<v Speaker 1>a negotiation between top political leadership and individual business interests.

0:35:38.080 --> 0:35:41.160
<v Speaker 1>So once you do that, confidence in the entire system

0:35:41.200 --> 0:35:45.000
<v Speaker 1>of government tends to erode. And if the hunphrees executive

0:35:45.520 --> 0:35:50.440
<v Speaker 1>protections against removal except for good cause disappear, that's a

0:35:50.480 --> 0:35:53.959
<v Speaker 1>step in the direction of diminishing that confidence and legitimacy

0:35:54.000 --> 0:35:55.240
<v Speaker 1>for the regulatory process.

0:35:55.719 --> 0:35:59.759
<v Speaker 4>So right now, Slaughter's case is before the US Court

0:35:59.760 --> 0:36:04.280
<v Speaker 4>of Appeals for the DC Circuit on the Trump administration's appeal,

0:36:04.680 --> 0:36:06.680
<v Speaker 4>So we'll have to see if the Circuit ends up

0:36:06.760 --> 0:36:10.600
<v Speaker 4>affirming Judge Ali Kahan's decision or not. So it's a

0:36:10.600 --> 0:36:13.359
<v Speaker 4>pleasure to have you on Bill, Thanks so much, and

0:36:13.360 --> 0:36:15.560
<v Speaker 4>that's it for this edition of The Bloomberg Law Show.

0:36:15.880 --> 0:36:18.239
<v Speaker 4>Remember you can always get the latest legal news on

0:36:18.280 --> 0:36:22.560
<v Speaker 4>our Bloomberg Law Podcast. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify,

0:36:22.760 --> 0:36:27.800
<v Speaker 4>and at www dot Bloomberg dot com, slash podcast Slash Law,

0:36:28.200 --> 0:36:30.760
<v Speaker 4>And remember to tune into The Bloomberg Law Show every

0:36:30.840 --> 0:36:34.720
<v Speaker 4>weeknight at ten pm Wall Street time. I'm Junie Grosso

0:36:34.880 --> 0:36:36.480
<v Speaker 4>and you're listening to Bloomberg