WEBVTT - Is There an Extremely Simple Fix for Affordable Housing?

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Audio Studios, Podcasts, radio News.

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<v Speaker 2>Hello and welcome to another episode of The Odd Lots Podcast.

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<v Speaker 3>I'm Joe Wisenthal and I'm Tracy Alloway.

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<v Speaker 2>You know, obviously, obviously we're a little distracted these days

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<v Speaker 2>because there is so much news all the time. It

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<v Speaker 2>doesn't feel like we have much time for sort of

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<v Speaker 2>classic episodes where we talk about some big idea. But

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<v Speaker 2>one thing that we had heard a lot over the

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<v Speaker 2>years really is that for the public, you know, when

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<v Speaker 2>they think about inflation or they think about the cost

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<v Speaker 2>of living, housing costs are really central to their view.

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<v Speaker 3>Right, And you see this not just in house prices

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<v Speaker 3>but also in rents. Right, everything has gone up since

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<v Speaker 3>the pandemic, and people people don't like it. People don't

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<v Speaker 3>like it when the cost of housing shelter goes up.

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<v Speaker 2>People don't like when the cause of gasoline goes up.

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<v Speaker 2>People don't like the cost of eggs for certain But

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<v Speaker 2>I feel like when it comes to the cost of living,

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<v Speaker 2>everybody must have shelter. Basically, it's also.

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<v Speaker 3>A big chunk, it's a huge chunk of.

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<v Speaker 2>The consumption basket, the consumption of shelter. And we've had

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<v Speaker 2>prices going up for like I don't know, fifteen years

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<v Speaker 2>or something like that. Even the raid hikes didn't do

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<v Speaker 2>much to slow house prices. They slowed other housing activity.

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<v Speaker 2>But it is a real problem and it gets to

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<v Speaker 2>the center of like what people call the American dream.

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<v Speaker 2>And we've talked to people over the years with different ideas,

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<v Speaker 2>you know, yimbi types. They talk about zoning, or people

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<v Speaker 2>say there should be some sort of more public investment,

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<v Speaker 2>et cetera. I don't think like we've fully cracked it,

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<v Speaker 2>and certainly policy makers have yet to solve the problem.

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<v Speaker 3>Right, although it is interesting. It's like one of the few,

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<v Speaker 3>by part of in areas where both sides of the

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<v Speaker 3>aisle will say that housing supply is an issue and

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<v Speaker 3>they want to do something to rectify it.

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<v Speaker 2>So go back to the Great Financial Crisis. Do you

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<v Speaker 2>remember in like twenty ten or something, or maybe middle

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<v Speaker 2>of two thousand and nine, there were actually some people

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<v Speaker 2>that proposed raising like destroying empty houses just to get

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<v Speaker 2>the supply demand imbalanced.

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<v Speaker 3>Just I don't remember that.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, this was.

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<v Speaker 2>Absolutely a thing. So we were like, well, why don't

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<v Speaker 2>we just like pave over a bunch of existing houses

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<v Speaker 2>and then we won't have this glut and then the

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<v Speaker 2>prices will keep falling that we can This was a

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<v Speaker 2>I'm going to google this while we're talking, but hopefully

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<v Speaker 2>no one never took that seriously. We'll be absurd because

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<v Speaker 2>now we're in an era of housing scarcity. But that

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<v Speaker 2>was a crazy time.

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<v Speaker 3>M hm. There is a lot of craziness in these

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<v Speaker 3>sort of two thousand and eight to twenty twelve era.

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<v Speaker 2>And one of the things that we know about crises,

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<v Speaker 2>you know, look, there's all this subprime lending, all that stuff.

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<v Speaker 2>So afterwards there was this big impulse to say, like,

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<v Speaker 2>we're never going to allow things to get that crazy again.

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<v Speaker 2>We're never going to allow people to buy a home

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<v Speaker 2>with no down payment, no documentation, and terrible credit scores again. Anyway,

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<v Speaker 2>we're going to be talking to someone whose argument is

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<v Speaker 2>that we may have overshot.

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<v Speaker 3>Great, I'm excited, all right, I'm really psyched.

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<v Speaker 2>We do have the perfect guest, someone who's writing I've

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<v Speaker 2>followed for a long time, and the gist of his

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<v Speaker 2>argument is that we overshot that various post greadte financial

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<v Speaker 2>crisis policy changes in pursuit of bubble avoidance are the

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<v Speaker 2>cause of our housing shortage. Today, we're going to be

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<v Speaker 2>speaking with Kevin Erdman. He is an affiliated scholar at

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<v Speaker 2>the Mercadis Institute and he's the author of the book

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<v Speaker 2>Building from the ground Up. He's a great newsletter. Uh, Kevin,

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<v Speaker 2>thank you so much for coming on O lots.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah, thanks for having me.

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<v Speaker 2>That's true, right where't there's some headlines about bulldozing over houses.

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<v Speaker 2>I mean, it was like a weird time because like

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<v Speaker 2>there were three things. There was like the home price appreciation.

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<v Speaker 2>There was the amount of housing that was being built,

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<v Speaker 2>and then there was the sort of liberal lending standards

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<v Speaker 2>mortgages to people couldn't afford them. And then there was

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<v Speaker 2>all the also the financial engineering around it. Like there

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<v Speaker 2>was st a lot going on in those days.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah. Yeah, and there were people that proposed that green span,

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<v Speaker 4>even I think in Hank Paulson's book he mentions that

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<v Speaker 4>green span sort of half jokingly mentioned it. But the

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<v Speaker 4>idea that you would even think of it is crazy.

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<v Speaker 4>In fact, I actually wrote a post on my substock

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<v Speaker 4>recently that Tyler Collen interviewed Joe Stiglitz very recently, and

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<v Speaker 4>Joe Stiglitz was still sort of basing his ideas of

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<v Speaker 4>you know what happened in the recession on this idea

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<v Speaker 4>of overbuilding, and he talked about like there were all

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<v Speaker 4>these low quality houses built in Las Vegas that basically

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<v Speaker 4>were built where nobody would want them. Yeah, and made

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<v Speaker 4>some quip that like the best thing about them was

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<v Speaker 4>they were so poorly built that they wouldn't last long

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<v Speaker 4>or something. And the crazy thing about that is that

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<v Speaker 4>they're actual. If you look back at the data, there

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<v Speaker 4>wasn't actually a building boom in Vegas. There was a

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<v Speaker 4>price bubble, but the rate of home building never actually

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<v Speaker 4>increased in Vegas during that time.

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<v Speaker 3>Why don't you go ahead and give us the sort

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<v Speaker 3>of two minute elevator pitch of your argument just so

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<v Speaker 3>we fully understand it.

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<v Speaker 4>Yeah. I think basically we have had a regional supply

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<v Speaker 4>problem going back into the eighties and nineties, where the

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<v Speaker 4>coastal metros like New York City in Boston and LA

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<v Speaker 4>and San Francisco have clamped down on housing construction and

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<v Speaker 4>so they basically can't grow as cities anymore in total.

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<v Speaker 4>And so when the economy is doing well, when incomes

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<v Speaker 4>are growing, population is growing, people just having babies and

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<v Speaker 4>people growing up and wanting to form households. When that

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<v Speaker 4>sort of all gets moving, those cities actually have to

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<v Speaker 4>depopulate at this point because you know, if per capita,

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<v Speaker 4>we're sort of demanding one or two percent more housing

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<v Speaker 4>per person and they're only willing to build a half

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<v Speaker 4>a percent of housing per year, that means a person

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<v Speaker 4>and a half has to leave the city. So we

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<v Speaker 4>actually have this weird countercyclical migration pattern into and out

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<v Speaker 4>of those cities now. So like, for instance, the last

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<v Speaker 4>several years, even pre dating covid LA has been for instance,

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<v Speaker 4>has been losing population every year. It's down probably three

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<v Speaker 4>or four percent now from its peak population in twenty seventeen.

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<v Speaker 4>So basically that happened during the housing bubble. This counterintuitive

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<v Speaker 4>thing was happening because when we're in good times or

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<v Speaker 4>when people are demanding more housing, people actually have to

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<v Speaker 4>move out of those cities. And the process for doing

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<v Speaker 4>that is the rents go high enough until somebody's cries

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<v Speaker 4>uncle and decides to leave town. And so the cities

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<v Speaker 4>we think of as bubble cities Florida, Nevada, and Arizona

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<v Speaker 4>in inland California were really just the landing places for

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<v Speaker 4>those housing refugees. So those cities truly had a bubble,

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<v Speaker 4>but it was a bubble in fundamentals, so it's actually

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<v Speaker 4>a bunch of families moving there, and ironically those families

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<v Speaker 4>were moving there to lower their housing costs. But all

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<v Speaker 4>that got interpreted just as a bubble period and it

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<v Speaker 4>was blamed on excess lending and speculation and all those

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<v Speaker 4>things that it was really at its core, it was

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<v Speaker 4>a lack of housing that drove all these migration patterns

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<v Speaker 4>that then overwhelmed the cities where prices sort of temporarily

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<v Speaker 4>rose and fell. And so basically what we did is

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<v Speaker 4>we solved all the wrong problems. We blamed it on lending,

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<v Speaker 4>and we cut off lending, and that basically closed down

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<v Speaker 4>home building across the country. And so now the housing

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<v Speaker 4>shortage that was just a a half a dozen coastal

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<v Speaker 4>cities now is countrywide.

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<v Speaker 2>This is very interesting. So I remember the Inland Empire,

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<v Speaker 2>they called them the Sand States, like Arizona and Nevada,

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<v Speaker 2>And the way it was certainly portrayed was that it

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<v Speaker 2>was a speculative bubble, that there was all this like

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<v Speaker 2>household speculation, and you know, there probably was some of

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<v Speaker 2>that and people buying more house than they need because

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<v Speaker 2>they thought they could flip it and flip this house.

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<v Speaker 2>It was a popular TV show. But you're saying the

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<v Speaker 2>fundamental were very sound, that basically it was like spillover population,

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<v Speaker 2>the fundamentals of demand for shelter. What did we do

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<v Speaker 2>after the Great Financial Crisis that, as you see it

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<v Speaker 2>massively slashed lending.

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<v Speaker 4>You know, it's tough to pin it down to one thing.

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<v Speaker 4>You know, there are a series of sort of official

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<v Speaker 4>and unofficial, sort of just pressures that were put on lenders.

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<v Speaker 4>So you know, there was the subprime boom and bus

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<v Speaker 4>that really heated up in sort of late two thousand

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<v Speaker 4>and three, early two thousand and four and then was

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<v Speaker 4>really dead by mid two thousand and seven. And you

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<v Speaker 4>can see sort of the effects of that. And again,

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<v Speaker 4>you know, I assert that the effects of that on

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<v Speaker 4>home prices and everything have been greatly overstated because it's

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<v Speaker 4>basically been inflated to explain everything that actually is explained

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<v Speaker 4>by the supply shortage. But it caused a few percentage

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<v Speaker 4>point increase in home prices on average, and that reversed

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<v Speaker 4>then when that market died, And then then there's this

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<v Speaker 4>second event that happens that sort of just got lost

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<v Speaker 4>in the chaos a because it was popular, be because

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<v Speaker 4>this idea that lending had been so outrageous that there

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<v Speaker 4>was sort of no amounts of pulling back that seemed

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<v Speaker 4>like it was satisfying enough. And so over the course

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<v Speaker 4>of two thousand and eight, there were just formal and

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<v Speaker 4>informal pressures on the federal agencies, the FHJA, Fannie Maine,

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<v Speaker 4>Freddie Mack to you know, be careful and tighten up lending.

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<v Speaker 4>And you can see it in the numbers. They report

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<v Speaker 4>in their books that over the course of two thousand

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<v Speaker 4>and eight, any year up to that, even back into

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<v Speaker 4>the late nineties, the typical Fanny and Freddie borrower had

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<v Speaker 4>a credit score of say seven to ten and which

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<v Speaker 4>is about average. And then by the end of two

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<v Speaker 4>thousand and eight, mid two thousand and nine, it's more

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<v Speaker 4>like seven sixty, which is you know, sort of top

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<v Speaker 4>quarter credit score. And so basically, over the course of

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<v Speaker 4>a year, year and a half, the average score on

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<v Speaker 4>an approved mortgage goes up by forty or fifty points

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<v Speaker 4>and stays there. It's really still there today. So basically,

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<v Speaker 4>you know, I would say probably ten or twenty million

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<v Speaker 4>five family's three two thousand and eight to post two

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<v Speaker 4>thousand and eight have lost access to mortgage funding.

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<v Speaker 3>But just on this point, I mean, I can go

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<v Speaker 3>get a loan at Fannie May with a six to

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<v Speaker 3>twenty credit score or something like that. I think it's

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<v Speaker 3>a little higher over at Freddie Mac. And there's minimum

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<v Speaker 3>down payments. I think it's three percent. But overall those

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<v Speaker 3>haven't moved that much from the early two thousands. Like

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<v Speaker 3>back in two thousand and six, at the height of

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<v Speaker 3>the housing bubble, the minimum down payment was still three percent,

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<v Speaker 3>and I think the FICO scores were generally lower. Is

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<v Speaker 3>there perhaps just a lack of viable home buyers out there?

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<v Speaker 3>I mean, credit card debt is at a record, wages

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<v Speaker 3>have been kind of sluggish. Maybe those people people who

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<v Speaker 3>are asset light, as Chimoth would say, maybe they just

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<v Speaker 3>they're not thinking about buying houses.

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<v Speaker 4>No, it's definitely so. I mean those products exist, but

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<v Speaker 4>the quantity of loans being originated to borrowers with those

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<v Speaker 4>credit scores is really negligible. So like if you look

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<v Speaker 4>at Fannie May, for any year two thousand and seven

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<v Speaker 4>or before, about two thirds of their book of business

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<v Speaker 4>was to borrowers with seven forty scores or less, and

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<v Speaker 4>then immediately then by two thousand and nine it's only

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<v Speaker 4>one third, and then it's stayed basically one third of

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<v Speaker 4>their new business to the point where now their book

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<v Speaker 4>of business is basically flip flopped. So the thing is

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<v Speaker 4>that you know they have products, but there's the ability

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<v Speaker 4>to repay standards that have been put in place and tightened,

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<v Speaker 4>and there's just you know, there's just a black box

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<v Speaker 4>of underwriting boxes that have to be ticked off that

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<v Speaker 4>in theory, there's a product that goes to people with

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<v Speaker 4>six twenty credit scores, but in practice, very few of

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<v Speaker 4>those families can run the gauntlet to actually get the

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<v Speaker 4>yes at the end of the approval process.

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<v Speaker 3>Well, speaking of black boxes, I was trying to find

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<v Speaker 3>like the average approval rate for Fannie and Freddy for mortgages,

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<v Speaker 3>and ideally you could break down approval rates by FICO

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<v Speaker 3>scores or something like that, and I couldn't find anything.

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<v Speaker 3>Do you have a sense of a are there official

0:12:33.640 --> 0:12:37.000
<v Speaker 3>numbers out there that I just couldn't find and be

0:12:37.720 --> 0:12:39.839
<v Speaker 3>do you have a sense of what the approval rates

0:12:39.920 --> 0:12:40.800
<v Speaker 3>might actually be?

0:12:41.320 --> 0:12:43.679
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, I don't have like an index that I tracked

0:12:43.840 --> 0:12:46.480
<v Speaker 4>you months to month, and in a way that gets

0:12:46.520 --> 0:12:50.040
<v Speaker 4>difficult that that number gets less informative over time. I

0:12:50.120 --> 0:12:54.280
<v Speaker 4>have seen claims that there's this very specific period over

0:12:54.320 --> 0:12:55.880
<v Speaker 4>the course of two thousand and eight and early two

0:12:55.880 --> 0:12:59.880
<v Speaker 4>thousand and nine where those standards change, and soon after that,

0:13:00.120 --> 0:13:02.240
<v Speaker 4>you know, two thousand and nine or ten. I know

0:13:02.320 --> 0:13:04.480
<v Speaker 4>one of the mortgage I cite it in one of

0:13:04.520 --> 0:13:09.040
<v Speaker 4>the books that one of the mortgage tracking institutions noted

0:13:09.040 --> 0:13:12.880
<v Speaker 4>that the average score on denied mortgages at that point

0:13:12.880 --> 0:13:14.720
<v Speaker 4>in two thousand and nine or ten had a higher

0:13:14.760 --> 0:13:18.440
<v Speaker 4>average score than approved mortgages had had before two thousand

0:13:18.440 --> 0:13:21.760
<v Speaker 4>and eight. And one of the oddities about the subprime

0:13:21.800 --> 0:13:24.880
<v Speaker 4>boom and bust is that the subprime boom really wasn't

0:13:25.240 --> 0:13:28.560
<v Speaker 4>associated with much of a change in the average It

0:13:28.600 --> 0:13:32.840
<v Speaker 4>was mostly about terms getting reckless, but the average borrower quality,

0:13:32.920 --> 0:13:36.240
<v Speaker 4>surprisingly enough, didn't really change that much in total during

0:13:36.240 --> 0:13:39.480
<v Speaker 4>those boom times. So you know, as you get farther

0:13:39.559 --> 0:13:42.040
<v Speaker 4>away from two thousand and eight, the denial rate becomes

0:13:42.120 --> 0:13:45.800
<v Speaker 4>less informative because at some point families know who can

0:13:45.880 --> 0:13:49.480
<v Speaker 4>qualify and who can't, And you know, somebody that has

0:13:49.520 --> 0:13:52.480
<v Speaker 4>a seven to ten credit score and something wrong with

0:13:52.520 --> 0:13:54.280
<v Speaker 4>their income that they know is going to be a

0:13:54.720 --> 0:13:56.600
<v Speaker 4>prevent one of the boxes from getting checked off. They're

0:13:56.640 --> 0:13:58.160
<v Speaker 4>not going to keep going back to the bank year

0:13:58.200 --> 0:14:00.559
<v Speaker 4>after year after year to show up on the denial rates.

0:14:01.360 --> 0:14:03.360
<v Speaker 4>But you can see sort of the effects of this

0:14:03.440 --> 0:14:05.240
<v Speaker 4>in a lot of ways, Like if you go back

0:14:05.280 --> 0:14:08.520
<v Speaker 4>to pre COVID when interest rates were really low, before

0:14:09.320 --> 0:14:12.719
<v Speaker 4>home prices took off, there were houses across the country

0:14:13.280 --> 0:14:17.360
<v Speaker 4>that would have previously been owner occupied where you go

0:14:17.400 --> 0:14:19.600
<v Speaker 4>to Zello and they would estimate the rent on that

0:14:19.680 --> 0:14:23.080
<v Speaker 4>house to be like fifteen hundred and a mortgage, you know,

0:14:23.080 --> 0:14:25.200
<v Speaker 4>for what it was selling for the mortgage might only

0:14:25.240 --> 0:14:27.240
<v Speaker 4>be five or six hundred a month, like it was.

0:14:27.400 --> 0:14:30.920
<v Speaker 4>The mismatch after these families were cut out of the

0:14:30.920 --> 0:14:34.720
<v Speaker 4>market is you know, pretty extreme during those post two

0:14:34.720 --> 0:14:35.600
<v Speaker 4>thousand and eight years.

0:14:36.000 --> 0:14:40.640
<v Speaker 2>Let's stipulate that there is a cohort out there that

0:14:40.960 --> 0:14:44.880
<v Speaker 2>you know has some sort of stable income, potentially able

0:14:44.960 --> 0:14:48.480
<v Speaker 2>to buy a home, wants to buy a home, and

0:14:48.840 --> 0:14:51.480
<v Speaker 2>can't get a mortgage for all of the reasons that

0:14:51.560 --> 0:14:54.880
<v Speaker 2>you laid out, How does that actually feed through to

0:14:55.400 --> 0:14:58.680
<v Speaker 2>lack of supply out there? Talk to us about the

0:14:58.800 --> 0:15:03.840
<v Speaker 2>link between the pressures that you described to constrain the

0:15:03.880 --> 0:15:07.760
<v Speaker 2>supply of credit and just the lack of abundance, the

0:15:07.840 --> 0:15:08.480
<v Speaker 2>lack of building.

0:15:08.800 --> 0:15:12.160
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, so you can see a real effect. Credit scores

0:15:12.200 --> 0:15:16.400
<v Speaker 4>are highly correlated with incomes, okay, and they're correlated with age,

0:15:16.480 --> 0:15:19.920
<v Speaker 4>which correlates with savings. So you can sort of use

0:15:20.280 --> 0:15:22.880
<v Speaker 4>like neighborhood income or zip code income as a proxy

0:15:23.080 --> 0:15:26.440
<v Speaker 4>for you know, the average credit score in that zip code,

0:15:26.800 --> 0:15:30.840
<v Speaker 4>and you can just see how zip codes after two

0:15:30.840 --> 0:15:33.960
<v Speaker 4>thousand and eight, the majority of the country had actually

0:15:34.000 --> 0:15:36.720
<v Speaker 4>not really had a boom and bust, like you had

0:15:36.800 --> 0:15:40.800
<v Speaker 4>the coastal cities and the sand state cities where prices

0:15:40.840 --> 0:15:42.960
<v Speaker 4>had gone way up and then sort of, you know,

0:15:43.000 --> 0:15:46.640
<v Speaker 4>come back down. But you know, cities like Atlanta or Chicago,

0:15:46.960 --> 0:15:50.080
<v Speaker 4>or Indianapolis or Saint Louis, you know, they had all

0:15:50.200 --> 0:15:53.520
<v Speaker 4>sort of been just moving along with regular building rates

0:15:53.560 --> 0:15:55.960
<v Speaker 4>and prices that were sort of staying about where they

0:15:55.960 --> 0:15:59.000
<v Speaker 4>had been in terms of price to income ratios. And

0:15:59.040 --> 0:16:01.800
<v Speaker 4>then once this tight happens, you can see in all

0:16:01.840 --> 0:16:05.360
<v Speaker 4>those cities, whether they had abubble or not, the price

0:16:05.400 --> 0:16:08.640
<v Speaker 4>to income ratios and the poorer zip codes, you know,

0:16:08.720 --> 0:16:13.280
<v Speaker 4>go down by twenty thirty forty fifty percent, while the

0:16:13.360 --> 0:16:17.720
<v Speaker 4>high end neighborhoods sort of stayed flat. And so you know,

0:16:17.800 --> 0:16:21.160
<v Speaker 4>you get this drop in the market price of existing

0:16:21.200 --> 0:16:26.200
<v Speaker 4>homes that's very income correlated, and so it basically just

0:16:26.280 --> 0:16:29.800
<v Speaker 4>dropped the price of existing homes below the cost of

0:16:29.960 --> 0:16:33.240
<v Speaker 4>building new homes, but very regressively. So at the high

0:16:33.360 --> 0:16:36.120
<v Speaker 4>end they could still build new ones, they were still

0:16:36.160 --> 0:16:38.840
<v Speaker 4>selling for basically the same price they had been, but

0:16:38.960 --> 0:16:40.240
<v Speaker 4>at the low end, you know nothing.

0:16:40.560 --> 0:16:43.560
<v Speaker 2>So this gets into the economics of the home builder,

0:16:43.880 --> 0:16:46.240
<v Speaker 2>the home builder economics, which is that because you have

0:16:46.320 --> 0:16:51.920
<v Speaker 2>this bifurcation in basically price relative to income, is just

0:16:52.160 --> 0:16:56.200
<v Speaker 2>no longer made sense for them to build what we

0:16:56.320 --> 0:16:57.800
<v Speaker 2>call a starter home.

0:16:58.080 --> 0:17:00.840
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, and I would say that's totally results of the

0:17:00.880 --> 0:17:03.680
<v Speaker 4>crackdown in lending. The rents didn't really go down on

0:17:03.720 --> 0:17:06.600
<v Speaker 4>those units, it was just the prices. And the prices

0:17:06.640 --> 0:17:10.639
<v Speaker 4>went down because we basically made it illegal for those

0:17:10.800 --> 0:17:14.639
<v Speaker 4>traditional home owner occupiers to be buyers. So basically the

0:17:14.680 --> 0:17:16.800
<v Speaker 4>prices fell. One way you could look at it is

0:17:16.840 --> 0:17:20.800
<v Speaker 4>that landlords require a higher yield than owner occupiers do,

0:17:20.880 --> 0:17:23.199
<v Speaker 4>and so the price first there was sort of just

0:17:23.359 --> 0:17:27.960
<v Speaker 4>a chaotic drop and then by say twenty fifteen, they

0:17:28.000 --> 0:17:31.160
<v Speaker 4>sort of leveled out at basically the lower price point

0:17:31.200 --> 0:17:34.320
<v Speaker 4>that a landlord would be willing to invest in those houses.

0:17:35.000 --> 0:17:38.280
<v Speaker 3>You mentioned mortgage rates earlier, and I'm wondering how big

0:17:38.320 --> 0:17:42.080
<v Speaker 3>a factor those are in your analysis. So, say, if

0:17:42.080 --> 0:17:45.600
<v Speaker 3>mortgage rates dropped to three percent again, would there be

0:17:45.680 --> 0:17:50.679
<v Speaker 3>more supply because there's more demand, And also presumably the

0:17:50.720 --> 0:17:54.520
<v Speaker 3>cost of building of financing for the home builders would

0:17:54.560 --> 0:17:57.600
<v Speaker 3>also go down in that scenario, so maybe they would

0:17:57.600 --> 0:17:58.840
<v Speaker 3>build more as well.

0:17:58.960 --> 0:18:01.760
<v Speaker 4>Now I used to put weight on that, just analytically,

0:18:01.800 --> 0:18:03.879
<v Speaker 4>over the last decade that I've been studying this, I

0:18:04.119 --> 0:18:07.919
<v Speaker 4>just keep lowering my estimation of how important the actual

0:18:07.960 --> 0:18:10.960
<v Speaker 4>mortgage rate is. And you know, one example, which is

0:18:11.000 --> 0:18:12.840
<v Speaker 4>the example I give earlier, is that there were tons

0:18:12.880 --> 0:18:15.720
<v Speaker 4>of houses across the country where families could have cut

0:18:15.720 --> 0:18:19.080
<v Speaker 4>their housing costs by more than half in the late

0:18:19.119 --> 0:18:22.880
<v Speaker 4>twenty tens that they weren't able to just because there

0:18:22.960 --> 0:18:26.320
<v Speaker 4>isn't a government agency that's telling if they're qualified to

0:18:26.359 --> 0:18:29.359
<v Speaker 4>be a renter. There's only agencies telling them they're unqualified

0:18:29.400 --> 0:18:33.600
<v Speaker 4>to be buyers. So just that economic decision isn't available

0:18:33.600 --> 0:18:36.960
<v Speaker 4>to them, and for families they can get a mortgage.

0:18:37.040 --> 0:18:42.400
<v Speaker 4>The economics I think were unusually positive before twenty twenty one,

0:18:42.560 --> 0:18:45.439
<v Speaker 4>but at this point there's still positive on the margin.

0:18:45.520 --> 0:18:49.280
<v Speaker 4>So basically, anyone who can qualify for mortgages in general

0:18:49.400 --> 0:18:52.680
<v Speaker 4>is probably willing to be a buyer at today's prices

0:18:52.720 --> 0:18:55.200
<v Speaker 4>and rates, and I'm not sure that that changes much

0:18:55.240 --> 0:18:57.120
<v Speaker 4>more than marginally if raids go back down.

0:18:57.560 --> 0:19:01.959
<v Speaker 2>You said that the government agencies de facto telling people

0:19:02.000 --> 0:19:04.679
<v Speaker 2>that they are not allowed to be a borrower, and

0:19:05.000 --> 0:19:09.119
<v Speaker 2>that's not strictly true. There's not allowed to be a

0:19:09.200 --> 0:19:13.760
<v Speaker 2>borrower from a mortgage that's backed by Fanny and Freddy.

0:19:14.160 --> 0:19:18.720
<v Speaker 2>If there is a substantial population of theoretically starter home

0:19:18.960 --> 0:19:22.359
<v Speaker 2>would be starter home owners with low on the income ladder,

0:19:22.480 --> 0:19:26.199
<v Speaker 2>lower on the FCO score scale. Why couldn't there be

0:19:26.240 --> 0:19:29.480
<v Speaker 2>a private sector solution, because when you talk about the math,

0:19:29.760 --> 0:19:32.480
<v Speaker 2>you don't have to have a mortgage backed by Fanny

0:19:32.560 --> 0:19:35.920
<v Speaker 2>and Freddy. Why not a private sector solution to sound

0:19:36.040 --> 0:19:38.960
<v Speaker 2>like what in your case seems like a fairly big arbitrage,

0:19:39.600 --> 0:19:40.160
<v Speaker 2>It would.

0:19:39.960 --> 0:19:44.119
<v Speaker 4>Be the regulatory liabilities on the banks and the mortgage

0:19:44.200 --> 0:19:47.720
<v Speaker 4>riginators are even tighter than they are on Fanny and Freddy.

0:19:47.880 --> 0:19:50.760
<v Speaker 4>So it's again it's tough to quantify. There's a lot

0:19:50.760 --> 0:19:56.479
<v Speaker 4>of just sort of potential backward looking penalty potential. You know,

0:19:56.560 --> 0:19:58.720
<v Speaker 4>if we have another recession and a bank has a

0:19:58.720 --> 0:20:03.040
<v Speaker 4>bunch of defaults, the regulators could come in and say, oh,

0:20:03.160 --> 0:20:05.879
<v Speaker 4>you know, those were mortgages that shouldn't have been made.

0:20:05.920 --> 0:20:08.560
<v Speaker 4>In an addition to the cost of foreclosure, we're going

0:20:08.600 --> 0:20:10.679
<v Speaker 4>to give you a bunch of penalties. And you know,

0:20:10.720 --> 0:20:12.840
<v Speaker 4>there's just a lot of limits on how big of

0:20:12.840 --> 0:20:15.800
<v Speaker 4>a spread they can use, plus limits on what they

0:20:15.840 --> 0:20:19.280
<v Speaker 4>can count as income, plus you know, mandates on things

0:20:19.320 --> 0:20:21.520
<v Speaker 4>they have to do in underwriting. That just all add

0:20:21.600 --> 0:20:25.720
<v Speaker 4>up to low dollar mortgages being very hard to make.

0:20:25.760 --> 0:20:27.560
<v Speaker 4>And if you make them, then you've got these sort

0:20:27.600 --> 0:20:31.719
<v Speaker 4>of vague liabilities that you're carrying, so to the point

0:20:31.760 --> 0:20:35.719
<v Speaker 4>that just lenders haven't been willing to make them. And

0:20:35.800 --> 0:20:38.000
<v Speaker 4>so you know, for most of the past ten or

0:20:38.040 --> 0:20:41.840
<v Speaker 4>fifteen years, there's been this qualified mortgage patch where if

0:20:41.840 --> 0:20:45.199
<v Speaker 4>you could get Fanny and Freddy and the FAHA to

0:20:45.240 --> 0:20:48.679
<v Speaker 4>buy your mortgages and put into their system, then it

0:20:48.720 --> 0:20:52.800
<v Speaker 4>would give you a liability waiver on all those regulations.

0:20:52.800 --> 0:20:55.840
<v Speaker 4>And it was called the QM patch, and so basically,

0:20:55.840 --> 0:20:58.960
<v Speaker 4>if you could get the q impatch, you made the loan.

0:20:59.119 --> 0:21:01.880
<v Speaker 4>And very few bankers have been willing to make any

0:21:01.920 --> 0:21:05.159
<v Speaker 4>mortgages with any default risk at all that couldn't get

0:21:05.160 --> 0:21:08.040
<v Speaker 4>the q impact. So really, I would say pre two

0:21:08.040 --> 0:21:10.840
<v Speaker 4>thousand and eight, you could say that the agencies were

0:21:10.880 --> 0:21:13.680
<v Speaker 4>sort of a subsidy that they lowered the average mortgage

0:21:13.760 --> 0:21:15.959
<v Speaker 4>rate by probably a quarter of a percent or something.

0:21:16.359 --> 0:21:18.600
<v Speaker 4>Since two thousand and eight, really, they're just running a

0:21:18.640 --> 0:21:22.720
<v Speaker 4>monopoly on default risk, where the government imposes a bunch

0:21:22.760 --> 0:21:26.240
<v Speaker 4>of liabilities on private lenders for default risk, and so

0:21:26.880 --> 0:21:30.719
<v Speaker 4>the agencies actually can overcharge for taking that risk and

0:21:30.880 --> 0:21:33.160
<v Speaker 4>just keep their very tight standards right.

0:21:33.240 --> 0:21:38.280
<v Speaker 3>And the agencies, i mean, GSE guaranteed mortgages absolutely dominate

0:21:38.440 --> 0:21:39.600
<v Speaker 3>the market nowadays.

0:21:39.800 --> 0:21:42.960
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, and the government's pulling in billions in profits every year.

0:21:43.000 --> 0:21:45.880
<v Speaker 3>On well, on that note, this is kind of exactly

0:21:45.920 --> 0:21:47.720
<v Speaker 3>what I wanted to ask you. There is a lot

0:21:47.760 --> 0:21:50.720
<v Speaker 3>of buzz at the moment about the possibility of Fanny

0:21:50.760 --> 0:21:54.439
<v Speaker 3>and Freddie getting privatized, and we've seen, you know, some

0:21:54.520 --> 0:21:57.439
<v Speaker 3>of their stock move in response to that. Bill Ackman

0:21:57.840 --> 0:22:00.960
<v Speaker 3>seems to be very excited about that passable stability. What

0:22:01.000 --> 0:22:04.879
<v Speaker 3>would you expect to happen to credit standards if the

0:22:04.960 --> 0:22:08.800
<v Speaker 3>gsees were actually privatized, Because I can kind of argue

0:22:08.840 --> 0:22:12.000
<v Speaker 3>it both ways. I guess, like, on the one hand,

0:22:12.960 --> 0:22:17.480
<v Speaker 3>I imagine they would want to increase their capital cushion,

0:22:17.560 --> 0:22:20.280
<v Speaker 3>and in fact, they've been doing that. If investors are

0:22:20.280 --> 0:22:22.359
<v Speaker 3>going to invest, they have to feel that this is

0:22:22.680 --> 0:22:26.919
<v Speaker 3>a safe investment, so maybe they keep tightening. On the

0:22:27.080 --> 0:22:30.840
<v Speaker 3>other hand, they're in the business of making loans, maybe

0:22:30.880 --> 0:22:34.240
<v Speaker 3>the volume of loans, the absolute volume of loans, is

0:22:34.280 --> 0:22:37.879
<v Speaker 3>more important than the profit margin. But then again, I

0:22:37.920 --> 0:22:39.280
<v Speaker 3>don't know. I can see it both ways.

0:22:39.520 --> 0:22:42.919
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, you know, to be honest, I don't understand how

0:22:43.000 --> 0:22:46.520
<v Speaker 4>this is supposed to work. Like these institutions were created

0:22:47.440 --> 0:22:50.479
<v Speaker 4>by a public charter that sort of had you're going

0:22:50.520 --> 0:22:54.240
<v Speaker 4>to have this mission, and for taking this mission, you know,

0:22:54.320 --> 0:22:56.640
<v Speaker 4>will sort of give you this protection, right, I mean,

0:22:56.760 --> 0:22:59.360
<v Speaker 4>originally they were just public, and then when they were

0:22:59.359 --> 0:23:03.119
<v Speaker 4>made private the first time, you know, everybody assumed that

0:23:03.160 --> 0:23:05.199
<v Speaker 4>they would be backed by the federal government if they

0:23:05.200 --> 0:23:08.120
<v Speaker 4>needed to be, and of course they were. And if

0:23:08.119 --> 0:23:11.679
<v Speaker 4>they didn't have that charter, that agreement, nobody would go

0:23:11.800 --> 0:23:13.680
<v Speaker 4>do an IPO for a new bank and say, hey,

0:23:13.720 --> 0:23:15.960
<v Speaker 4>we've got this great business model. We're only going to

0:23:16.000 --> 0:23:20.679
<v Speaker 4>do securitized mortgages and we're going to be totally undiversified,

0:23:20.880 --> 0:23:23.680
<v Speaker 4>and now we're going to collect capital for this new bank.

0:23:24.119 --> 0:23:27.760
<v Speaker 4>If we get rid of the federal support behind it,

0:23:27.960 --> 0:23:30.840
<v Speaker 4>I don't see how it's viable as a private institution.

0:23:31.480 --> 0:23:33.680
<v Speaker 4>To me, the value that they have is that as

0:23:33.720 --> 0:23:38.000
<v Speaker 4>public institutions, they don't need capital, and that's where the

0:23:38.480 --> 0:23:40.760
<v Speaker 4>sort of what lies at the base of what makes

0:23:40.800 --> 0:23:44.359
<v Speaker 4>them function as institutions. So the only way I could

0:23:44.359 --> 0:23:46.960
<v Speaker 4>see them operating as they are is to still have

0:23:47.080 --> 0:23:50.960
<v Speaker 4>government backing. And if they're privatized but still with government backing,

0:23:50.960 --> 0:23:54.240
<v Speaker 4>that just seems like privatizing and name only. I actually

0:23:54.280 --> 0:23:57.600
<v Speaker 4>think they have value as a public utility, not because

0:23:57.600 --> 0:24:01.280
<v Speaker 4>of the subsidy, but because stain mex Cyclical risk is

0:24:01.359 --> 0:24:03.600
<v Speaker 4>like the one thing that basically you have to be

0:24:03.640 --> 0:24:07.160
<v Speaker 4>paid for in capital markets because you can't diversify away

0:24:07.160 --> 0:24:11.879
<v Speaker 4>from it. And these institutions basically are able to isolate

0:24:12.000 --> 0:24:15.600
<v Speaker 4>systemic risk, and there's no really better place for that

0:24:15.680 --> 0:24:18.320
<v Speaker 4>than in the federal government, and the federal government can

0:24:18.320 --> 0:24:20.240
<v Speaker 4>sort of take that risk with really out. One of

0:24:20.280 --> 0:24:23.280
<v Speaker 4>the little known trivia points about two thousand and eight

0:24:23.320 --> 0:24:26.760
<v Speaker 4>is those that Fanny and Freddy never actually needed cash

0:24:26.920 --> 0:24:29.159
<v Speaker 4>the big you know, two hundred billion dollar injection that

0:24:29.200 --> 0:24:32.320
<v Speaker 4>they supposedly got, but they never used any of that cash.

0:24:32.359 --> 0:24:34.119
<v Speaker 4>They actually just bought treasuries with it.

0:24:34.640 --> 0:24:38.359
<v Speaker 2>You can understand why investors would like access to all

0:24:38.400 --> 0:24:42.200
<v Speaker 2>those profits that Fanny and Freddie are getting. It does

0:24:42.240 --> 0:24:46.000
<v Speaker 2>seem hard to imagine how the government could credibly commit

0:24:46.119 --> 0:24:48.800
<v Speaker 2>to never backstopping again. It seems like it would always

0:24:48.840 --> 0:24:49.160
<v Speaker 2>want Well.

0:24:49.600 --> 0:24:51.879
<v Speaker 3>I don't think they would like I think what investors

0:24:51.920 --> 0:24:53.439
<v Speaker 3>want is both is both?

0:24:53.520 --> 0:24:54.080
<v Speaker 4>Yeah? No.

0:25:10.920 --> 0:25:13.919
<v Speaker 2>Obviously today in twenty twenty five, you know, there are

0:25:13.960 --> 0:25:16.720
<v Speaker 2>reasons why building a new home, a new starter home

0:25:17.080 --> 0:25:22.080
<v Speaker 2>would be more expensive. Labor costs more, especially if we

0:25:22.160 --> 0:25:26.120
<v Speaker 2>have lumber terraffs. Everything costs more, et cetera. So there's

0:25:26.119 --> 0:25:29.960
<v Speaker 2>going to be some increase. But tell us a what

0:25:30.000 --> 0:25:33.080
<v Speaker 2>could we do in your view to safely reverse some

0:25:33.160 --> 0:25:36.040
<v Speaker 2>of the excess tightening that we did post GFC and

0:25:36.119 --> 0:25:38.480
<v Speaker 2>how much can it move the dial in terms of

0:25:38.640 --> 0:25:43.800
<v Speaker 2>incentivizing homebuilders to get re enthused about the starter market.

0:25:44.359 --> 0:25:47.400
<v Speaker 4>I'll say you know, obviously underlying all of this, if

0:25:47.640 --> 0:25:51.320
<v Speaker 4>at the local level, if cities allowed enough apartment construction,

0:25:52.040 --> 0:25:56.040
<v Speaker 4>then it wouldn't necessarily have mattered that much that lending

0:25:56.080 --> 0:26:00.719
<v Speaker 4>standards were tightened effectively. You know, home buyers prefer single

0:26:00.720 --> 0:26:06.240
<v Speaker 4>family homes and landlords prefer apartments, and there typically has

0:26:06.320 --> 0:26:11.159
<v Speaker 4>been very little overlap. And historically the single family rental

0:26:11.200 --> 0:26:14.920
<v Speaker 4>market was just old, depreciated units owned by little mom

0:26:14.960 --> 0:26:19.399
<v Speaker 4>and pop landlords. So if we didn't have all of

0:26:19.440 --> 0:26:23.919
<v Speaker 4>the zoning regulations at the local level that prevent apartments

0:26:23.960 --> 0:26:27.359
<v Speaker 4>from being built at a higher scale, we probably would

0:26:27.359 --> 0:26:29.439
<v Speaker 4>have just switched to a market where we were building

0:26:29.440 --> 0:26:32.040
<v Speaker 4>a million apartments a year instead of three or four

0:26:32.080 --> 0:26:35.320
<v Speaker 4>hundred thousand like we've been doing for the last fifteen years.

0:26:35.600 --> 0:26:38.000
<v Speaker 2>All Right, but it's hard, youmbie. Politics are hard. So

0:26:38.119 --> 0:26:40.920
<v Speaker 2>let's say we let's assume this, let's assume the spillover.

0:26:41.440 --> 0:26:43.480
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, so that you know, that's the long term project.

0:26:43.520 --> 0:26:45.160
<v Speaker 4>But I do want to mention it because I tend

0:26:45.160 --> 0:26:47.800
<v Speaker 4>to harp on the mortgage issue for exactly the reason

0:26:47.840 --> 0:26:51.560
<v Speaker 4>you're saying. It's like, it seems like the attainable solution,

0:26:52.200 --> 0:26:54.159
<v Speaker 4>but it does sort of work in concert with the

0:26:54.240 --> 0:26:57.360
<v Speaker 4>zoning problem. But yeah, I mean, in practical terms, it's

0:26:57.359 --> 0:27:00.520
<v Speaker 4>easy just go back to pick a stand hundred from

0:27:00.560 --> 0:27:02.720
<v Speaker 4>before two thousand and eight and go with that. If

0:27:02.880 --> 0:27:05.320
<v Speaker 4>everyone's too afraid to call it the two thousand and

0:27:05.359 --> 0:27:07.880
<v Speaker 4>five standard, use the nineteen ninety eight to any standard

0:27:07.880 --> 0:27:11.480
<v Speaker 4>that the agencies used or that was applied to private

0:27:11.560 --> 0:27:14.520
<v Speaker 4>lenders in the last forty years would be good enough

0:27:14.560 --> 0:27:18.000
<v Speaker 4>to change the marketplace. And yeah, I mean, I think

0:27:18.080 --> 0:27:20.840
<v Speaker 4>it would be astounding the effect. One thing that I've done,

0:27:20.920 --> 0:27:25.919
<v Speaker 4>I'd compared. So the Census Bureau publishes sales data on

0:27:26.000 --> 0:27:29.480
<v Speaker 4>new homes by price point, and if you compare two

0:27:29.560 --> 0:27:34.639
<v Speaker 4>thousand and six, which is before the crackdown to twenty seventeen.

0:27:34.840 --> 0:27:36.919
<v Speaker 4>And the reason I use those two years is because

0:27:37.240 --> 0:27:39.359
<v Speaker 4>the average home price in those two years was about

0:27:39.400 --> 0:27:42.199
<v Speaker 4>the same, you know, the prices had collapsed, and then

0:27:42.240 --> 0:27:44.919
<v Speaker 4>by twenty seventeen the average price was about up to

0:27:44.920 --> 0:27:47.200
<v Speaker 4>where it had been in two thousand and six. If

0:27:47.240 --> 0:27:50.639
<v Speaker 4>you look at new home sales by price point, basically

0:27:50.760 --> 0:27:54.400
<v Speaker 4>every category, every bin, like three hundred thousand and higher

0:27:55.160 --> 0:27:57.680
<v Speaker 4>new homes were being built that those prices at exactly

0:27:57.720 --> 0:27:59.960
<v Speaker 4>the same rate. They had been building in two thousand

0:28:00.080 --> 0:28:02.760
<v Speaker 4>and six, but four two thousand and eight it had

0:28:02.800 --> 0:28:05.840
<v Speaker 4>been like a half million units a year at those

0:28:05.880 --> 0:28:09.320
<v Speaker 4>price levels, and now it was basically negligible, and it's

0:28:09.320 --> 0:28:12.200
<v Speaker 4>still negligible. So basically, you know, you can add up

0:28:12.560 --> 0:28:15.960
<v Speaker 4>the builders stopped building homes, you know, those price points

0:28:15.960 --> 0:28:17.960
<v Speaker 4>at a you know, a half million a year for

0:28:18.119 --> 0:28:21.720
<v Speaker 4>now more than a decade. And basically how that plays

0:28:21.720 --> 0:28:25.679
<v Speaker 4>out in the marketplace is the mortgage crackdown had you know,

0:28:25.760 --> 0:28:28.479
<v Speaker 4>lowered the prices of existing homes in a way that

0:28:28.520 --> 0:28:32.879
<v Speaker 4>correlated with incomes and with home values, and so just

0:28:32.960 --> 0:28:36.280
<v Speaker 4>systematically in every city there's some price point where below

0:28:36.320 --> 0:28:39.160
<v Speaker 4>that price point, existing homes were so cheap that if

0:28:39.160 --> 0:28:40.880
<v Speaker 4>you could get one, you would just go by an

0:28:40.880 --> 0:28:43.880
<v Speaker 4>existing one. And it's just taken us like twenty years

0:28:43.880 --> 0:28:45.440
<v Speaker 4>to sort of get back to where I think in

0:28:45.520 --> 0:28:49.280
<v Speaker 4>most cities now where we're hitting a tipping point where

0:28:49.360 --> 0:28:52.480
<v Speaker 4>those houses can be built again. But again they can't

0:28:52.520 --> 0:28:55.480
<v Speaker 4>be built for the occupier because they can't get the mortgage.

0:28:55.560 --> 0:28:58.240
<v Speaker 4>So I think we're going to see build a rent

0:28:58.280 --> 0:29:01.480
<v Speaker 4>market in the single family segment really take It has

0:29:01.520 --> 0:29:03.280
<v Speaker 4>taken off, and I think it's going to continue to

0:29:03.280 --> 0:29:05.480
<v Speaker 4>take off. And actually that's the one thing that I'm

0:29:05.520 --> 0:29:08.400
<v Speaker 4>afraid of in terms of, you know, thinking offense versus defense.

0:29:08.440 --> 0:29:11.360
<v Speaker 4>There's a defensive thing that has to happen here with policymakers,

0:29:11.640 --> 0:29:14.640
<v Speaker 4>and that there's already a push to ban corporate ownership

0:29:14.680 --> 0:29:18.080
<v Speaker 4>of single family homes. And that's literally the last form

0:29:18.080 --> 0:29:20.680
<v Speaker 4>of housing on the margin that can grow above the

0:29:20.760 --> 0:29:22.920
<v Speaker 4>rate that we're building now. So if we ban that,

0:29:23.000 --> 0:29:25.959
<v Speaker 4>then we really are legislating homelessness and effect.

0:29:27.000 --> 0:29:30.200
<v Speaker 3>One of the things I remember from the post crash period,

0:29:30.280 --> 0:29:34.000
<v Speaker 3>I don't remember proposals to bulldoze empty houses, but one

0:29:34.000 --> 0:29:37.920
<v Speaker 3>thing I remember is adjustable rate mortgages. And there were

0:29:37.960 --> 0:29:41.080
<v Speaker 3>a lot of them, and we used to write headlines

0:29:41.240 --> 0:29:44.880
<v Speaker 3>like option armageddon as they blew up. That was a

0:29:44.920 --> 0:29:47.240
<v Speaker 3>fun time. No, it wasn't fun. It was fun for

0:29:47.280 --> 0:29:51.920
<v Speaker 3>headline writers, not for actual borrowers. But those adjustable rate

0:29:52.000 --> 0:29:57.240
<v Speaker 3>mortgages actually all but disappeared after the Financial crisis. I

0:29:57.320 --> 0:30:01.040
<v Speaker 3>think they dropped to like single digits a proportion of

0:30:01.280 --> 0:30:06.440
<v Speaker 3>total mortgage originations? Is that a factor here? The idea

0:30:06.520 --> 0:30:09.560
<v Speaker 3>that once upon a time, you could get an arm

0:30:09.920 --> 0:30:13.680
<v Speaker 3>you could get a really cheap teaser rate going in

0:30:13.760 --> 0:30:17.560
<v Speaker 3>and then eventually it went up as interest rates were raised.

0:30:18.440 --> 0:30:22.160
<v Speaker 3>Maybe that would suggest that the structure of the loan

0:30:22.440 --> 0:30:23.480
<v Speaker 3>is more of a factor.

0:30:24.000 --> 0:30:25.440
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, I don't, you know, I don't think so. Just

0:30:25.480 --> 0:30:28.360
<v Speaker 4>going back to that sort of pre COVID you know, market,

0:30:28.840 --> 0:30:34.320
<v Speaker 4>it just doesn't seem that the marginal affordability of mortgages

0:30:34.800 --> 0:30:37.200
<v Speaker 4>is the fact here. In fact, I would love to see,

0:30:37.200 --> 0:30:39.600
<v Speaker 4>you know, there's people making documentaries about all sorts of

0:30:39.600 --> 0:30:42.640
<v Speaker 4>different aspects of the housing market and housing shortage. I'd

0:30:42.720 --> 0:30:45.239
<v Speaker 4>love to see somebody do a documentary where they go

0:30:45.320 --> 0:30:47.760
<v Speaker 4>to one of these new build to rent neighborhoods and

0:30:47.920 --> 0:30:50.560
<v Speaker 4>find ten families and say would you have liked to

0:30:50.600 --> 0:30:53.760
<v Speaker 4>have bought instead of rented? And they'll find plenty of them,

0:30:54.160 --> 0:30:55.720
<v Speaker 4>and then go to the bank with them and see

0:30:55.720 --> 0:30:58.200
<v Speaker 4>what happens, because you know, I think what's happening is

0:30:58.880 --> 0:31:02.000
<v Speaker 4>it's just become your cratic and there's no discretion left

0:31:02.000 --> 0:31:05.760
<v Speaker 4>for the bankers. And I think for the typical potential

0:31:05.800 --> 0:31:08.960
<v Speaker 4>borrow where I think we would be shocked at the

0:31:09.000 --> 0:31:12.200
<v Speaker 4>reasoning sometimes that's being used to deny them. You know,

0:31:12.400 --> 0:31:15.040
<v Speaker 4>just you know, forms of income that you know, maybe

0:31:15.160 --> 0:31:18.240
<v Speaker 4>aren't you know, strict W two that just count for zero,

0:31:18.600 --> 0:31:20.920
<v Speaker 4>you know, you know, just a bunch of things like

0:31:20.960 --> 0:31:23.440
<v Speaker 4>that that really just make it a hard no. And

0:31:23.480 --> 0:31:27.320
<v Speaker 4>there's no marginal tinkering you can do with a mortgage

0:31:27.320 --> 0:31:27.960
<v Speaker 4>to get that to.

0:31:28.000 --> 0:31:33.200
<v Speaker 3>A yes, big picture question. It feels like in the US,

0:31:33.440 --> 0:31:36.680
<v Speaker 3>part of the problem is perhaps that America has never

0:31:36.800 --> 0:31:40.400
<v Speaker 3>decided what it wants housing to be. So does it

0:31:40.560 --> 0:31:45.160
<v Speaker 3>want housing to be a wealth generator, in which case

0:31:45.320 --> 0:31:48.800
<v Speaker 3>prices need to keep going up. Does it want housing

0:31:49.040 --> 0:31:52.840
<v Speaker 3>to be actually affordable so that people can live places?

0:31:53.400 --> 0:31:56.400
<v Speaker 3>And it is true that housing has been one of

0:31:56.480 --> 0:32:01.000
<v Speaker 3>the biggest wealth effects over time. And I'm thinking specifically,

0:32:01.080 --> 0:32:03.640
<v Speaker 3>you know, there are people in New York that bought

0:32:03.760 --> 0:32:08.920
<v Speaker 3>a dilapidated building in Soho and they're now multimillionaires just

0:32:09.040 --> 0:32:14.000
<v Speaker 3>because they bought at that particular time. How should America

0:32:14.040 --> 0:32:16.160
<v Speaker 3>actually think of housing?

0:32:16.680 --> 0:32:19.880
<v Speaker 4>You know, I think there's a temptation to benchmark to

0:32:20.880 --> 0:32:24.880
<v Speaker 4>the peculiarities that we're living in and sort of consider

0:32:25.000 --> 0:32:28.880
<v Speaker 4>them to be a state of nature. And you think

0:32:28.920 --> 0:32:31.360
<v Speaker 4>of that, you know, the famous you know, case Schiller

0:32:31.360 --> 0:32:34.120
<v Speaker 4>housing chart that shows that home prices were flat, you know,

0:32:34.240 --> 0:32:36.680
<v Speaker 4>adjusted for inflation. Home prices were flat for one hundred

0:32:36.760 --> 0:32:39.840
<v Speaker 4>years and then they shot up. You know, there's a deep,

0:32:39.880 --> 0:32:44.240
<v Speaker 4>deep history of home ownership in this country where the

0:32:44.480 --> 0:32:47.920
<v Speaker 4>house is not expected to appreciate value. And in fact,

0:32:47.960 --> 0:32:50.680
<v Speaker 4>even up till two thousand and eight, in two thirds

0:32:50.720 --> 0:32:55.400
<v Speaker 4>of the country, nobody had experienced any unusual increase in

0:32:55.440 --> 0:32:58.920
<v Speaker 4>the value of their houses. So I don't think that's

0:32:58.960 --> 0:33:03.400
<v Speaker 4>actually a necessary part of how we should think about

0:33:02.680 --> 0:33:07.040
<v Speaker 4>Housing can be a very good investment for an owner

0:33:07.080 --> 0:33:11.320
<v Speaker 4>occupier without ever really increasing in real market value. It

0:33:11.360 --> 0:33:13.600
<v Speaker 4>comes from the shelter that it's providing you.

0:33:14.040 --> 0:33:18.280
<v Speaker 3>But there is a peculiar American thing here, which is

0:33:18.400 --> 0:33:22.080
<v Speaker 3>the dream of home ownership, right like the American dream,

0:33:22.520 --> 0:33:26.040
<v Speaker 3>and that doesn't exist as much in other countries. So

0:33:26.160 --> 0:33:30.000
<v Speaker 3>if you look at Europe Germany, people tend to be

0:33:30.280 --> 0:33:34.320
<v Speaker 3>happy being renters for the most part. I'm sure costs

0:33:34.480 --> 0:33:37.880
<v Speaker 3>went up recently, but it's a totally different model.

0:33:38.320 --> 0:33:41.080
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, But I just don't think that it requires this

0:33:41.400 --> 0:33:46.680
<v Speaker 4>ongoing battle between price appreciation and affordability. I think housing

0:33:46.760 --> 0:33:50.520
<v Speaker 4>done right. Up until two thousand and two in Phoenix,

0:33:50.800 --> 0:33:55.400
<v Speaker 4>houses across Phoenix were selling for about three times their tenants' incomes,

0:33:56.040 --> 0:33:58.160
<v Speaker 4>and they had been for decades, and they're you know,

0:33:58.320 --> 0:34:00.840
<v Speaker 4>people were moving to Phoenix by the tens of thousands

0:34:00.880 --> 0:34:04.320
<v Speaker 4>to become homeowners all through that time. So I think

0:34:04.440 --> 0:34:08.360
<v Speaker 4>the benefits of home ownership come more from, you know,

0:34:08.480 --> 0:34:10.960
<v Speaker 4>just getting rid of the principal ancient issue you have

0:34:11.040 --> 0:34:13.680
<v Speaker 4>between the landlord and a tenant that you know has

0:34:13.800 --> 0:34:15.799
<v Speaker 4>value for you know, being your own landlord or your

0:34:15.800 --> 0:34:18.000
<v Speaker 4>own tenant is a value that a landlord or a

0:34:18.080 --> 0:34:21.239
<v Speaker 4>tenant on their own can't capture. And just you know,

0:34:21.280 --> 0:34:24.600
<v Speaker 4>the sense of ownership and the sense of neighborhood that

0:34:24.640 --> 0:34:27.080
<v Speaker 4>you can get from that. You know, all those things

0:34:27.120 --> 0:34:31.640
<v Speaker 4>are sources of value that make home ownership valuable even

0:34:31.680 --> 0:34:34.440
<v Speaker 4>if the home doesn't give you excess profits.

0:34:34.760 --> 0:34:38.040
<v Speaker 2>Right, even without the profits, you've at least covered your

0:34:38.040 --> 0:34:40.840
<v Speaker 2>housing short Every person in the world is born with

0:34:40.880 --> 0:34:43.839
<v Speaker 2>a short position on housing that they have to theoretically

0:34:43.880 --> 0:34:46.520
<v Speaker 2>cover at some point, and so once you own your house,

0:34:46.719 --> 0:34:48.279
<v Speaker 2>you never have to worry about that again. I have

0:34:48.360 --> 0:34:51.319
<v Speaker 2>to say I want to do more actually on the

0:34:51.360 --> 0:34:53.560
<v Speaker 2>existence of the build to rent market, because I knew

0:34:53.600 --> 0:34:56.239
<v Speaker 2>that was one of the areas of home building that

0:34:56.280 --> 0:34:59.680
<v Speaker 2>actually has grown rapidly, and it hadn't clicked to me

0:35:00.239 --> 0:35:03.880
<v Speaker 2>sort of before that. Perhaps a big part of it

0:35:03.920 --> 0:35:07.120
<v Speaker 2>is who has access to that credit and is able

0:35:07.120 --> 0:35:09.560
<v Speaker 2>to own the house. Is an institution which can obviously

0:35:09.560 --> 0:35:12.319
<v Speaker 2>borrow easily, or someone with low income and likely low

0:35:12.400 --> 0:35:15.360
<v Speaker 2>FICO and likely low ability to make a down payment

0:35:15.960 --> 0:35:19.040
<v Speaker 2>is a very interesting phenomenon. Kevin Erdman, thank you so

0:35:19.120 --> 0:35:21.880
<v Speaker 2>much for coming on Odd Lots. Really really appreciate you

0:35:22.000 --> 0:35:22.520
<v Speaker 2>joining us.

0:35:22.800 --> 0:35:24.280
<v Speaker 4>Yeah, it's been a pleasure.

0:35:36.280 --> 0:35:39.920
<v Speaker 2>Chrissy, I love that in twenty twenty five and like,

0:35:40.320 --> 0:35:43.400
<v Speaker 2>we're not done trying to figure out what happened in

0:35:43.440 --> 0:35:44.920
<v Speaker 2>the housing bubble, Well.

0:35:44.760 --> 0:35:48.680
<v Speaker 3>This is exactly it, right, Memories are long, and so

0:35:48.920 --> 0:35:51.799
<v Speaker 3>I'm not sure if you waive to magic wand and

0:35:51.920 --> 0:35:55.279
<v Speaker 3>loosen credit standards at the GSS that all of a

0:35:55.280 --> 0:35:58.040
<v Speaker 3>sudden home builders would be like, true, yes, we're going

0:35:58.120 --> 0:36:00.520
<v Speaker 3>to build a lot, because they all remember what happened

0:36:01.040 --> 0:36:03.759
<v Speaker 3>in the early two thousands. And then the other thing

0:36:03.800 --> 0:36:06.480
<v Speaker 3>I would say is one of the big themes of

0:36:06.520 --> 0:36:10.520
<v Speaker 3>the post two thousand and eight period has been bifurcation

0:36:11.400 --> 0:36:15.000
<v Speaker 3>entails in the economy, so the rich get richer, the

0:36:15.040 --> 0:36:19.040
<v Speaker 3>poor get poorer, and I think In that scenario, lower

0:36:19.080 --> 0:36:23.879
<v Speaker 3>income people just aren't thinking about buying houses and they're

0:36:23.880 --> 0:36:27.200
<v Speaker 3>not trying either, And so that's one reason why you've

0:36:27.239 --> 0:36:31.960
<v Speaker 3>seen the average FICO score for GSE approved loans actually

0:36:32.000 --> 0:36:32.399
<v Speaker 3>go up.

0:36:33.000 --> 0:36:37.239
<v Speaker 2>It would be interesting, to Kevin's point at the end, way,

0:36:37.320 --> 0:36:40.440
<v Speaker 2>we should actually do something more on the build to

0:36:40.480 --> 0:36:44.239
<v Speaker 2>rent market, because that, to me, what you just said

0:36:44.400 --> 0:36:47.839
<v Speaker 2>is sort of the key question here is does there

0:36:47.960 --> 0:36:52.600
<v Speaker 2>exist a significant block of Americans who are a little

0:36:52.600 --> 0:36:56.160
<v Speaker 2>bit lower on the FCO score spectrum, lower on the

0:36:56.160 --> 0:37:02.400
<v Speaker 2>income spectrum, but otherwise stayle enough and sort of confident

0:37:02.520 --> 0:37:04.160
<v Speaker 2>enough that they want this is where they want to

0:37:04.239 --> 0:37:06.719
<v Speaker 2>own and build a family. Yeah, And that's sort of

0:37:06.760 --> 0:37:09.960
<v Speaker 2>like the big question, because right, you can loosen it

0:37:10.000 --> 0:37:11.920
<v Speaker 2>all you want, but to the like, how many of

0:37:11.960 --> 0:37:14.799
<v Speaker 2>those people are there? Is that would the homebuilders then,

0:37:15.320 --> 0:37:17.520
<v Speaker 2>you know, like start building for them. Will it be

0:37:17.560 --> 0:37:21.080
<v Speaker 2>a meaningful part of the market given the bifurcation and

0:37:21.160 --> 0:37:24.120
<v Speaker 2>the sort of barbell nature of the economy where like,

0:37:24.520 --> 0:37:26.680
<v Speaker 2>because to my mind, it certainly seems plausible that the

0:37:26.680 --> 0:37:28.759
<v Speaker 2>home builder is like, yeah, that's great, we still want

0:37:28.800 --> 0:37:29.880
<v Speaker 2>to serve the really rich people.

0:37:30.200 --> 0:37:33.120
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, exactly, and the margins on those houses tend to

0:37:33.120 --> 0:37:35.560
<v Speaker 3>be fatter. And the other thing I would say is

0:37:35.719 --> 0:37:39.080
<v Speaker 3>the question isn't whether people want to buy homes. I

0:37:39.120 --> 0:37:42.879
<v Speaker 3>think in America almost everyone really wants to buy a home,

0:37:42.920 --> 0:37:46.400
<v Speaker 3>although there are some people who find renting more convenient.

0:37:46.719 --> 0:37:49.640
<v Speaker 3>The question is can they actually afford a home?

0:37:49.800 --> 0:37:50.200
<v Speaker 4>Yeah?

0:37:50.239 --> 0:37:53.680
<v Speaker 3>And will they apply? And I think that pool of

0:37:53.840 --> 0:37:55.560
<v Speaker 3>potential home buyers has gone down.

0:37:56.440 --> 0:37:59.840
<v Speaker 2>I do remember that in like pre twenty twenty, people

0:38:00.440 --> 0:38:04.239
<v Speaker 2>posting Zillow links and showing the gap between what you

0:38:04.280 --> 0:38:07.200
<v Speaker 2>can rent them out for and what they would cost

0:38:07.200 --> 0:38:11.520
<v Speaker 2>together on them, and man, I really regret not getting

0:38:11.520 --> 0:38:13.320
<v Speaker 2>a pool of capital together, and they're all like in

0:38:13.360 --> 0:38:16.560
<v Speaker 2>the Midwest, like you know, random houses in Indiana or something.

0:38:16.800 --> 0:38:19.600
<v Speaker 2>I really regret not getting a pool of capital together

0:38:19.640 --> 0:38:21.880
<v Speaker 2>and buying a bunch of those houses and renting them out.

0:38:21.960 --> 0:38:23.120
<v Speaker 3>As in Austin.

0:38:23.360 --> 0:38:23.600
<v Speaker 1>Yeah.

0:38:23.680 --> 0:38:26.239
<v Speaker 2>No, not, you know, just some like normal house and

0:38:26.560 --> 0:38:28.960
<v Speaker 2>you know, the suburbs of Indianapolis or whatever.

0:38:29.280 --> 0:38:32.800
<v Speaker 3>You're going to become one of the financial institutions and

0:38:33.040 --> 0:38:35.840
<v Speaker 3>snapping up all the single homes. It's too family homes.

0:38:35.920 --> 0:38:36.480
<v Speaker 4>It's too late.

0:38:36.560 --> 0:38:38.560
<v Speaker 2>But this is the this is the interesting thing he

0:38:38.600 --> 0:38:41.880
<v Speaker 2>pointed out, which is like that financial institution, you know,

0:38:41.920 --> 0:38:44.640
<v Speaker 2>people to his point, you know, the reason that they're

0:38:44.680 --> 0:38:46.480
<v Speaker 2>able to make a spread is this idea that they

0:38:46.480 --> 0:38:48.560
<v Speaker 2>could get access to credit to buy those homes and

0:38:48.600 --> 0:38:50.920
<v Speaker 2>then an individual can't. So it does seem like if

0:38:50.960 --> 0:38:55.880
<v Speaker 2>you want to tilt the dial between whether a financial

0:38:55.880 --> 0:38:58.560
<v Speaker 2>institution or a family can own a home, you at

0:38:58.640 --> 0:39:02.000
<v Speaker 2>least have to, like probably start by making the credit available.

0:39:02.600 --> 0:39:04.640
<v Speaker 3>Yeah. Absolutely, Uh, shall we leave it there?

0:39:04.719 --> 0:39:05.479
<v Speaker 4>Let's leave it there.

0:39:05.880 --> 0:39:08.839
<v Speaker 3>This has been another episode of the Oudlots podcast. I'm

0:39:08.840 --> 0:39:11.560
<v Speaker 3>Tracy Alloway. You can follow me at Tracy Alloway.

0:39:11.680 --> 0:39:14.360
<v Speaker 2>And I'm Joe Wisenthal. You can follow me at the Stalwart.

0:39:14.520 --> 0:39:18.480
<v Speaker 2>Follow Kevin Erdman, He's at ka Erdman and check out

0:39:18.520 --> 0:39:22.640
<v Speaker 2>his newsletter Erdman Housing Tracker. It's over on Substack. Follow

0:39:22.640 --> 0:39:25.880
<v Speaker 2>our producers Carmen Rodriguez at Carmen armand Dash'll Bennett at

0:39:25.920 --> 0:39:29.759
<v Speaker 2>Dashbot and Kelbrooks at Kelbrooks. For more Oddlows content, go

0:39:29.800 --> 0:39:31.879
<v Speaker 2>to bloomberg dot com slash odd Lots, where you can

0:39:31.880 --> 0:39:34.680
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0:39:36.719 --> 0:39:38.799
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0:39:38.840 --> 0:39:42.479
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0:39:47.560 --> 0:39:50.000
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0:39:50.040 --> 0:39:53.400
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