WEBVTT - The Bolton Factor in the Impeachment Trial

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law. Some complicated international law issues here,

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<v Speaker 1>and what kind of docket is Chief Justice Roberts facing

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<v Speaker 1>interviews with prominent attorneys in Bloomberg Legal Experts. Joining me

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<v Speaker 1>is Bloomberg New Supreme Court reporter Greg Store, Neil Devans,

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<v Speaker 1>Professor at William and Mary Law School, and analysis of

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<v Speaker 1>important legal issues, cases and headlines. President Trump lost resoundingly

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<v Speaker 1>in the circuit courts and unusually large number of immigration

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<v Speaker 1>cases Bloomberg Law with June Grasso from Bloomberg Radio. President

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<v Speaker 1>Trump's legal team continued their argument in the Senate impeachment

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<v Speaker 1>trial against him. Lawyer Ken Starr, whose Independent Council investigation

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<v Speaker 1>into President Bill Clinton resulted in his impeachment, argued that

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<v Speaker 1>impeachment is being used as a political weapon. The Senate,

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<v Speaker 1>in its wisdom, do well, and its deliberations to guide

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<v Speaker 1>the nation, in this world's greatest deliberative body, to return

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<v Speaker 1>to our country's traditions when presidential impeachment was truly a

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<v Speaker 1>measure of last resort. Joining me is Neil kin Caper,

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<v Speaker 1>Professor at Georgia State University College of Law. Give me

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<v Speaker 1>your your general take on the defense. Well, I think

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<v Speaker 1>they don't have much of a defense to present, and

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<v Speaker 1>today's presentations I think really illuminated that. First, just the

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<v Speaker 1>decision to ignore John Bolton's statements in his book is

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<v Speaker 1>just completely irresponsible. Those statements are out there and they

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<v Speaker 1>are direct evidence that the President regarded this whole matter

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<v Speaker 1>as a quid pro quo. Then they stand up and

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<v Speaker 1>say there is no evidence of a quid pro quo.

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<v Speaker 1>That's true. If you ignore all of the evidence that

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<v Speaker 1>exists of a quid pro quo, it's just bizarre, and

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<v Speaker 1>ken stars presentation was galling, requires us to ignore the

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<v Speaker 1>role he played in impeachment and in politicizing our politics.

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<v Speaker 1>How important is what people are calling the bombshell information

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<v Speaker 1>about John Bolton's book. It's crucially important because there is

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<v Speaker 1>a mountain of evidence that would lead any fair minded

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<v Speaker 1>person to believe that President Trump created a quid pro quote,

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<v Speaker 1>that he was withholding the aid in order to get investigations.

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<v Speaker 1>But his defenders have said over and over again, there

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<v Speaker 1>is no direct evidence. No one testified that they directly

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<v Speaker 1>were told that it was either their presumption, it was

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<v Speaker 1>their understanding, but it was never expressly stated. Well, for

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<v Speaker 1>people who want to hang on to that thin read.

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<v Speaker 1>Bolton's evidence completely destroys it because the reporting is that

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<v Speaker 1>he is saying that Trump told him directly that there

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<v Speaker 1>was a link between releasing the AID and the beginning

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<v Speaker 1>of those in investigations. Now suppose they called John Bolton

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<v Speaker 1>to testify, then what it opened the door to more witnesses,

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<v Speaker 1>because now you have Mick Mulvaney saying that what Bolton

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<v Speaker 1>said is not true, and the same Mike Pompeo. So

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<v Speaker 1>then would you need to call them as well? I

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<v Speaker 1>don't know about need to. Certainly Mick mulvaney should be

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<v Speaker 1>called to answer if that's not true. Why first of all,

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<v Speaker 1>why he said it was true when when he spoke

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<v Speaker 1>at his press conference um and also to talk about

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<v Speaker 1>the whole process of how the money came to be

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<v Speaker 1>held and the way in which and this is something

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<v Speaker 1>that the office he headed, the Office of Management and Budget,

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<v Speaker 1>is deeply involved with. It violated the federal law, the

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<v Speaker 1>Impoundment Control Act. Reportedly, John Bolton is a copious note taker. Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I think it bolsters his credibility. And you know, so

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<v Speaker 1>he has notes and there's nothing that would prevent him

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<v Speaker 1>bringing those along with him to the Senate they don't

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<v Speaker 1>appear to be property of the federal government that can

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<v Speaker 1>be forbidden to him. Um, and those can corroborate the

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<v Speaker 1>statements he's making about what the President told him. Let's

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<v Speaker 1>talk a little bit about some of the points made

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<v Speaker 1>by the defense, including on Saturday where White House Council

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<v Speaker 1>Pat Cipolone said, we're here to perpetrate the most massive

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<v Speaker 1>interference in an election in American history. According to what

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<v Speaker 1>he said, wouldn't any impeachment proceeding be an interference in

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<v Speaker 1>an election? Any impeachment proceeding against the president? Yes? Um, right,

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<v Speaker 1>The President Nixon could have made the same argument. President

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<v Speaker 1>Clinton could have made the same argument President Johnson. Any

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<v Speaker 1>president who's being impeached can say it's subverting an election,

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<v Speaker 1>which is how I got into office. Um. And And

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<v Speaker 1>the further point that Sippoloni was making is that it

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<v Speaker 1>would take Donald Trump's name off the ballot this November. Um,

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<v Speaker 1>that's not necessarily the case. And I'm sure if somehow

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<v Speaker 1>Donald Trump were convicted, Sipoloni would make the argument that

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<v Speaker 1>he should not be UM barred from running. The Senate

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<v Speaker 1>can impose that punishment, but doesn't have to. Um And

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<v Speaker 1>has only imposed it twice in history. It is part

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<v Speaker 1>of the articles seeking to have Donald Trump prohibited from

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<v Speaker 1>ever holding office again. But I could imagine Republicans in

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate saying, well, the American people should get their

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<v Speaker 1>decision um, and we want to do something that's consistent

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<v Speaker 1>with democracy, so we won't borrow from the ballot. I've

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<v Speaker 1>covered many trials and you rarely, if ever see personal

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<v Speaker 1>attacks on the lawyers who are doing me arguing, whether

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<v Speaker 1>it's defense attorney or the prosecutor. But in this case,

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<v Speaker 1>the defense decided to attack Congressman Adam Schiff. How unusual

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<v Speaker 1>is that and is it appropriate? It would be perfectly

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<v Speaker 1>appropriate if there were any merit to it. I think

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<v Speaker 1>Adam Schiff ran a perfectly fine process. The problem is

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<v Speaker 1>the President is running out of arguments, and now that

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<v Speaker 1>he can no longer with a straight face claim that

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<v Speaker 1>the AID was not linked to investigations, the only thing

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<v Speaker 1>he has left is to say the process has been unfair,

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<v Speaker 1>and that requires you to attack Adam Schiff and the

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<v Speaker 1>process that he ran back in the House of Representatives.

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<v Speaker 1>Let's turn to Kenneth Star for a moment. He said,

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<v Speaker 1>we are living in what I think can aptly be

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<v Speaker 1>described as the age of impeachment. So we talked about

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<v Speaker 1>impeachments becoming too common and that impeachments should be bipartisan.

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<v Speaker 1>What's your take on his approach to this. Well, for

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<v Speaker 1>him to make that claim is just outlandish. And he

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<v Speaker 1>is the one who made impeachment weaponized. UM. It would

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<v Speaker 1>his report, which was designed at every turn of the page,

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<v Speaker 1>was designed to compel the House of Representatives to impeach

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<v Speaker 1>President Clinton. Um. And that after an investigation that was

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<v Speaker 1>designed to find anything it could. Remember he was appointed

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<v Speaker 1>to investigate the failed land deal Whitewater. He found nothing.

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<v Speaker 1>He found nothing. Um. It was only when he could

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<v Speaker 1>then turn it into President Clinton's personal scandal that he

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<v Speaker 1>was able to concoct the grounds for impeachment. That's his record,

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<v Speaker 1>That's what he did. He acknowledged none of that. He

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<v Speaker 1>also made the demonstrably false claim that the articles of

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<v Speaker 1>impeachment brought to the Senate showed criminal misconduct beyond a

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<v Speaker 1>reasonable doubt. In fact, the articles brought to the Senate

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<v Speaker 1>did not prove UM. The case against Bill Clinton. If

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<v Speaker 1>you recall Arlen Spector attempted to vote not proven when

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<v Speaker 1>when the question was called um, Bill Clinton was not

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<v Speaker 1>impeached because, in fact, Republicans voted to acquit, specifically because

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<v Speaker 1>the evidence was lacking. Looking at this in the light

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<v Speaker 1>of the defense can be seen best. What are they

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<v Speaker 1>trying to do here? I think they're trying to emphasize,

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<v Speaker 1>first of all, that the bar to impeach a sitting

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<v Speaker 1>president should be very high, and I think everyone should

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<v Speaker 1>agree with that. And if we were to look at

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<v Speaker 1>Keen stars oration charitably that that was his claim, um,

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<v Speaker 1>that bar I think has clearly been met, but that

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<v Speaker 1>that was his claim. The other claim is that, well,

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<v Speaker 1>the House managers decided to proceed with the evidence they

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<v Speaker 1>had before them, and that didn't include John Bolton's book,

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<v Speaker 1>and so we shouldn't include it now. Um. That seems

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<v Speaker 1>to me just wrong. And if if it were to

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<v Speaker 1>come out this morning that UM, President Trump had actually

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<v Speaker 1>conspired with Vladimir Putin to rig the election in U

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<v Speaker 1>it would be preposterous to claim that the Senate could

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<v Speaker 1>not take that into consideration. The Defense and Republicans keep

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<v Speaker 1>bringing up, well, if you wanted to call witnesses, if

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<v Speaker 1>you wanted to call Bolton, why didn't use subpoena him?

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<v Speaker 1>What the Democrats response is, well, it would have taken forever.

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<v Speaker 1>Look at where are subpoena against Don McGann for for

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<v Speaker 1>White House Council is We're still not even close. But

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<v Speaker 1>should the Democrats have kept those subpoenas in play while

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<v Speaker 1>this process was ongoing. I don't think it would have

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<v Speaker 1>done any good. The problem is precisely the one that

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<v Speaker 1>you point to um. It takes a very long time

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<v Speaker 1>to litigate those disputes. It takes years and years to

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<v Speaker 1>litigate those disputes. Ken Starr made the point today that

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<v Speaker 1>sometimes litigation happens very quickly. He going into the famous

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<v Speaker 1>Pentagon Papers case. That's one case in the more than

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<v Speaker 1>two hundred year history of the Supreme Court. This litigation

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<v Speaker 1>was not going to move quickly, and the Don McGann

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<v Speaker 1>subpoena is a perfect example of how these matters were

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<v Speaker 1>not being treated with the speed that was given to

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<v Speaker 1>the Pentagon Papers case. But the other point is the

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<v Speaker 1>one that ken Starr also made. He was making the

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<v Speaker 1>argument that we're already too close to the election for

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate to subvert the upcoming election in his terms.

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<v Speaker 1>If the House of Representatives had pursued those subpoenas and

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<v Speaker 1>litigated them even with incredible dispatch. The earliest they could

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<v Speaker 1>possibly have been decided would have been this coming summer,

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<v Speaker 1>and then those arguments would have been made and made

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<v Speaker 1>with real force, that the election is right around the corner.

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<v Speaker 1>Why don't we just leave this to the election into

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<v Speaker 1>the judgment of the American people. The point in going

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<v Speaker 1>forward now was twofold, first of all, to maintain a

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<v Speaker 1>respectable amount of time between the impeachment and the next election.

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<v Speaker 1>And second of all, it embodies the judgment that it

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<v Speaker 1>is too dangerous to leave Donald Trump in office because

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<v Speaker 1>the wrongdoing he's accused of specifically relates to subverting the

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<v Speaker 1>integrity of the upcoming election. And so it's too important

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<v Speaker 1>to move forward and remove from office someone who would

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<v Speaker 1>use all the powers and trappings of the office for

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<v Speaker 1>his personal benefit rather than for the public benefit. And

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<v Speaker 1>so it's we shouldn't have to wait for the d

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<v Speaker 1>C District Court and the d C Circuit Court and

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<v Speaker 1>the d C Circuit Court on bonk before the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court before finally removing someone from office when the case

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<v Speaker 1>is already so strong. Neil ken Starr mentioned it today,

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<v Speaker 1>and we expect to hear more from Alan Dershowitz about

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<v Speaker 1>crimes being necessary. There has to be a real, stated

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<v Speaker 1>crime in order to go forward with impeachment. Would the

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<v Speaker 1>Democrats have been smarter to charge a real crime, so

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<v Speaker 1>called real crime, let's say extortion. Would they have been

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<v Speaker 1>smart to do that just to get rid of this argument? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I think the problem of that argument is that then

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<v Speaker 1>it changes the nature of the preceding. Instead of being

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<v Speaker 1>a proceeding that focuses on Donald Trump having abused the

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<v Speaker 1>office in this extortionary way, all of the discussion would

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<v Speaker 1>be around the legal technicalities of extortion, which may or

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<v Speaker 1>may not be met, and whether they are or aren't

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<v Speaker 1>is entirely beside the point. The point is Donald Trump

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<v Speaker 1>abused his power and abused his office for personal gain

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<v Speaker 1>and for personal gain in a way that subverts the

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<v Speaker 1>upcoming election. That is simply intolerable, whether it fits in

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<v Speaker 1>the technical boxes of the federal Dorsian Statute or not.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's the reason that in fact, the impeachment um

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<v Speaker 1>clauses in the in the Constitution are not drafted to

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<v Speaker 1>require an actual crime. Let's just say that they decide

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<v Speaker 1>to allow some witnesses at least to call John Bolton.

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<v Speaker 1>In the end, there are going to be enough Republicans

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<v Speaker 1>to call for Trump's moving from office. So then is

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<v Speaker 1>it just an exercise and futility to have Bolton testify? Goodness, no,

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<v Speaker 1>it is crucial to have Bolton testify. And first of all,

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<v Speaker 1>remember who John Bolton is. He is a conservative and

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<v Speaker 1>a Republican to his core. He is not a liberal.

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<v Speaker 1>He is not part of any deep state. For him

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<v Speaker 1>to come forward with this testimony is going very much

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<v Speaker 1>against his interest, against his orientation, against his loyalties, and

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<v Speaker 1>so the credibility of that evidence is very, very high,

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<v Speaker 1>and it's important for the public to That's Neil Kincoff,

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<v Speaker 1>a professor at the Georgia State University College of Law.