WEBVTT - Legislation Introduced to Pack the Court

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brussel from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>Here's Senator Joe Biden giving his opinion on President Roosevelt's

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<v Speaker 1>attempt to add justices to the Supreme Court. President Roosevelt

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<v Speaker 1>clearly had the right to send to the United States Senate,

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<v Speaker 1>the United States Congress and proposal to pack the court.

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<v Speaker 1>It was totally within his right to do that. He

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<v Speaker 1>violated no law. He was legalistically absolutely correct, But it

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<v Speaker 1>was a bone had idea. It was a terrible, terrible

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<v Speaker 1>mistake to make as a candidate. Talking to sixty Minutes,

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<v Speaker 1>Biden had a more measured tone. The last thing we

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<v Speaker 1>need to do is turn the Supreme Court intogest a

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<v Speaker 1>political football. Whoever has the most votes gets whatever they want.

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<v Speaker 1>Presidents come and go. Supreme Court justices stay for generations. Now.

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<v Speaker 1>President Biden has named a thirty six member bipartisan commission

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<v Speaker 1>to study possible changes to the Supreme Court, fulfilling a

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<v Speaker 1>promise he made on the campaign trail as progressives pushed

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<v Speaker 1>to overhaul a court they say has been unfairly stacked.

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<v Speaker 1>With conservatives joining me as constitutional law professor Neil Kinkoff

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<v Speaker 1>of the Georgia State University College of Law. So Neil

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<v Speaker 1>tell us about the stated purpose of a commission on paper.

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<v Speaker 1>The purpose of the commission is to study all of

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<v Speaker 1>the various Supreme Court reforms that have been proposed and

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<v Speaker 1>to make recommendations to the President about which reforms, if

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<v Speaker 1>any seemed like a good idea, which which seemed like

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<v Speaker 1>they shouldn't be recommended. It sounds like they're supposed to

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<v Speaker 1>come up with something that looks like a research paper.

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<v Speaker 1>Are they actually going to make specific recommendations for change? Well,

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<v Speaker 1>I think what they're going to do is mostly assess

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<v Speaker 1>recommendations that have already been made. Not having said that,

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<v Speaker 1>a number of the recommendations that have been made have

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<v Speaker 1>been made by members who are on the commission, so

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<v Speaker 1>they will at least be addressed in the report. I

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<v Speaker 1>don't know for sure whether or not the Commission will

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<v Speaker 1>end up making recommendations. It depends on what they think

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<v Speaker 1>is advisable. So they certainly could they're allowed to. But

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<v Speaker 1>whether they think that any reform to the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>is needed as a body, whether they think that that

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<v Speaker 1>much isn't clear at all. So um, it's going to

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<v Speaker 1>take time to tell. But having said that, I think

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<v Speaker 1>part of the purpose of the commission is that I

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<v Speaker 1>think President Biden really doesn't want to do much about

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court, and so you know, in politics, when

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<v Speaker 1>you don't want to do something, you set up a

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<v Speaker 1>commission to study it, exactly. That's what I was going

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<v Speaker 1>to say. When I hear the word commission, it sounds

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<v Speaker 1>to me like a classic Washington d c. Way of

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<v Speaker 1>dodging the issue, exactly. And there's a lot of heat

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<v Speaker 1>during the election, especially among the President's base, to consider

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<v Speaker 1>reform proposals, and especially to consider adding seats to the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court. You know, people were mad about the treatment

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<v Speaker 1>of Merrick Garland and so didn't think that seats should

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<v Speaker 1>have gone to President Trump to fill, and thought that

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<v Speaker 1>there shouldn't have been the rush to fill Justice Ginsburg's

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<v Speaker 1>seat again by President Trump over her dying wishes. And

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<v Speaker 1>so there's real movement in the Democratic base for adding

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<v Speaker 1>seats to the Supreme Court in order to undo the

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<v Speaker 1>large Conservative supermajority that's that's in the body now. And

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<v Speaker 1>Biden had to do something to respond to all of that.

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<v Speaker 1>So he proposed a commission, and I think his inclination

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<v Speaker 1>is not to change the Supreme Court. He was on

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<v Speaker 1>the Judiciary Committee for decades. He knows these issues pretty well,

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<v Speaker 1>and his instinct has always been moderation. Looking at the

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<v Speaker 1>members of the Commission, it seems as if there are

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<v Speaker 1>a lot of academics and a lot of progressives. Do

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<v Speaker 1>you see an imbalance on the on the committee in

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<v Speaker 1>any respect? Well, actually, I think Biden did a good

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<v Speaker 1>job of making sure there's conservative representation on the Commission.

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<v Speaker 1>They're about ten identifiably conservative members of the Commission, and

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<v Speaker 1>they're not token representatives. They are leading conservative legal scholars

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<v Speaker 1>and leading scholars of originalism who are on the Commission.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, I've seen a number of other conservative commentators

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<v Speaker 1>who have actually been expressing surprise and that they're impressed

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<v Speaker 1>that there were so many conservatives on the committee. Because

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<v Speaker 1>a commission that's put together by a democratic president, you

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<v Speaker 1>wouldn't think is going to necessarily have the other side

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<v Speaker 1>well represented. They are well represented. They can't out vote

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<v Speaker 1>the other members on the commission. But these kinds of

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<v Speaker 1>commissions tend to try at least to work by consensus,

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<v Speaker 1>and so if they do something that the conservative members

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<v Speaker 1>disagree with, I'm sure there will be a sort of

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<v Speaker 1>minority report issued by those those members. So I do

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<v Speaker 1>think that the Commission is broadly speaking quite re presentative.

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<v Speaker 1>It's not very representative of practitioners. I think that's a

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<v Speaker 1>fair point. Even some of the practitioners are really academics

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<v Speaker 1>and thinking there of Walter Tallinger who now as a

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<v Speaker 1>partner and a practitioner at the Supreme Court practice of Washington,

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<v Speaker 1>d c. Law firm, but for thirty years or more

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<v Speaker 1>he was a law professor at too. Some liberals have

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<v Speaker 1>complained that what's missing on the Commission are some of

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<v Speaker 1>the liberals who have done studies and recommended so called

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<v Speaker 1>court packing. Because even some of the liberals on the Commission,

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<v Speaker 1>like Harvard professor Larry Tribe, has come out against court packing.

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<v Speaker 1>So is that element missing? I think that element will

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<v Speaker 1>be represented. Um, it could have been represented much more robustly.

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<v Speaker 1>But again, I think President Biden's inclination is to not

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<v Speaker 1>add seats to the Supreme Court, and so I think

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<v Speaker 1>you see that reflected in the composition of the Commission.

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<v Speaker 1>So one of the co chairs is Bob Bauer, who

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<v Speaker 1>is White House counsel to Barack Obama. Now he teaches

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<v Speaker 1>at n y U. But Bob Bower is also on

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<v Speaker 1>the record as opposing adding seats to the Supreme Court,

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<v Speaker 1>so the perspective is there, but I think the momentum

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<v Speaker 1>on the Commission will be strongly against it. The Commission

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<v Speaker 1>is also going to study term limits and jurisdictions stripping.

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<v Speaker 1>Might either of those turn out to be a less

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<v Speaker 1>drastic way of affecting change at the Court, so I'm

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<v Speaker 1>sure there will be support. A number of members of

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<v Speaker 1>the Commission have supported publicly those sorts of less drastic

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<v Speaker 1>measures in the past, so there will be at least

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<v Speaker 1>some support on the Commission for it. I don't expect

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<v Speaker 1>that the Commission is likely to adopt any of those,

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<v Speaker 1>and even if it does, I think it's remarkably unlikely

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<v Speaker 1>that any kind of meaningful court reform would get enacted

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<v Speaker 1>by Congress. For one thing, there is serious doubt about

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<v Speaker 1>the constitutionality of something like term limits, that that would

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<v Speaker 1>require a constitutional amendment, which is virtually impossible in this setting.

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<v Speaker 1>The jurisdiction stripping proposals can be done by a regular statute,

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<v Speaker 1>but Congress has considered jurisdiction stripping statutes frequently over the decades,

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<v Speaker 1>and very often with very strong political support for them,

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<v Speaker 1>and yet none of them has actually been enacted. So

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<v Speaker 1>I'm really doubtful that any of those, even if they

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<v Speaker 1>were to get through the Commission, could possibly be enacted

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<v Speaker 1>by Congress. So we don't expect that there's going to

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<v Speaker 1>be any kind of court packing recommendation. But if there were,

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<v Speaker 1>would that just require legislation or that require more So

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<v Speaker 1>to add seats to the Supreme Court just requires a

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<v Speaker 1>simple statute. It doesn't require a constitutional amendment. There's nothing

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<v Speaker 1>in the Constitution about how many justices there have to be.

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<v Speaker 1>It's left entirely to Congress. So there could be one,

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<v Speaker 1>there could be fifty one. It's entirely entirely up to Congress.

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<v Speaker 1>Having said that, you know, Congress has considered these kinds

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<v Speaker 1>of proposals over the years and has almost never responded

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<v Speaker 1>to them. There was a brief period when the Court

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<v Speaker 1>went to ten justices around the time of the Civil War,

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<v Speaker 1>but since then it's been back to its um complement

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<v Speaker 1>of nine justices, and it's been there pretty stably. Franklin

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<v Speaker 1>Roosevelt very famously proposed what was known as the court

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<v Speaker 1>packing plan. When the Supreme Court kept striking down his

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<v Speaker 1>new deal legislation, and that was voted down pretty overwhelmingly

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<v Speaker 1>by a Congress that was overwhelmingly democratic and supportive of

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<v Speaker 1>Roosevelt and the New Deal. So that's often thought of

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<v Speaker 1>as kind of a precedent for the proposals to add

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<v Speaker 1>seats today and as sort of a harbinger of just

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<v Speaker 1>how unlikely they are to be enacted. But having said that,

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<v Speaker 1>I think it's also important to remember that simply by

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<v Speaker 1>proposal in the Court Packing Plan FDR had a real

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<v Speaker 1>impact on the Court itself that the Court shortly thereafter

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<v Speaker 1>changed its its view on the scope of federal power

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<v Speaker 1>to regulate commerce and started upholding New Deal statutes. And

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<v Speaker 1>I think it is fair to imagine that the current

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<v Speaker 1>climate and the current discussion of adding seats to the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court has a kind of moderating influence on the

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<v Speaker 1>Supreme Court. That is, justices like Justice Roberts, who carell

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<v Speaker 1>out about the legitimacy and integrity of the institution, I

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<v Speaker 1>think fear those kinds of proposals, and I think it

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<v Speaker 1>tends to make them moderate their positions on issues. So

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<v Speaker 1>it's not surprising that, for example, over this past weekend,

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<v Speaker 1>we've seen headlines talking about how the Supreme Court is

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<v Speaker 1>dodging a lot of the hot button issues that you

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<v Speaker 1>might have expected them to be taking up. Issues on guns,

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<v Speaker 1>on abortion, on a bit of action, they're pretty well

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<v Speaker 1>staying away from. And I think these court packing proposals

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<v Speaker 1>may maybe playing a role now. On Thursday, a group

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<v Speaker 1>of Democrats unveiled legislation in both the House and the

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<v Speaker 1>Senate that would expand the number of justices on the

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<v Speaker 1>Court from the current nine to thirteen. Here's one of

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<v Speaker 1>the sponsors. House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerry Nadler. Some people

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<v Speaker 1>will say we're packing the court. We're not packing, we're

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<v Speaker 1>unpacking it. Why I introduced this bill before the Commission

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<v Speaker 1>has a chance to make its recommendations. I think it's

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<v Speaker 1>just a response to some of the interest groups that

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<v Speaker 1>have been demanding that the Court be expanded and to

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<v Speaker 1>show sort of a commitment to that. I imagine it's

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<v Speaker 1>also aimed at putting some pressure on the Commission, because,

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<v Speaker 1>as we were discussing earlier, the personnel on the Commission

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<v Speaker 1>I think are largely opposed to court packing, and so

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<v Speaker 1>I think the people who want to pursue court packing

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<v Speaker 1>want instead of being in the position of responding to

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<v Speaker 1>the Commission to actually put pressure on the Commission and

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<v Speaker 1>to say this has been their position even before the

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<v Speaker 1>Commission issued any kind of report. Congressman Nadler said that

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<v Speaker 1>in light of the fact that there were thirteen federal

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<v Speaker 1>appeals courts, it makes sense to have thirteen justices to

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<v Speaker 1>oversee them, as was the previous tradition. Does that make

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<v Speaker 1>sense to you, Well, I don't for a minute believe

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<v Speaker 1>that's actually the reason. And when FDR proposed his court

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<v Speaker 1>expansion plan, the proposal was to add one seat for

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<v Speaker 1>every justice over the age of seventies, and the reason

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<v Speaker 1>he gave was because judges at that advanced age needed help.

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<v Speaker 1>No one believed that was his reason, and I don't

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<v Speaker 1>think anyone's going to believe that the reason is to

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<v Speaker 1>have one justice for every circuit. It is true that

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<v Speaker 1>there are some justices who are sort of the circuit

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<v Speaker 1>justice for two circuits and others who are circuit justice

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<v Speaker 1>for only one, but I don't think there's any real

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<v Speaker 1>concern that they're overburdened by having to oversee two circuits.

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<v Speaker 1>So I really don't for a minute believe that that's

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<v Speaker 1>the actual reason for making it thirteen Justices. I think

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<v Speaker 1>the reason is the six to three conservative majority on

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<v Speaker 1>the Court, and adding four seats gives a democratic president

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<v Speaker 1>an opportunity to realign that balance. How Speaker Nancy Pelosi

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<v Speaker 1>says she won't even be bringing the bill to the

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<v Speaker 1>floor for a vote, so's it's just dead as it's introduced, right,

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<v Speaker 1>It's dead anyway as a as a practical matter, um,

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<v Speaker 1>the Senate wouldn't pass it because unless the Senate goes

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<v Speaker 1>to the nuclear option, there wouldn't be enough votes to

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<v Speaker 1>defeat a filibuster um. And even if you went to

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<v Speaker 1>the nuclear option, there are enough moderate Democrats in the

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<v Speaker 1>Senate that the bill couldn't pass anyway. Even on a

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<v Speaker 1>bare majority vote, um, the bill wouldn't pass. I think

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<v Speaker 1>it's probably better to understand this as an attempt to

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<v Speaker 1>build momentum and to start reaching out of the public

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<v Speaker 1>and making the case for expanding the court, and to

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<v Speaker 1>do that in advance of the Commission coming out, presumably

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<v Speaker 1>the Commission coming out and saying that we shouldn't expand

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<v Speaker 1>the court. I think really the court that this plays

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<v Speaker 1>to is the court of public opinion, rather than being

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<v Speaker 1>kind of a legitimate with a chance to pass legislative

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<v Speaker 1>proposal that fits in with what one of the sponsors,

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<v Speaker 1>Senator Ed Markey said that the first stage is education

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<v Speaker 1>and that this is the education of the public. Right, um,

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<v Speaker 1>And and frankly, I imagine at this point the public

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<v Speaker 1>is not really attending class. I mean, I think if

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<v Speaker 1>you want to get the public to pay attention and

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<v Speaker 1>be educated, or perhaps better yet, to be engaged on

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<v Speaker 1>the issue, Um, the Supreme Court is going to have to,

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<v Speaker 1>as we discussed before, it's going to have to overstep

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<v Speaker 1>its mandate in a number of significant cases. So if

0:14:00.559 --> 0:14:05.200
<v Speaker 1>Congress passes important campaign finance reform and the Court strikes that, doubt,

0:14:05.720 --> 0:14:09.520
<v Speaker 1>if Congress passes common sense gun reform and the Court

0:14:09.600 --> 0:14:14.240
<v Speaker 1>strikes that. Now, if the Court keeps striking down sort

0:14:14.240 --> 0:14:19.560
<v Speaker 1>of sensible public health requirements on religious freedom ground, and

0:14:19.600 --> 0:14:23.120
<v Speaker 1>I think most significantly, if the Court overrules Row versus Way.

0:14:23.360 --> 0:14:26.520
<v Speaker 1>If those things happen, then I think the public will

0:14:26.560 --> 0:14:29.480
<v Speaker 1>really engage with this issue. But right now it just

0:14:29.560 --> 0:14:32.080
<v Speaker 1>looks like a partners an attempt to gain control of

0:14:32.120 --> 0:14:35.600
<v Speaker 1>the third branch. Coming up next, I'll continue this conversation

0:14:35.640 --> 0:14:38.880
<v Speaker 1>with Professor Neil Kinkoff and we'll talk about Justice Stephen

0:14:38.960 --> 0:14:42.920
<v Speaker 1>Bryer's comments on court packing at a Harvard Law School

0:14:42.920 --> 0:14:46.280
<v Speaker 1>event last week, just as Stephen Bryer spoke out against

0:14:46.320 --> 0:14:49.840
<v Speaker 1>liberal calls to add justices to the Supreme Court, saying

0:14:49.880 --> 0:14:53.000
<v Speaker 1>that step could undermine public trust that the Court is

0:14:53.040 --> 0:14:57.840
<v Speaker 1>guided by legal principles, not politics. I hope and expect

0:14:57.880 --> 0:15:01.640
<v Speaker 1>that the Court will retain its authority, but that authority,

0:15:02.360 --> 0:15:07.640
<v Speaker 1>like the rule of law, depends on trust. A trust

0:15:07.800 --> 0:15:12.920
<v Speaker 1>that the Court is guided by legal principle not politics.

0:15:14.040 --> 0:15:18.480
<v Speaker 1>Structural alteration motivated by the perception of political influence can

0:15:18.520 --> 0:15:22.640
<v Speaker 1>only feed that matter perception. I've been talking to Professor

0:15:22.680 --> 0:15:25.960
<v Speaker 1>Neil Kincoff of the Georgia State University College of Law.

0:15:26.760 --> 0:15:31.400
<v Speaker 1>So Neil Justice Brier painted this ominous picture of court packing.

0:15:32.040 --> 0:15:34.720
<v Speaker 1>So I think it's not at all surprising. The current

0:15:34.760 --> 0:15:38.160
<v Speaker 1>members of the Court don't love the idea. They are

0:15:38.320 --> 0:15:41.600
<v Speaker 1>very committed to the institution and the institution as it is,

0:15:42.360 --> 0:15:48.479
<v Speaker 1>and they see the potential for adding seats to politicize

0:15:48.520 --> 0:15:51.080
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court. For some people, you would say, well,

0:15:51.120 --> 0:15:54.800
<v Speaker 1>it's already thoroughly politicized, and so what's the problem. I

0:15:54.880 --> 0:15:57.480
<v Speaker 1>just think current members of the Court don't see it

0:15:57.520 --> 0:16:00.400
<v Speaker 1>that way. They don't see it as thoroughly politic size.

0:16:00.440 --> 0:16:03.080
<v Speaker 1>They disagree with one another, but they don't see the

0:16:03.120 --> 0:16:06.120
<v Speaker 1>Court as politicized. But if you start adding seats in

0:16:06.240 --> 0:16:11.000
<v Speaker 1>order to either gain or prevent particular outcomes, then the

0:16:11.120 --> 0:16:14.840
<v Speaker 1>legitimacy of the institution is really in jeopardy. And I

0:16:14.880 --> 0:16:18.120
<v Speaker 1>think that's what Briar is responding to. I think Justice

0:16:18.200 --> 0:16:21.280
<v Speaker 1>Ginsberg took the same position before her death. I think

0:16:21.360 --> 0:16:25.000
<v Speaker 1>Justice Roberts others in the conservative camp see that, and

0:16:25.080 --> 0:16:28.840
<v Speaker 1>so I think there would be broad opposition among members

0:16:28.920 --> 0:16:33.200
<v Speaker 1>of the current Supreme Court to adding seats. Ryan also

0:16:33.360 --> 0:16:38.400
<v Speaker 1>rejected the characterization of the Supreme Court as conservative now,

0:16:38.880 --> 0:16:43.280
<v Speaker 1>even though legal experts widely describe a six to three

0:16:43.280 --> 0:16:46.600
<v Speaker 1>conservative majority on the Court. I can see why he

0:16:46.640 --> 0:16:50.120
<v Speaker 1>says that, because even you know, just a year ago,

0:16:50.600 --> 0:16:53.800
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court, by a six to three vote, ruled

0:16:53.880 --> 0:16:59.040
<v Speaker 1>that Title seven protects individuals based on sexual identity and

0:16:59.080 --> 0:17:04.080
<v Speaker 1>sexual orient patian right, so transgender and and homosexual protections

0:17:04.119 --> 0:17:06.600
<v Speaker 1>that we're certainly not in the mind of the Congress

0:17:06.640 --> 0:17:09.840
<v Speaker 1>that enacted that law. So you find cases like that

0:17:09.880 --> 0:17:14.360
<v Speaker 1>where the Court doesn't come to the expected conservative conclusion

0:17:14.720 --> 0:17:18.679
<v Speaker 1>and it allows somebody like Justice Bryer to say, you know,

0:17:18.760 --> 0:17:22.119
<v Speaker 1>the Court's not conservative, or as Justice Roberts puts it,

0:17:22.400 --> 0:17:26.560
<v Speaker 1>there aren't Obama judges and Trump judges or Clinton judges

0:17:26.680 --> 0:17:30.000
<v Speaker 1>or Bush judges. They are just judges. And that's really

0:17:30.119 --> 0:17:34.080
<v Speaker 1>vital to the legitimacy of the institution. Having said that,

0:17:34.200 --> 0:17:37.080
<v Speaker 1>I mean, I think it really kind of blinkers reality

0:17:37.119 --> 0:17:42.680
<v Speaker 1>to not recognize the very conservative tenor of the overwhelming

0:17:42.800 --> 0:17:46.480
<v Speaker 1>number of cases that the Supreme Court decides. And I

0:17:46.520 --> 0:17:50.800
<v Speaker 1>think it's unrealistic not to expect that conservative bent to

0:17:51.000 --> 0:17:54.159
<v Speaker 1>deepen with the addition of Justice Barrett, which is a

0:17:54.200 --> 0:17:59.320
<v Speaker 1>new phenomenon and one that really hasn't liquidated in actual rulings,

0:17:59.440 --> 0:18:02.440
<v Speaker 1>but I think that's coming, and we see the harbinger

0:18:02.520 --> 0:18:05.760
<v Speaker 1>of it with the Court continuing to strike down California's

0:18:05.840 --> 0:18:10.879
<v Speaker 1>response to COVID on religious freedom grounds. When Justice Ginsburg died,

0:18:11.040 --> 0:18:14.600
<v Speaker 1>Briar became the leader of the minority on the Court.

0:18:15.000 --> 0:18:17.120
<v Speaker 1>So how can he not acknowledge that there's some sort

0:18:17.119 --> 0:18:20.720
<v Speaker 1>of split. Yeah, I think it's vital to his position

0:18:20.760 --> 0:18:23.639
<v Speaker 1>and for him to be effective that he hold to

0:18:23.680 --> 0:18:27.359
<v Speaker 1>that position, because in order for him to be able

0:18:27.400 --> 0:18:31.280
<v Speaker 1>to write majority opinions. I think he's not interested in

0:18:31.280 --> 0:18:35.359
<v Speaker 1>writing dissents. He's interested in writing majority opinions. He needs

0:18:35.400 --> 0:18:39.919
<v Speaker 1>to be able to appeal to at least two conservative justices,

0:18:40.640 --> 0:18:46.160
<v Speaker 1>and he's had some success doing that, mostly in cases

0:18:46.200 --> 0:18:49.840
<v Speaker 1>that people don't pay attention to, personal jurisdiction cases and

0:18:49.880 --> 0:18:52.480
<v Speaker 1>the like. But in order for him to be able

0:18:52.520 --> 0:18:55.679
<v Speaker 1>to do that, he needs to be on record that

0:18:55.760 --> 0:18:59.280
<v Speaker 1>he doesn't regard the Court as conservative, but rather as

0:18:59.400 --> 0:19:01.720
<v Speaker 1>sort of doing its best to figure out what the

0:19:01.800 --> 0:19:04.959
<v Speaker 1>law requires. And as long as that's the position that

0:19:05.040 --> 0:19:09.040
<v Speaker 1>he's taking, he can appeal to justices like Corsuch or

0:19:09.080 --> 0:19:13.000
<v Speaker 1>Aledo or Kavanaugh to see things differently than their colleagues

0:19:13.040 --> 0:19:16.000
<v Speaker 1>in a particular case and most of the issues that

0:19:16.040 --> 0:19:18.960
<v Speaker 1>people really care about. I don't think there's very much

0:19:19.000 --> 0:19:22.080
<v Speaker 1>hope of doing that, but in if you look at

0:19:22.080 --> 0:19:25.560
<v Speaker 1>the mind run of the courts cases, UM, he's had

0:19:25.680 --> 0:19:32.280
<v Speaker 1>some successes. He also called for more compromise and fewer dissents.

0:19:32.440 --> 0:19:36.400
<v Speaker 1>Is he sending a message to his colleagues on the bench. Yeah,

0:19:36.520 --> 0:19:40.399
<v Speaker 1>So that used to be the way the court operated, um,

0:19:40.520 --> 0:19:46.359
<v Speaker 1>and things changed, particularly with Justice Scalia, who was rather

0:19:46.560 --> 0:19:51.080
<v Speaker 1>adamant about the way he saw things. So I think

0:19:51.080 --> 0:19:53.560
<v Speaker 1>the way he would put it is he stuck by

0:19:53.600 --> 0:19:56.320
<v Speaker 1>his principles and he wouldn't agree to anything in an

0:19:56.320 --> 0:20:00.960
<v Speaker 1>opinion that he disagreed with. Whereas I think through most

0:20:01.000 --> 0:20:05.320
<v Speaker 1>of the Court's history, justices may not agree really with

0:20:05.440 --> 0:20:08.919
<v Speaker 1>every word of the opinion, but if it comes to

0:20:09.000 --> 0:20:12.240
<v Speaker 1>the conclusion that you know, they think is the right one,

0:20:12.760 --> 0:20:16.400
<v Speaker 1>they're willing to go along and compromise about the language

0:20:16.400 --> 0:20:21.080
<v Speaker 1>that goes into the opinion. And so during Justice Scaliah's

0:20:21.160 --> 0:20:24.919
<v Speaker 1>time on the Court, there was a real flourishing of

0:20:25.200 --> 0:20:29.040
<v Speaker 1>separate opinions that either concurred with the majority but were

0:20:29.080 --> 0:20:32.480
<v Speaker 1>written in order to point out some fine point of

0:20:32.640 --> 0:20:37.159
<v Speaker 1>disagreement or dissenting opinions right. And so I think what

0:20:37.320 --> 0:20:42.679
<v Speaker 1>Justice Brier is calling for is compromise and collegiality um.

0:20:43.200 --> 0:20:45.879
<v Speaker 1>And those were not the hallmarks of the Court during

0:20:45.960 --> 0:20:50.320
<v Speaker 1>the years Justice Scalia was on there. The reaction of

0:20:50.600 --> 0:20:56.040
<v Speaker 1>some liberals to his speech was Riyer retired billboards. He's

0:20:56.080 --> 0:20:59.119
<v Speaker 1>eighty two, the oldest justice on the court. Do you

0:20:59.119 --> 0:21:03.040
<v Speaker 1>think he's likely to retire soon? So, I think it's

0:21:03.080 --> 0:21:05.879
<v Speaker 1>always unlikely that they will retire. We've seen it with

0:21:06.000 --> 0:21:09.720
<v Speaker 1>Justice Ginsburg. We saw it with Justice Renquest. They think

0:21:09.800 --> 0:21:13.400
<v Speaker 1>they can continue, even when they're in terrible health. They

0:21:13.440 --> 0:21:17.719
<v Speaker 1>think they can continue, and so justices do not lightly

0:21:17.800 --> 0:21:20.560
<v Speaker 1>give up that position. You know, I think a lot

0:21:20.600 --> 0:21:24.200
<v Speaker 1>of the calls for Justice Brior to retire were being

0:21:24.240 --> 0:21:28.280
<v Speaker 1>made before he gave the speech, just based on his age,

0:21:28.280 --> 0:21:31.639
<v Speaker 1>and based on the recent experience with Justice Ginsburg, and

0:21:31.960 --> 0:21:35.520
<v Speaker 1>based on just how thin the majority and the Senate is,

0:21:35.880 --> 0:21:40.320
<v Speaker 1>and how any vacancy and vacancies do happen in the

0:21:40.359 --> 0:21:44.040
<v Speaker 1>Senate could flip control of the Senate. And so it's

0:21:44.080 --> 0:21:47.440
<v Speaker 1>such a precarious position in the Senate that a lot

0:21:47.480 --> 0:21:51.160
<v Speaker 1>of people would like Justice Bryor to retire now while

0:21:51.200 --> 0:21:54.280
<v Speaker 1>a successor could be confirmed, instead of waiting to a

0:21:54.359 --> 0:21:57.760
<v Speaker 1>later date. Thanks Neil. That'th Neil Kinkoff of the Georgia

0:21:57.800 --> 0:22:00.879
<v Speaker 1>State University College of Law. I am June Lso, and

0:22:00.880 --> 0:22:02.240
<v Speaker 1>you're listening to Bloomberg.