WEBVTT - Clarence Thomas in Ethics Controversy

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<v Speaker 1>You're listening to Bloomberg Law with June Grosso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 2>Will this institution survive the stench that this creates in

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<v Speaker 2>the public perception that the Constitution and its reading are

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<v Speaker 2>just political acts. I don't see how it is possible.

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<v Speaker 3>Justice Sonia Sotomayor is one of the justices who've expressed

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<v Speaker 3>concern about the legitimacy of the Supreme Court. The Court

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<v Speaker 3>has faced a string of ethics scandals and controversies over

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<v Speaker 3>the past year, and Justice Clarence Thomas is in the

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<v Speaker 3>ethics spotlight again with revelations from a pro public a

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<v Speaker 3>report that he and his wife accepted lavish trips around

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<v Speaker 3>the world, including private yachts and jets and luxury accommodations

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<v Speaker 3>for more than two decades, trips worth hundreds of thousands

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<v Speaker 3>of dollars funded by Republican billionaire donor Harlan Crowe, trips

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<v Speaker 3>which Thomas never reported, And now an even more damaging

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<v Speaker 3>revelation involving money flowing from Crow to Thomas for the

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<v Speaker 3>sale of three Georgia properties in twenty fourteen for one

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<v Speaker 3>hundred and thirty four thousand dollars, which Thomas also failed

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<v Speaker 3>to disclose. Will Thomas's description of a loss of trust

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<v Speaker 3>on the Court after the leak draft of the Dobbs

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<v Speaker 3>decision apply to him now.

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<v Speaker 1>And look where we are where now? That trust or

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<v Speaker 1>that belief is gone forever. And when you lose that trust,

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<v Speaker 1>especially in the institution that I'm in, it changes the

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<v Speaker 1>institution fundamentally. You begin to look over your shoulder. It's

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<v Speaker 1>like kind of an infidelity that you can explain it,

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<v Speaker 1>but you can't undo it.

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<v Speaker 3>My guest is David Super, a professor at Georgetown Law

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<v Speaker 3>School and an expert in constitutional law. Let's discuss the

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<v Speaker 3>trips first. What was your initial reaction when you heard

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<v Speaker 3>about these opulent trips that Thomas failed to report.

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<v Speaker 4>I was shocked. I disagree with Justice Thomas on a

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<v Speaker 4>number of issues, strongly agree with him on some others.

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<v Speaker 4>But I thought that he took the Court seriously enough

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<v Speaker 4>that he would not subject it to this sort of embarrassment.

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<v Speaker 3>All the justices must file annual financial disclosures. What are

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<v Speaker 3>the rules for them about reporting gifts?

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<v Speaker 4>The rules are relatively unclear, and there have been many

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<v Speaker 4>people who've asked the Court to clarify the rules or

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<v Speaker 4>to tighten the rules. And the Court has shown very

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<v Speaker 4>little interest in that. But the basic principle is that

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<v Speaker 4>their disclosures are those to show potential interests or conflicts

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<v Speaker 4>that they could have that can allow members of the

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<v Speaker 4>public to be confident that they're not sitting on cases

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<v Speaker 4>where they might be improperly influenced. The standard for judges,

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<v Speaker 4>and the standard the Court has upheld with respect to

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<v Speaker 4>other judges, is that they should avoid not just impropriety,

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<v Speaker 4>but the appearance of impropriety. And part of the point

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<v Speaker 4>of the annual disclosures is to avoid the appearance of

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<v Speaker 4>impropriety by letting everybody know what a justice is receiving.

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<v Speaker 3>Thomas has disclosed gifts and trips before. The Los Angeles

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<v Speaker 3>Times report in two thousand and four that in previous

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<v Speaker 3>years Thomas had disclosed a trip paid for by Crowe,

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<v Speaker 3>as well as several gifts. There was a twenty fifteen

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<v Speaker 3>gift from crow of a bronze bust of abolitionist Frederick Douglass,

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<v Speaker 3>valued at more than six thousand dollars, and in the

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<v Speaker 3>year he took that night a vacation to Indonesia that

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<v Speaker 3>might have wrecked up about half a million dollars. He

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<v Speaker 3>did disclose five trips that were paid for by someone else,

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<v Speaker 3>a series of teaching and speaking engagements at US colleges

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<v Speaker 3>and law schools. Is there a reason why he might

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<v Speaker 3>have excluded those trips paid for by Crow?

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<v Speaker 4>The reason that he's given is that the Crow trips

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<v Speaker 4>were personal and the speaking engagements were professional. That really

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<v Speaker 4>doesn't stand even the most cursory examination, because we benefit

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<v Speaker 4>from both our personal lives and our professional lives, and

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<v Speaker 4>we have interests that come from our personal lives. And

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<v Speaker 4>judges recuse themselves for either personal or professional reasons. They

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<v Speaker 4>recuse themselves because they own stock in the company. They

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<v Speaker 4>recuse themselves because they have family connected with the company.

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<v Speaker 4>It's very common, though, the no that these being personal

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<v Speaker 4>rather than professional doesn't bear much scrutiny.

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<v Speaker 3>If Thomas were a regular judge and not a justice,

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<v Speaker 3>would that sort of loophole, i'll call it of the

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<v Speaker 3>exemption for social and personal hospitality. Would that loophole still apply?

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<v Speaker 4>Hospitality means having someone over for dinner. When it's something

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<v Speaker 4>in this scope, it's very hard to call that hospitality

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<v Speaker 4>in many state court systems. If he were a regular judge,

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<v Speaker 4>and in some even if he was a state Supreme

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<v Speaker 4>Court justice. This would lead to complaints to a judicial

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<v Speaker 4>tenure commission and the possible termination of the justice from

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<v Speaker 4>that position. Were he a regular district or circuit court

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<v Speaker 4>federal judge, it's certainly possible that one could imagine Congress

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<v Speaker 4>beginning impeachment proceedings because of this sort of thing. It's

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<v Speaker 4>not going to happen because he's a Supreme Court justice.

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<v Speaker 3>Now, is the real estate transaction with this Republican mega

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<v Speaker 3>donor different from the trips paid for by him?

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<v Speaker 4>It certainly is. The argument about the trips was that

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<v Speaker 4>it was personal hospitality, very extravagant personal hospitality. But that

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<v Speaker 4>was the argument. A real estate transaction isn't that. And

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<v Speaker 4>it's well known that if you want to pass money

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<v Speaker 4>to somebody without being noticed, that one way to do

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<v Speaker 4>it is to enter into a very unprofitable transaction with them.

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<v Speaker 4>And that's the decision that's been raised here.

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<v Speaker 3>And what's the penalty for failing to disclose this transaction.

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<v Speaker 4>The penalty would be impeachment and removal from office. The

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<v Speaker 4>informal penalty would be a severe loss of credibility.

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<v Speaker 3>Some have called for his impeachment. I mean, why should

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<v Speaker 3>a Supreme Court justice be exempt from the rules that

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<v Speaker 3>other judge are subjected to.

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<v Speaker 4>They shouldn't. They should be subject to much higher rules

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<v Speaker 4>because there's no appeal from a Supreme Court decision. The

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<v Speaker 4>standards to the Court should be much much higher, commensurate

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<v Speaker 4>with their greater power. And indeed, former Associate Justice Aide

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<v Speaker 4>Fortis was forced off of the Supreme Court for doing

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<v Speaker 4>arguably a lot less than Justice Thomas did. And when

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<v Speaker 4>Justice Fortis was forced off the Court, the entire court

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<v Speaker 4>and Washington political establishment insisted that he go. Liberals who

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<v Speaker 4>agreed within conservatives who did not. Everyone agreed that taking

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<v Speaker 4>substantial money from, in that case, a friend of his,

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<v Speaker 4>but a friend who also had interest in legal matters,

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<v Speaker 4>was inappropriate. The standards clearly have changed, where everyone agreed

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<v Speaker 4>that Justice fort Is needed to step down, and only

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<v Speaker 4>some of his political opponents are saying that about Justice Thomas.

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<v Speaker 3>There are arguments that none of this affected Justice Thomas's

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<v Speaker 3>votes because he's extremely conservative.

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<v Speaker 4>Anyway, That's true that he has always been conservative, but many,

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<v Speaker 4>maybe most justices change their approach over time. Some like

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<v Speaker 4>Justice Black, Justice White, become more conservative. Others like Justice Stevens,

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<v Speaker 4>Justice Black than Justice suitor become more liberal. The fact

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<v Speaker 4>that Justice Thomas had these very extensive financial relationships with

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<v Speaker 4>an ideological conservative made it much less likely that he

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<v Speaker 4>would have his views of all the way other justices did.

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<v Speaker 4>We'll never know whether he would have been more moderate

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<v Speaker 4>if he hadn't had this relationship with mister Crow.

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<v Speaker 3>Democratic senators on the Judiciary Committee have called on the

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<v Speaker 3>Chief Justice to investigate this. First of all, do you

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<v Speaker 3>think he'll even do that? And second I would or

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<v Speaker 3>what the point of it is? When the leak investigation

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<v Speaker 3>ended in either not finding out who leaked the draft

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<v Speaker 3>of the DABS decision or not telling us who leaked

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<v Speaker 3>the draft, the.

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<v Speaker 4>Call for anyone other than the House Judiciary Committey to

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<v Speaker 4>investigate is absurd because other than the House Judiciary Committee

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<v Speaker 4>has any authority over this. As you say, the Chief

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<v Speaker 4>Justice has limited capacity to investigate and even more limited

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<v Speaker 4>interest in embarrassing the court. The Chief Justice, more than

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<v Speaker 4>any other justice, has spoken fervently about the importance of

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<v Speaker 4>maintaining the Court's public image, and it's hard to see

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<v Speaker 4>how an investigation of this kind would support that. But

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<v Speaker 4>even if he found things that were deeply disturbing, there's

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<v Speaker 4>nothing that the Chief Justice has the authority to do.

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<v Speaker 4>The other eight justices have no authority to exclude one

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<v Speaker 4>of their own from the court or to deny them

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<v Speaker 4>the ability to vote on cases. So the Chief Justice

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<v Speaker 4>perhaps could investigate more gently than outsiders, but as you say,

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<v Speaker 4>it's not clear that he would, and it's not clear

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<v Speaker 4>that he would disclose the result, And whatever he found,

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<v Speaker 4>he has very little authority to do anything about it.

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<v Speaker 3>The lawmakers also asked Roberts to take the lead in

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<v Speaker 3>adopting a code of conduct that would, for the first time,

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<v Speaker 3>subject the justices to the types of standards that are

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<v Speaker 3>now applied to other federal judges. Roberts in the past

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<v Speaker 3>has not embraced that idea. Neither have the justices. Might

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<v Speaker 3>this move them?

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<v Speaker 4>I think it might because the Court is being so

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<v Speaker 4>severely embarrassed by this and wouldn't deal with the problems

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<v Speaker 4>with Justice Thomas, but it would give them something to

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<v Speaker 4>say back to the concerns about how corrupt this certainly looks.

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<v Speaker 4>There've been a number of incidents of this kind over

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<v Speaker 4>the last number of years, but this is by far

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<v Speaker 4>the worst, and I think this could well drive the

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<v Speaker 4>Justice to want to do something. My suspicion is that

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<v Speaker 4>if they did an act to new code of conduct,

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<v Speaker 4>it would have plenty of loopholes in it, but that

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<v Speaker 4>there would at least be the appearance of typening things up.

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<v Speaker 3>Thanks so much for being on the show, Bes, Professor

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<v Speaker 3>David super of Georgetown Law School. Coming up next, The

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<v Speaker 3>Manhattan DA sues Congressman Jim Jordan and the Judiciary Committee

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<v Speaker 3>you're listening to Bloomberg. Senators have also vowed to consider

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<v Speaker 3>legislation to resolve this issue. If the Supreme Court doesn't

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<v Speaker 3>act on its own. That doesn't seem likely because they'd

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<v Speaker 3>need at least nine Senate Republicans and the House is

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<v Speaker 3>controlled by Republicans. But even if it succeeds, the Chief

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<v Speaker 3>has suggested that Congress might not have the constitutional power

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<v Speaker 3>to impose ethics rules on the justices. Do you think

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<v Speaker 3>that is the case or not.

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<v Speaker 4>If five Supreme Court justices say it's unconstitutional, then for

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<v Speaker 4>practical purposes it's unconstitutional. I would find that a bizarre holding. However,

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<v Speaker 4>because Congress has imposed numerous ethics requirements on the executive branch,

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<v Speaker 4>it cannot pass a law saying that the president must

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<v Speaker 4>resign or loses office if they don't do X or Y,

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<v Speaker 4>but they can and have imposed various disclosure requirements on presidents.

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<v Speaker 4>The Presidential Documents Act that's been in the news quite

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<v Speaker 4>a bit lately is a limitation on how the President

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<v Speaker 4>conducts him self designed to lead to transparency. And I

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<v Speaker 4>would have trouble seeing how Congress would be barred from

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<v Speaker 4>imposing similar standards on justices. Now it's a justice chose

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<v Speaker 4>to disregard those standards, the only remedy would be impeachment

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<v Speaker 4>and removal. But Congress clearly could put standards like that

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<v Speaker 4>out there.

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<v Speaker 3>You refer to this, but the Supreme Court has had

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<v Speaker 3>one problem after the other, one ethical issue after the other,

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<v Speaker 3>several involving Justice Thomas. Do you think that this will

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<v Speaker 3>lead to less public confidence in the Court than even now?

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<v Speaker 4>I think the combination of substantive rulings that are upsetting

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<v Speaker 4>to a large fraction of the public and a sense

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<v Speaker 4>that the Court's ethics are in bad shape is quite lethal.

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<v Speaker 4>I think either one of those by itself might not

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<v Speaker 4>be a problem, But the Court has made several radical

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<v Speaker 4>decisions lately. There's indications it has several more in store

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<v Speaker 4>for us later this year, and when you combine that

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<v Speaker 4>with a sense that the Court is receiving large sums

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<v Speaker 4>from private parties, that justice are ruling on cases in

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<v Speaker 4>which their family members are highly interested, that justices are

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<v Speaker 4>crafting their opinions through the news media with leak, that

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<v Speaker 4>is certainly going to persuade the public that these decisions

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<v Speaker 4>are not reasoned attempts to get at the correct answer,

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<v Speaker 4>but rather the response of interest group, politics, and ideology.

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<v Speaker 4>One thought I have I sort of alluded to earlier

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<v Speaker 4>is that I would really love to hear people who

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<v Speaker 4>are defending Justice Thomas explain how this is different than

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<v Speaker 4>Justice Fortis. It's actually much worse than Justice Fortis. And

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<v Speaker 4>I would like them either to say that Justice Fortis

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<v Speaker 4>was improperly forced off the court or explain why removing

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<v Speaker 4>Justice Fortas was appropriate and Justice Thomas should stay.

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<v Speaker 3>Thanks so much for being on the show. It's always

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<v Speaker 3>a pleasure to have you. That's Professor David super of

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<v Speaker 3>Georgetown Law School. Attorney Stephen Donziger is an environmental activist

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<v Speaker 3>who took on Chevron and ended up disbarred and imprisoned

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<v Speaker 3>for contempt of court. It's the conviction for contempt of

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<v Speaker 3>Court that ended up before the Supreme Court. New York

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<v Speaker 3>Federal Judge Lewis Kaplan charged Donziger with contempt in twenty

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<v Speaker 3>nineteen after he refused to turn over his electronic devices

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<v Speaker 3>for Chevron's forensic experts to review. When the U. S.

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<v Speaker 3>Attorney of Manhattant declined to prosecute Donziger, the judge appointed

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<v Speaker 3>a private attorney to prosecute him, ending in a six

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<v Speaker 3>month sentence for Donziger. The Supreme Court refused to hear

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<v Speaker 3>Donziger's appeal, and Justice Neil Gorsich wrote a blistering dissent,

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<v Speaker 3>joined by Justice Brett Kavanaugh. Gorsech wrote, in this country,

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<v Speaker 3>judges have no more power to initiate a prosecution of

0:15:54.760 --> 0:15:58.000
<v Speaker 3>those who come before them than prosecutors have to sit

0:15:58.080 --> 0:16:01.320
<v Speaker 3>in judgment of those they charge. Joining me is Professor

0:16:01.320 --> 0:16:04.440
<v Speaker 3>Harold Krant of the Chicago Kent College of Law, hell

0:16:04.440 --> 0:16:07.400
<v Speaker 3>tell us about Donziger in his case, this case.

0:16:07.560 --> 0:16:12.160
<v Speaker 5>Is an incredible story of environmental activism likely gone bad.

0:16:12.640 --> 0:16:17.640
<v Speaker 5>The environmental activist Stephen Donziger represented indigenous groups who protested

0:16:17.680 --> 0:16:21.800
<v Speaker 5>against Chevron the oil companies despoiling of the earth in

0:16:22.320 --> 0:16:27.040
<v Speaker 5>letting effluence go wild. In Ecuador, and there was wrangling

0:16:27.080 --> 0:16:31.640
<v Speaker 5>about where this lawsuit would take place, and Chevron sought

0:16:31.680 --> 0:16:34.720
<v Speaker 5>to have the trial be decided in Ecuador. It got

0:16:34.720 --> 0:16:38.440
<v Speaker 5>its wish, and Donziger was able to get eight billion

0:16:38.520 --> 0:16:41.800
<v Speaker 5>dollar verdict on half of his clients. Chevron then turned

0:16:41.800 --> 0:16:44.720
<v Speaker 5>around and said that the eight billion dollar verdict was

0:16:44.960 --> 0:16:49.120
<v Speaker 5>produced by fraud and convinced a New York court that

0:16:49.120 --> 0:16:51.960
<v Speaker 5>that in fact was the case. This then series of

0:16:52.000 --> 0:16:56.560
<v Speaker 5>events followed that finding a fraud because then Chevron tried

0:16:56.600 --> 0:17:00.560
<v Speaker 5>to find whether Donziger hidden some of them that it

0:17:00.600 --> 0:17:04.400
<v Speaker 5>had been paid pursuing to the judgment, and in looking

0:17:04.480 --> 0:17:07.800
<v Speaker 5>at his bank statements, looking at his emails, and Donziger

0:17:07.800 --> 0:17:11.640
<v Speaker 5>then refused to turn over all of his private information

0:17:11.760 --> 0:17:14.679
<v Speaker 5>to the New York court. That's what starts this case,

0:17:14.960 --> 0:17:18.800
<v Speaker 5>because then the question is did Donziger in effect commit

0:17:18.880 --> 0:17:22.320
<v Speaker 5>a contempt on the court by refusing to abide by

0:17:22.440 --> 0:17:26.520
<v Speaker 5>its turnover order to give them all the personal documents?

0:17:26.960 --> 0:17:30.280
<v Speaker 5>And the court in New York asked the Justice Department

0:17:30.680 --> 0:17:34.399
<v Speaker 5>to bring a case to prosecute Donziger for failure to

0:17:34.440 --> 0:17:37.440
<v Speaker 5>abide by the order, and the Justice Department considered it

0:17:37.480 --> 0:17:39.240
<v Speaker 5>and decided it was not a good use of its

0:17:39.280 --> 0:17:42.919
<v Speaker 5>resources and so declined to prosecute Donziger for violating the

0:17:42.960 --> 0:17:48.040
<v Speaker 5>court order. Thereupon, the judge decided to appoint the prosecutor

0:17:48.160 --> 0:17:52.480
<v Speaker 5>to champion the event and prosecute Donziger for violating the

0:17:52.520 --> 0:17:55.879
<v Speaker 5>court's order, and that gave rise to the decision of

0:17:55.920 --> 0:17:58.240
<v Speaker 5>the Second Circuit, which in a two to one vote

0:17:58.400 --> 0:18:02.960
<v Speaker 5>upheld the court's decision to appoint a special private prosecutor

0:18:03.040 --> 0:18:07.240
<v Speaker 5>to determine whether Donziger had violated the court order. And

0:18:07.440 --> 0:18:11.000
<v Speaker 5>the Second Circuit held that the district Court's decision to

0:18:11.480 --> 0:18:14.520
<v Speaker 5>impose a six month sentence and a fine was entirely

0:18:14.760 --> 0:18:19.399
<v Speaker 5>appropriate over a vigorous descent, and that led to the curpetition,

0:18:19.720 --> 0:18:23.480
<v Speaker 5>which was recently rejected by the Supreme Court over the

0:18:23.520 --> 0:18:28.560
<v Speaker 5>descents of both Justice Gorsuch and Justice Kavanaugh.

0:18:28.840 --> 0:18:31.320
<v Speaker 3>That was an extraordinary thing for a judge to do.

0:18:31.800 --> 0:18:33.119
<v Speaker 3>That doesn't often happen.

0:18:33.600 --> 0:18:35.600
<v Speaker 5>So the theory is that a court must have the

0:18:35.640 --> 0:18:40.400
<v Speaker 5>authority to vindicate its own power by punishing those who

0:18:40.400 --> 0:18:43.320
<v Speaker 5>have tried to interfere with this process, and that those

0:18:43.320 --> 0:18:47.199
<v Speaker 5>are called sort of contempt orders in court. So if

0:18:47.240 --> 0:18:51.080
<v Speaker 5>someone screams and yells or insults the judge that the

0:18:51.160 --> 0:18:54.679
<v Speaker 5>judge has the power to issue a contempt and to

0:18:54.760 --> 0:18:58.200
<v Speaker 5>prosecute it if it happened before him or her. In addition,

0:18:58.440 --> 0:19:00.840
<v Speaker 5>the Supreme Court did decide case a number of years

0:19:00.880 --> 0:19:04.600
<v Speaker 5>ago in which a court appointed a special prosecutor to

0:19:05.280 --> 0:19:09.400
<v Speaker 5>prosecute not a contempt flowing from an in court conduct,

0:19:09.400 --> 0:19:13.359
<v Speaker 5>but a contempt flowing from a violation of a court's order.

0:19:13.800 --> 0:19:17.800
<v Speaker 5>This is rare. Rule forty two allows a court to

0:19:17.800 --> 0:19:22.240
<v Speaker 5>appoint a special prosecutor in an extraordinary case. And so,

0:19:23.080 --> 0:19:24.960
<v Speaker 5>although this case is not on all fours with that,

0:19:25.440 --> 0:19:29.200
<v Speaker 5>this case does involve how to apply rule forty two

0:19:29.520 --> 0:19:33.280
<v Speaker 5>and ask whether Rule forty two is constitutional for a

0:19:33.359 --> 0:19:34.320
<v Speaker 5>variety of reasons.

0:19:35.240 --> 0:19:38.800
<v Speaker 3>So Justice Neil Gorsitch wrote the Descent. He is joined

0:19:38.800 --> 0:19:44.879
<v Speaker 3>by Justice Kavanaugh. He says, this prosecution raises grave constitutional questions.

0:19:45.440 --> 0:19:48.359
<v Speaker 3>Quote the Constitution gives courts the power to serve as

0:19:48.400 --> 0:19:52.040
<v Speaker 3>a neutral adjudicator in a criminal case, not the power

0:19:52.040 --> 0:19:55.800
<v Speaker 3>to prosecute crimes. Tell us about his descent.

0:19:56.359 --> 0:20:00.159
<v Speaker 5>So, Justice course, it really raises two fundamental challenges to

0:20:00.160 --> 0:20:02.560
<v Speaker 5>what happened here in New York with respect to the

0:20:02.640 --> 0:20:06.520
<v Speaker 5>Donziger prosecution. One is a formal argument, and the other

0:20:06.840 --> 0:20:09.680
<v Speaker 5>is a functional argument. The functional argument, I think will

0:20:09.680 --> 0:20:13.240
<v Speaker 5>make the most powerful because it says a judge is

0:20:13.280 --> 0:20:17.320
<v Speaker 5>an independent and neutral. Here the judge appointed a prosecutor

0:20:17.560 --> 0:20:22.280
<v Speaker 5>after the Justice Department the executive branch refused to appoint

0:20:22.280 --> 0:20:25.800
<v Speaker 5>a prosecutor. So one of the protections for an individual

0:20:26.680 --> 0:20:30.879
<v Speaker 5>is the fact that a politically accountable prosecutor will make

0:20:30.880 --> 0:20:35.239
<v Speaker 5>a determination of whether to pursue a prosecution. And in

0:20:35.280 --> 0:20:39.200
<v Speaker 5>this case that didn't happen because the independent, politically accountable

0:20:39.359 --> 0:20:42.320
<v Speaker 5>the executive branch decided not to prosecutor, that it wasn't

0:20:42.359 --> 0:20:45.879
<v Speaker 5>worth the resources to do so. So was the interested

0:20:46.280 --> 0:20:50.040
<v Speaker 5>court that appointed the prosecutor, sort of deviating from the

0:20:50.119 --> 0:20:54.879
<v Speaker 5>usual judicial robes to become a prosecutor himself. So that

0:20:55.080 --> 0:20:58.600
<v Speaker 5>was one level in terms of the functional separation of

0:20:58.640 --> 0:21:01.919
<v Speaker 5>powers problem. Those were the sort of i'll call the

0:21:02.000 --> 0:21:07.119
<v Speaker 5>functional separation of powers issues that Justice Courtshi's mentioned, But

0:21:07.160 --> 0:21:10.280
<v Speaker 5>there's a formal one as well. Under the appointment's clause

0:21:10.359 --> 0:21:14.320
<v Speaker 5>and Article two of the Constitution, the Constitution says that

0:21:14.440 --> 0:21:18.080
<v Speaker 5>a inferior officer may be appointed by the courts of law,

0:21:18.560 --> 0:21:22.200
<v Speaker 5>or by the President, or by a head of Department

0:21:22.560 --> 0:21:27.200
<v Speaker 5>when Congress so decides. In this case, Congress only indirectly

0:21:27.520 --> 0:21:30.960
<v Speaker 5>decided upon appointment of a special prosecutor who's considered an

0:21:30.960 --> 0:21:35.560
<v Speaker 5>inferior officer, because Congress, through the Rules Enabling Act, allowed

0:21:35.560 --> 0:21:39.040
<v Speaker 5>the Supreme Court to decide on what rules to adopt,

0:21:39.359 --> 0:21:42.920
<v Speaker 5>and this appointment provision was only housed in a rule

0:21:43.240 --> 0:21:47.000
<v Speaker 5>that the Supreme Court articulated, not one that was provided

0:21:47.040 --> 0:21:50.359
<v Speaker 5>by Congress. So therefore, on its face, it appears that

0:21:50.440 --> 0:21:53.880
<v Speaker 5>this is not the type of appointment that is consistent

0:21:53.920 --> 0:21:58.679
<v Speaker 5>with Article two of the Constitution, and the courts in

0:21:58.720 --> 0:22:01.439
<v Speaker 5>the past have held that those kinds of special prosecutors,

0:22:01.560 --> 0:22:04.840
<v Speaker 5>as in the Independent Council Act, are acting like inferior

0:22:04.880 --> 0:22:09.159
<v Speaker 5>officers within the meaning of the Constitution, and so this

0:22:09.200 --> 0:22:13.399
<v Speaker 5>special Prosecutor, like the Independent Council, should be so characterized

0:22:13.440 --> 0:22:17.320
<v Speaker 5>and therefore could only be appointed by if Congresso determined

0:22:17.560 --> 0:22:20.080
<v Speaker 5>again by the President of the Heads of the Department

0:22:20.280 --> 0:22:22.160
<v Speaker 5>or the Courts of Law, so that would be the

0:22:22.320 --> 0:22:25.480
<v Speaker 5>formal separation of powers. Objection that there was appointments Clause

0:22:25.600 --> 0:22:28.400
<v Speaker 5>violation in this case is.

0:22:29.160 --> 0:22:35.080
<v Speaker 3>Concern about the potential that rogue judges will initiate prosecutions

0:22:35.119 --> 0:22:38.919
<v Speaker 3>where the executive branch wouldn't or is his concern more

0:22:39.359 --> 0:22:41.800
<v Speaker 3>that it's a violation of separation of powers.

0:22:43.240 --> 0:22:46.280
<v Speaker 5>I think they're connected. That separation of powers is intended

0:22:46.320 --> 0:22:49.440
<v Speaker 5>to protect liberty, and it seemed to fall apart here

0:22:49.520 --> 0:22:53.480
<v Speaker 5>because this individual, Stephen Donziger, was not given the benefit

0:22:53.560 --> 0:22:56.880
<v Speaker 5>of sort of an independent decision of whether to prosecute.

0:22:57.040 --> 0:23:00.760
<v Speaker 5>And I think Justice Gorsus was right to raise these concerns.

0:23:01.160 --> 0:23:04.440
<v Speaker 5>And most people think that if there is an exception here,

0:23:05.000 --> 0:23:07.960
<v Speaker 5>that judges do need to have the ability to punish

0:23:08.240 --> 0:23:11.040
<v Speaker 5>contempts in their presence. And again, if someone stands up

0:23:11.040 --> 0:23:13.800
<v Speaker 5>and starts yelling at the judge or starts attacking somebody

0:23:13.800 --> 0:23:17.760
<v Speaker 5>else in the courtroom, that the judge simply cannot continue

0:23:18.320 --> 0:23:21.200
<v Speaker 5>with his or her case with that kind of obstruction.

0:23:21.680 --> 0:23:24.760
<v Speaker 5>Has to have the ability to punish for contempt within

0:23:24.880 --> 0:23:28.160
<v Speaker 5>the presence of the judge, But for violating a court order,

0:23:28.680 --> 0:23:32.160
<v Speaker 5>that just seems like a context for any other kind

0:23:32.200 --> 0:23:36.000
<v Speaker 5>of crime that should be prosecuted by the independent executive branch.

0:23:36.480 --> 0:23:39.720
<v Speaker 5>So I think that the issue here is that when

0:23:40.040 --> 0:23:44.639
<v Speaker 5>a special prosecutor is appointed to look into whether or

0:23:44.720 --> 0:23:48.760
<v Speaker 5>not a individual violated a court order, that is simply

0:23:48.800 --> 0:23:51.440
<v Speaker 5>not a case where there should be a special prosecutor.

0:23:51.560 --> 0:23:55.160
<v Speaker 5>It should be determined by the Department of Justice itself.

0:23:56.200 --> 0:24:00.399
<v Speaker 3>So what surprising is, so you had these two justices dissent,

0:24:00.600 --> 0:24:03.879
<v Speaker 3>you need four in order to take a case. Doesn't

0:24:03.880 --> 0:24:07.639
<v Speaker 3>this seem like an issue that the liberal justices would

0:24:07.640 --> 0:24:08.600
<v Speaker 3>be on board with.

0:24:09.320 --> 0:24:11.680
<v Speaker 5>It is interesting that there were not two other justices

0:24:12.040 --> 0:24:16.520
<v Speaker 5>to agree with, particularly given the fact that obviously controversial,

0:24:16.560 --> 0:24:19.159
<v Speaker 5>but Stephen donzon Or, the defendant in this case, is

0:24:19.200 --> 0:24:23.960
<v Speaker 5>considered a environmental liberal activist and might have garnered some

0:24:24.000 --> 0:24:26.800
<v Speaker 5>sympathy from some of the liberal justices itself. But it

0:24:26.840 --> 0:24:28.840
<v Speaker 5>also has to do with judicial power, and it may

0:24:28.880 --> 0:24:33.040
<v Speaker 5>well be that other justices are not as eager to

0:24:33.240 --> 0:24:38.240
<v Speaker 5>whittle away judicial power as Justices Kavanaugh and Courses said

0:24:38.240 --> 0:24:42.280
<v Speaker 5>they were interested in doing, because taking away the ability

0:24:42.320 --> 0:24:45.959
<v Speaker 5>to appoint a special prosecutor does undermine some of the

0:24:46.000 --> 0:24:50.399
<v Speaker 5>authority that judges not often but occasionally have wielded in

0:24:50.440 --> 0:24:50.879
<v Speaker 5>the past.

0:24:51.480 --> 0:24:54.760
<v Speaker 3>Thanks Hal, That's Professor Harrold Krant of Chicago Kent College

0:24:54.800 --> 0:24:56.800
<v Speaker 3>of Law. And that's it for this edition of the

0:24:56.840 --> 0:24:59.720
<v Speaker 3>Bloomberg Law Show. Remember you can always get the latest

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