WEBVTT - Lots More on JD Vance and the Future of the US Dollar

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<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg Audio Studios, podcasts, radio news.

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<v Speaker 2>Did you watch jd Vance's with the r n C.

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<v Speaker 1>I saw some clips. Did you watch the whole thing?

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<v Speaker 3>No?

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<v Speaker 2>No, but I saw some. I saw some clips as well.

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<v Speaker 1>Do you think he has read Trade Wars or Class warst.

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<v Speaker 2>As far as you know, has jd Vance read the

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<v Speaker 2>book you co authored with Michael Pettis.

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<v Speaker 3>As far as I know, definitely, people on his staff have,

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<v Speaker 3>and I would not be surprised if he has himself.

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<v Speaker 2>Oh there you go. I did a deadlift one.

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<v Speaker 1>Jim uh barges.

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<v Speaker 2>This isn't after school Special, except.

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<v Speaker 1>I've decided I'm going to base my entire personality going

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<v Speaker 1>forward on campaigning for a strategic pork reserve in the US.

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<v Speaker 2>Where's the best with imposta?

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<v Speaker 1>These are the important question? Is that robots taking over

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<v Speaker 1>the world?

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<v Speaker 3>No.

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<v Speaker 2>I think that like in a couple of years, the

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<v Speaker 2>AI will do a really good job of making the

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<v Speaker 2>Odd Lots podcast and people today, I don't really need

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<v Speaker 2>to listen to Joe and Tracy anymore.

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<v Speaker 3>We do have.

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<v Speaker 1>The perfect You're listening to Lots more where we catch

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<v Speaker 1>up with friends about what's going on right now.

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<v Speaker 2>Because even when the odd lots is over. There's always

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<v Speaker 2>lots more.

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<v Speaker 1>And we really do have the perfect guest.

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<v Speaker 2>We're here with our friend multi time guest Matt Klein.

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<v Speaker 2>Everyone is reading from your hymnal must be pretty well also, listeners.

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<v Speaker 2>In addition to reading the book, go check out his

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<v Speaker 2>uh newsletter, the Overshoot, which is, you know, it's sort

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<v Speaker 2>of like, you know how people used to subscribe to

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<v Speaker 2>the Economist but then never read them in their famously

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<v Speaker 2>piled up That's how I am with substacks, except Matt's

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<v Speaker 2>is one of the ones that I regularly open.

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<v Speaker 1>So you're going to say, like, Matt's is one of

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<v Speaker 1>those newsletters though I don't read just like the economists. No,

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<v Speaker 1>it's really good.

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<v Speaker 3>Hey, something to subscribe. No, I appreciate that. That's that's

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<v Speaker 3>very kind of so. Yeah.

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<v Speaker 2>One of the things that is extremely trade wars are

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<v Speaker 2>class wars coded, so to speak. And this is one

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<v Speaker 2>of these ideas you don't here discuss popularly, particularly among

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<v Speaker 2>politicians or really anyone. But it's like, oh, you're really

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<v Speaker 2>in the know if you make this point. Is this

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<v Speaker 2>notion that maybe the central role of the US dollar

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<v Speaker 2>the reserve currency status is not so great for the US,

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<v Speaker 2>and he has made that point in interviews and I

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<v Speaker 2>think even in some testimonies that like he's not crazy

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<v Speaker 2>about the dominance of the US dollar.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, that's right. I mean I think he asked benchairman

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<v Speaker 3>Jerome Powell up this a year ago. So yes, that's

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<v Speaker 3>that's right.

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<v Speaker 1>Wait, are you surprised at all that the dollars reserve

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<v Speaker 1>currency status has been picked up as like a populist

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<v Speaker 1>talking point? I mean seriously, I mean I'm.

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<v Speaker 3>Going to say no, because he's not the first one. Right,

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<v Speaker 3>So Josh Holly is also was you know, Pettes pilled

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<v Speaker 3>as it were, And I remember when the book came out,

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<v Speaker 3>like conversations with people on his staff, I didn't even think.

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<v Speaker 3>I think before the book was efficiently released, I mean

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<v Speaker 3>they somehow got some you know, early preprint or something.

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<v Speaker 3>So it's definitely percolating the ideas and that segment of

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<v Speaker 3>the Republican right. It's obviously also, I mean you probably

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<v Speaker 3>saw the article that Robinson Mayer wrote, and he did.

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<v Speaker 3>There's a lot of people in the Biden administration whove

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<v Speaker 3>also read the book and I think gotten some good

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<v Speaker 3>takeaways from it. So this is you know, it's interesting

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<v Speaker 3>to see that having a really cross part is an

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<v Speaker 3>appeal even if the types of people who liked him

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<v Speaker 3>been very different from each other are very different and

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<v Speaker 3>their priorities for other things, but they seem to appreciate

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<v Speaker 3>the analysis we put together.

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<v Speaker 1>I mean, one thing that is true is it seems

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<v Speaker 1>like there's been a slight evolution or at least a

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<v Speaker 1>clarification in Trump's approach to the dollars. So do you remember,

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<v Speaker 1>like in the early days of his administration or when

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<v Speaker 1>he was running, he used to talk about, like a

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<v Speaker 1>lower dollar would be better for US trade, But then

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<v Speaker 1>he would also talk about how, you know, how great

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<v Speaker 1>the dollar was in the sense of its position in

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<v Speaker 1>the international financial system, and so it always we like

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<v Speaker 1>there was a little bit of tension there. But I

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<v Speaker 1>guess as time has gone on, he's sort of migrated

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<v Speaker 1>towards clearly like this idea that actually the preserve currency

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<v Speaker 1>status isn't that great for the American economy.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, I don't know if I can. I don't feel

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<v Speaker 3>comfortable saying what Trump's actual views are on this, because

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<v Speaker 3>it is some point the words. But yeah, I mean,

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<v Speaker 3>I think at least it would be more coherent to

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<v Speaker 3>say say it the way it sort of the advances

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<v Speaker 3>laid out that the use of the dollar outside the

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<v Speaker 3>United States and its popularity as a place for foreigners

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<v Speaker 3>to save money in dollars, that that has harmful effects

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<v Speaker 3>the United States because it makes a dollar relatively more

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<v Speaker 3>expensive than otherwise would be that at least is a

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<v Speaker 3>coherent point if you can disagree with it, but it's

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<v Speaker 3>coherent as opposed to saying we want the dollar to

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<v Speaker 3>be cheaper and it's great that the dollars reserve currency.

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<v Speaker 2>Wait, so, full disclosure, I have probably in my life

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<v Speaker 2>in conversation, said something like, well, did you know that

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<v Speaker 2>the dollar reserve currency status is not a privilege or

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<v Speaker 2>a burden? But the only reason I said that is

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<v Speaker 2>probably because I read it in your book or saw

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<v Speaker 2>it in one of your tweets, And I actually don't

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<v Speaker 2>even really remember the argument. I was just trying to

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<v Speaker 2>sound intelligent and heterodoxy full disclosure. You're a smart guy,

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<v Speaker 2>So if you believe something, I'll just probably accept it

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<v Speaker 2>on faith. But what do you remind us? What is

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<v Speaker 2>the gist here of why maybe it's not so good?

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<v Speaker 3>Sure? So, basically, I mean, first of all, you know,

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<v Speaker 3>people talk about their reserve currency, and that's a little

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<v Speaker 3>bit of a misnomer, like the reason, yeah, people reserve dollars, right,

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<v Speaker 3>I mean the dollar is significant just because the United

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<v Speaker 3>States is really big, Right. There are other countries where

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<v Speaker 3>their currencies are outside, like the UK is a really

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<v Speaker 3>good example, Switzerland is a good example, France in some ways.

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<v Speaker 3>But in general, what it means is that your financial system,

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<v Speaker 3>your domestic financial system, has evolved and adapted to meet

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<v Speaker 3>the needs of foreign savers and borrowers at least as

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<v Speaker 3>much as people in your own country. And that means

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<v Speaker 3>that what people outside your country want to do can

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<v Speaker 3>potentially have big impacts on your domestic economy because that's

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<v Speaker 3>where the adjustment ends up happening. And that can be

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<v Speaker 3>good or it can be bad, depending upon or at

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<v Speaker 3>least it needs it should be managed. Yeah, if it's

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<v Speaker 3>not man some way, can lead a lot of real problems.

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<v Speaker 3>So in the case of the United States, what this

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<v Speaker 3>is meant is that over the past forty plus years

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<v Speaker 3>or so, the overall preference of foreigners has been they

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<v Speaker 3>want to spend less than they earn and save the

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<v Speaker 3>difference by buying financial assets. And what that is meant

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<v Speaker 3>is that Americans have to be on their side of

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<v Speaker 3>this and borrow more selling financial assets to them in exchange.

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<v Speaker 3>That's what has happened to have been the case for

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<v Speaker 3>the past forty plus years. And what that's meant is

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<v Speaker 3>that Americans have been borrowing more than otherwise they would.

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<v Speaker 3>That means more debt, and it also means some combination

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<v Speaker 3>of either incomes being lower than the otherwise would be

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<v Speaker 3>or spending being higher. Now, whether this is good or bad,

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<v Speaker 3>or how it translates into what the American living standards

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<v Speaker 3>and living stands in the rest of the world, that

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<v Speaker 3>depends a lot of specifics, and that's where it's important

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<v Speaker 3>to get into kind of the nitty gritty and say, well,

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<v Speaker 3>we don't necessarily want to just you know, close the

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<v Speaker 3>trade deaf sip by any means necessary. One way to

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<v Speaker 3>do that, of course, is you just impoverish Americans so

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<v Speaker 3>they spend less. That's not good, right, which, by the way,

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<v Speaker 3>it used to be sort of the orthodox view of people, all, well,

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<v Speaker 3>if you don't like the current account deficit, it's because

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<v Speaker 3>the budget, the federal budget debtsit stubis we need to

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<v Speaker 3>raise taxes and cut spending. Which is essentially saying that

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<v Speaker 3>because other people in the rest of the world for

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<v Speaker 3>whatever reason, are choosing to live below their means, in

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<v Speaker 3>other words, spending less and consuming less than they're producing,

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<v Speaker 3>that therefore Americans have to live worse off. And that

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<v Speaker 3>doesn't make sense. Obviously, it'd be better if people in

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<v Speaker 3>the rest of the world live better, and that would

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<v Speaker 3>encourage a healthy rebalancey in the US where we were

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<v Speaker 3>genering more income selling the foreigners. But that's you know,

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<v Speaker 3>if that's not going to happen, then the question is

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<v Speaker 3>what do you do about it? And you know, we

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<v Speaker 3>wrote in the book most of the book is just

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<v Speaker 3>sort of explaining all this in more detail, providing some

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<v Speaker 3>historical context, showing it across different countries and time periods.

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<v Speaker 3>But you know, the conclusion we did say, okay, well

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<v Speaker 3>you've read all this, hopefully you understood it and taking

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<v Speaker 3>it in like what is that? What are the implications

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<v Speaker 3>for a country like the United States. And you know,

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<v Speaker 3>Michael and I had a bit of a you know,

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<v Speaker 3>discussion about how to put that writing. The coclusion was

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<v Speaker 3>very hard to sort of synthesize different points of view,

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<v Speaker 3>and I think we came to a good sort of

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<v Speaker 3>constructive synthesis here and basically saying, if you think that

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<v Speaker 3>foreigners and can change their behavior and they're just going

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<v Speaker 3>to continually be this net inflow of finance in the

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<v Speaker 3>United States, and you know, the corollary being that people

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<v Speaker 3>in the rest of the world are going to be

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<v Speaker 3>producing a bunch of things are not using for themselves

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<v Speaker 3>and selling it to Americans, then there are things that

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<v Speaker 3>the US can do to make that as beneficial for

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<v Speaker 3>Americans as possible. The first thing is if someone is

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<v Speaker 3>going to be borrowing, because someone in the US is

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<v Speaker 3>gonna be borrowing to offset this, it should be the

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<v Speaker 3>federal government because you know their ability to service the

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<v Speaker 3>debt and not face runs. And so if it's going

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<v Speaker 3>to be much better than a private sector, the private

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<v Speaker 3>sector borrows even if people still want to buy dollar

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<v Speaker 3>assets and not always going to want to buy those

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<v Speaker 3>private assets, and that great real problems. That's what happened

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<v Speaker 3>in the two thousands, right there was there was never

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<v Speaker 3>a situation where foreigners stopped wanting to hold dollars. They

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<v Speaker 3>just wanted to stop holding particular types of dollars, and

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<v Speaker 3>that created all sorts of runs. If it's the federal

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<v Speaker 3>government's less likely to be an issued. Okay, so that's

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<v Speaker 3>that's one thing that's like step one. Then step two

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<v Speaker 3>is because you want to make sure your private sector

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<v Speaker 3>is not being reasonably you know, burdened by this, and

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<v Speaker 3>then you say, okay, well we should figure out useful

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<v Speaker 3>things we can do with the money, right, I mean,

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<v Speaker 3>if the government has been borrowing a lot more than otherwise,

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<v Speaker 3>would be as well find things that are constructive. So

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<v Speaker 3>one thing you could do, which I think would make

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<v Speaker 3>sense to say, okay, well, obviously, you know, you have

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<v Speaker 3>a society with some people are poorer than others, some

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<v Speaker 3>people are more financially constrained than others, some people are

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<v Speaker 3>more indebted in than others. If we can, you know,

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<v Speaker 3>to a certain extent, increase overall incomes and living standards

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<v Speaker 3>for people, that would be constructive. Right. People would have

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<v Speaker 3>more money, they'd be more financially secure, less curious, they

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<v Speaker 3>could buy more things that would be good for jobs

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<v Speaker 3>and incomes and well being and social being and so forth.

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<v Speaker 3>That's one thing you could do, pretty straightforwardly. Another thing

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<v Speaker 3>you could do is you could say, we have a

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<v Speaker 3>lot of unmet investment needs. We know what they are

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<v Speaker 3>just because the various reasons you know, where there have

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<v Speaker 3>been backlogs and even done them, or the things we

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<v Speaker 3>think we're going to need in the future, and you

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<v Speaker 3>can say we can borrow, have the treasury borrow at

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<v Speaker 3>you know, relatively lower rates than otherwise would be the case,

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<v Speaker 3>and support the financing of these investments that would be

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<v Speaker 3>productive and hopefully again make people's living standards higher in

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<v Speaker 3>the future. And then the last thing that I think

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<v Speaker 3>would make sense in this context is to the extent

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<v Speaker 3>that foreigners are consuming less than you'd otherwise expect based

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<v Speaker 3>on what they're producing, and they're creating relatives to that

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<v Speaker 3>and excess of production and selling it. You just want

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<v Speaker 3>to make sure that America's ability to produce things, or

0:10:02.920 --> 0:10:04.439
<v Speaker 3>whatever country we're talking about here doesn't have to be

0:10:04.440 --> 0:10:07.520
<v Speaker 3>the US could be like the UK isn't unreasonably displaced.

0:10:07.760 --> 0:10:11.800
<v Speaker 3>There are reasons why it's good to have a sufficiently large,

0:10:12.160 --> 0:10:16.600
<v Speaker 3>diversified complex manufacturing sector in your country, for productivity reasons,

0:10:16.640 --> 0:10:19.720
<v Speaker 3>for national security reasons, and you want to be able

0:10:19.720 --> 0:10:21.800
<v Speaker 3>to preserve that and not have it unreasonably Obviously they're

0:10:21.800 --> 0:10:25.120
<v Speaker 3>technological changes or whatever things like that happens, you know,

0:10:25.160 --> 0:10:26.840
<v Speaker 3>it doesn't necessarily make sense for the US to have

0:10:26.880 --> 0:10:29.240
<v Speaker 3>a huge T shirt manufacturing industry, but you don't want

0:10:29.240 --> 0:10:32.360
<v Speaker 3>to have a situation where, because of people's saving preferences

0:10:32.360 --> 0:10:36.439
<v Speaker 3>which are totally unrelated, that like the US manufacturing sector

0:10:36.559 --> 0:10:40.079
<v Speaker 3>or for other countries that supplies is not unreasonably demolished,

0:10:40.080 --> 0:10:42.719
<v Speaker 3>and so some it makes sense in that case that

0:10:42.840 --> 0:10:45.640
<v Speaker 3>have some government spending set aside to make sure there

0:10:45.720 --> 0:10:48.360
<v Speaker 3>is always demand for American manufacturing. And if you have

0:10:48.480 --> 0:10:50.200
<v Speaker 3>this perspective, which is what we laid out in the book,

0:10:50.200 --> 0:10:52.440
<v Speaker 3>you can, I think reasonably say that in many ways,

0:10:53.040 --> 0:10:54.880
<v Speaker 3>a lot of we've seen in the past three years

0:10:54.880 --> 0:10:57.440
<v Speaker 3>has really been you know, consistent with that that kind

0:10:57.440 --> 0:11:00.600
<v Speaker 3>of policy making. I think that's constructive.

0:11:00.800 --> 0:11:03.520
<v Speaker 1>The one thing, well, there are a lot of things

0:11:03.640 --> 0:11:06.320
<v Speaker 1>that I don't get nowadays, but one thing that I

0:11:06.360 --> 0:11:09.800
<v Speaker 1>really don't get is like Trump, the Trump administration, Like,

0:11:09.880 --> 0:11:12.360
<v Speaker 1>insofar as they've laid it out so far, they seem

0:11:12.400 --> 0:11:16.160
<v Speaker 1>to want like disparate and conflicting things. So, you know,

0:11:16.360 --> 0:11:20.520
<v Speaker 1>a weaker dollar, a change in the dollars reserve status,

0:11:20.559 --> 0:11:26.520
<v Speaker 1>maybe a reduction in the trade deficit, lower interest rates

0:11:26.800 --> 0:11:29.920
<v Speaker 1>of inflation, and lower inflation Yeah, lower inflation seems to

0:11:29.920 --> 0:11:34.240
<v Speaker 1>be like the big contradiction here. And I also feel

0:11:34.280 --> 0:11:36.520
<v Speaker 1>like you could make a very strong argument that if

0:11:36.520 --> 0:11:40.040
<v Speaker 1>we've learned anything from the past few years in terms

0:11:40.040 --> 0:11:44.920
<v Speaker 1>of Americans economic preferences, it's that Americans hate inflation a

0:11:44.960 --> 0:11:48.840
<v Speaker 1>lot more than they seem to like full employment. Right, So, like,

0:11:49.360 --> 0:11:53.120
<v Speaker 1>how does all this come together and actually impact prices?

0:11:53.520 --> 0:11:55.640
<v Speaker 3>Sure? Well, so these are all great questions. First of all,

0:11:55.679 --> 0:11:57.760
<v Speaker 3>as we wrote the book before it became apparent that

0:11:57.760 --> 0:12:00.719
<v Speaker 3>people hated inflation more than they hated full employment unemployment,

0:12:00.800 --> 0:12:02.680
<v Speaker 3>so that you know, that's our fault. I guess I

0:12:02.720 --> 0:12:05.040
<v Speaker 3>still think it's better to have a full employment and

0:12:05.040 --> 0:12:06.920
<v Speaker 3>a little more inflation than the other way around. But

0:12:07.080 --> 0:12:09.240
<v Speaker 3>you know, my linch may faery, But yeah, I agree

0:12:09.280 --> 0:12:11.640
<v Speaker 3>that it is contradictory. I mean, I think you could

0:12:11.679 --> 0:12:14.559
<v Speaker 3>plausibly put together a sort of a reflationist agenda, the

0:12:14.640 --> 0:12:15.800
<v Speaker 3>kind of thing that would have made a lot of

0:12:15.840 --> 0:12:19.000
<v Speaker 3>sense and say two thousand nine twenty ten. You know,

0:12:19.040 --> 0:12:21.880
<v Speaker 3>but does that fully make sense now? Or if it

0:12:21.880 --> 0:12:24.600
<v Speaker 3>does make sense now, like, are people prepared to accept

0:12:24.640 --> 0:12:26.560
<v Speaker 3>the full consequences of that? And I think the answer

0:12:26.600 --> 0:12:29.640
<v Speaker 3>is probably no, Right, I mean, first of all, compressing

0:12:29.679 --> 0:12:32.000
<v Speaker 3>the trade deficit for two sides. Then right, you can

0:12:32.040 --> 0:12:34.280
<v Speaker 3>lower imports, so you can raise exports. If you do

0:12:34.320 --> 0:12:37.040
<v Speaker 3>it by lowering imports, then again, I mean one way

0:12:37.080 --> 0:12:39.200
<v Speaker 3>of doing that is you somehow manage to make more

0:12:39.240 --> 0:12:42.840
<v Speaker 3>things domestically and so you have less need imports stuff. Okay, fine,

0:12:43.080 --> 0:12:45.079
<v Speaker 3>Or you do it by just buying less stuff domestically

0:12:45.080 --> 0:12:47.160
<v Speaker 3>because you're poor, or you're just buying less stuff. So

0:12:47.200 --> 0:12:49.120
<v Speaker 3>again there's like all these different layers of how this

0:12:49.240 --> 0:12:51.240
<v Speaker 3>plays out. Also for exports. By the way, you can

0:12:51.280 --> 0:12:54.319
<v Speaker 3>increase exports because you're selling less stuff in your home

0:12:54.360 --> 0:12:56.760
<v Speaker 3>market but you're able to sell it somewhere else, or

0:12:56.800 --> 0:12:59.440
<v Speaker 3>because you're just producing more and as a consequence, you know,

0:12:59.480 --> 0:13:02.160
<v Speaker 3>whatever share as export goes up. So there's four different

0:13:02.200 --> 0:13:04.600
<v Speaker 3>possibilities there. You can have different combinations. They all have

0:13:04.600 --> 0:13:08.960
<v Speaker 3>different implications for living standards, for potential interactions with how

0:13:09.040 --> 0:13:11.800
<v Speaker 3>much spare resources are available and what that might mean

0:13:11.800 --> 0:13:15.480
<v Speaker 3>for inflation. And so you know, it's dangerous to oversimplify

0:13:15.520 --> 0:13:17.320
<v Speaker 3>these things and just say like, oh, we want to

0:13:17.320 --> 0:13:19.160
<v Speaker 3>have a narrow or trade depths. I mean, what you

0:13:19.160 --> 0:13:22.360
<v Speaker 3>should care about is things like financial stability, things like

0:13:22.400 --> 0:13:25.319
<v Speaker 3>full employment, things like making sure that you know you're

0:13:25.360 --> 0:13:30.280
<v Speaker 3>having a diversified, you know, sophisticated domestic production base. That's tricky,

0:13:30.320 --> 0:13:31.439
<v Speaker 3>but I mean that's kind of I think how it

0:13:31.480 --> 0:13:33.160
<v Speaker 3>would makes sense to prioritize things, right.

0:13:33.200 --> 0:13:35.679
<v Speaker 2>A lot of this is about are you addressing the

0:13:35.800 --> 0:13:38.840
<v Speaker 2>symptom or the underlying issue.

0:13:39.280 --> 0:13:40.840
<v Speaker 1>Well, if the dollar.

0:13:41.320 --> 0:13:45.120
<v Speaker 2>We're less central in the global economy, would the constrain

0:13:45.880 --> 0:13:51.160
<v Speaker 2>foreign policy insofar as sometimes we seize the dollar assets

0:13:51.200 --> 0:13:55.160
<v Speaker 2>of other countries, or we cut off individuals, companies, and

0:13:55.240 --> 0:13:58.080
<v Speaker 2>countries from banks to have access to the dollar system.

0:13:58.120 --> 0:14:00.880
<v Speaker 2>Does that have a constraining a security effect?

0:14:01.640 --> 0:14:04.440
<v Speaker 3>Potentially if you look back historically that some of the

0:14:04.440 --> 0:14:09.120
<v Speaker 3>people who were most in favor of maintaining the status

0:14:09.200 --> 0:14:11.280
<v Speaker 3>call have been people in the national security establishment who

0:14:11.280 --> 0:14:13.760
<v Speaker 3>look at from that perspective. So that's a potential issue.

0:14:13.880 --> 0:14:16.000
<v Speaker 3>The flip side, though, is like, what what are the

0:14:16.040 --> 0:14:18.800
<v Speaker 3>other currencies that lay a larger role potentially? I mean

0:14:18.840 --> 0:14:21.160
<v Speaker 3>one I think obvious one which nobody talked about anymore

0:14:21.200 --> 0:14:24.520
<v Speaker 3>for reasons they don't understand, but would be the Euro. Right, Like,

0:14:25.640 --> 0:14:28.400
<v Speaker 3>the European economy in the aggregate is very large. It

0:14:28.480 --> 0:14:29.920
<v Speaker 3>is sophisticated, has got a lot of stuff that The

0:14:29.960 --> 0:14:33.640
<v Speaker 3>European financial market in the aggregate is again large, it

0:14:33.720 --> 0:14:35.160
<v Speaker 3>is open, but there's a lot of issues they have

0:14:35.240 --> 0:14:37.360
<v Speaker 3>in terms of fragmentation, in terms of legal regime, in

0:14:37.440 --> 0:14:41.680
<v Speaker 3>terms of just weird ideological biases against you know, government

0:14:41.680 --> 0:14:45.880
<v Speaker 3>borrowing particularly you know, again encourage the fragmentation, and so

0:14:45.920 --> 0:14:47.640
<v Speaker 3>that basically they're really punching below their weight. I mean,

0:14:47.680 --> 0:14:49.480
<v Speaker 3>that's sort of the most obvious one. You can also

0:14:49.520 --> 0:14:51.320
<v Speaker 3>talk about Yuan, which is a different story, but like

0:14:52.160 --> 0:14:54.800
<v Speaker 3>Europe's so obvious one. And so from foreign policy, like

0:14:55.640 --> 0:14:58.120
<v Speaker 3>there are situations where sometimes you have disagreements in the

0:14:58.240 --> 0:15:00.520
<v Speaker 3>US and Europeans about foreign policy. But the really big

0:15:00.560 --> 0:15:03.400
<v Speaker 3>stuff that's happened recently there's been locks up, and same

0:15:03.400 --> 0:15:06.760
<v Speaker 3>thing with Japan and Switzerland, and so you could have

0:15:06.840 --> 0:15:11.560
<v Speaker 3>a more diverse, pluralistic regime of financial systems. And nevertheless,

0:15:12.000 --> 0:15:14.160
<v Speaker 3>you know, for when things matter, I mean, you talk

0:15:14.200 --> 0:15:16.480
<v Speaker 3>about sanctions and banks, like there's an element where cutting

0:15:16.480 --> 0:15:18.360
<v Speaker 3>off banks is important, but also what it is is

0:15:18.400 --> 0:15:20.720
<v Speaker 3>like you are being cut off from our real economy

0:15:20.760 --> 0:15:22.800
<v Speaker 3>as well, and to the extent that the real economy

0:15:22.840 --> 0:15:26.200
<v Speaker 3>of the US and allies writ large is still very

0:15:26.280 --> 0:15:29.320
<v Speaker 3>large relative to the global total, and very very large

0:15:29.320 --> 0:15:31.560
<v Speaker 3>when it comes to you know, certain sort of essential

0:15:31.640 --> 0:15:34.400
<v Speaker 3>high tech components. You'd be able to swing a big

0:15:34.440 --> 0:15:36.560
<v Speaker 3>stick if you want to. Even if that were not

0:15:36.600 --> 0:15:39.280
<v Speaker 3>the case, I think that people shouldn't They should not

0:15:39.320 --> 0:15:41.840
<v Speaker 3>be so afraid of that outcome that they you know,

0:15:42.160 --> 0:15:44.080
<v Speaker 3>ignore what's gooding and policy. And by the way, I

0:15:44.120 --> 0:15:46.040
<v Speaker 3>should also add that sometimes you hear people make an

0:15:46.120 --> 0:15:49.320
<v Speaker 3>argument that sanctions are bad because it undermines the reserve status,

0:15:49.360 --> 0:15:51.800
<v Speaker 3>which I mean, that's just circular, right, Like the whole

0:15:51.880 --> 0:15:54.000
<v Speaker 3>value of reserve status are being popular is that you

0:15:54.000 --> 0:15:55.760
<v Speaker 3>can do sanctions, then you can't do something like I mean,

0:15:55.960 --> 0:15:57.040
<v Speaker 3>that doesn't make sense.

0:15:57.520 --> 0:16:14.200
<v Speaker 1>Again, you have the threat of sanctions, is there. This

0:16:14.280 --> 0:16:16.400
<v Speaker 1>might be a kind of weird question, but you know,

0:16:16.440 --> 0:16:19.600
<v Speaker 1>you talked about the conclusions in your book and the

0:16:19.640 --> 0:16:23.280
<v Speaker 1>idea of Okay, well, we can't really force foreign countries

0:16:23.480 --> 0:16:28.480
<v Speaker 1>to necessarily change their behavior, and so if the US

0:16:28.600 --> 0:16:32.960
<v Speaker 1>really wants to reduce the dollar's role as a reserve currency,

0:16:33.440 --> 0:16:36.600
<v Speaker 1>then like, here are some things that the US could do.

0:16:37.120 --> 0:16:39.160
<v Speaker 1>I guess my question is like, is there anything more

0:16:39.320 --> 0:16:41.920
<v Speaker 1>like aggressive that Yeah?

0:16:42.320 --> 0:16:45.120
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, absolutely right, and so actually you're absolutely right. So

0:16:45.280 --> 0:16:47.520
<v Speaker 3>what I laid out to you was, if we assume

0:16:47.640 --> 0:16:49.640
<v Speaker 3>that nothing's going to change on the outside world, here's

0:16:49.640 --> 0:16:52.520
<v Speaker 3>how we can adapt US policy to be as beneficial

0:16:52.520 --> 0:16:55.360
<v Speaker 3>as possible. The alternative, which we also discussed in conclusion,

0:16:55.400 --> 0:16:56.680
<v Speaker 3>this is where again Michael and I were kind of

0:16:56.640 --> 0:16:58.080
<v Speaker 3>trying to figure out how to put all this together

0:16:58.120 --> 0:17:00.440
<v Speaker 3>in a way that was coherent. Is you say, you know,

0:17:00.560 --> 0:17:03.640
<v Speaker 3>screw that, we're just gonna We're just gonna both you know,

0:17:03.760 --> 0:17:05.800
<v Speaker 3>it's their problem, right, And basically what you would do

0:17:05.840 --> 0:17:07.679
<v Speaker 3>is you have some kind of you know, capital controls

0:17:07.760 --> 0:17:10.879
<v Speaker 3>or what the IMF now calls capital flow management measures

0:17:10.880 --> 0:17:12.800
<v Speaker 3>I think is the term they came up with like

0:17:12.800 --> 0:17:15.400
<v Speaker 3>ten years ago to But you know, if it's literally

0:17:15.440 --> 0:17:18.560
<v Speaker 3>the case that foreigners cannot buy us financial assets or

0:17:18.600 --> 0:17:21.760
<v Speaker 3>you make it prohatively expensive for them to do that,

0:17:21.760 --> 0:17:24.680
<v Speaker 3>that would have all sorts of other effects. And basically

0:17:25.200 --> 0:17:27.400
<v Speaker 3>what that would be very chaotic, or could be very kotic,

0:17:27.440 --> 0:17:29.199
<v Speaker 3>could be very you know, a narcic could end up

0:17:29.240 --> 0:17:32.399
<v Speaker 3>leading to an overall poor world. Certainly, I think then

0:17:32.440 --> 0:17:34.680
<v Speaker 3>the one where we have a kind of constructive approach.

0:17:35.119 --> 0:17:37.840
<v Speaker 3>But if your view is foreigners are never going to change,

0:17:38.240 --> 0:17:40.359
<v Speaker 3>and you don't want to do the things we laid out.

0:17:40.359 --> 0:17:43.080
<v Speaker 3>Because to be clear, the alternative path that I mentioned earlier,

0:17:43.320 --> 0:17:45.200
<v Speaker 3>it does come I think it's overall beneficial, but it

0:17:45.240 --> 0:17:47.280
<v Speaker 3>does come with one specific cost. What is that federal

0:17:47.280 --> 0:17:49.560
<v Speaker 3>debt would probably rise to GDP. I think overall that's

0:17:49.600 --> 0:17:51.879
<v Speaker 3>not a problem, but that is like one specific thing

0:17:51.920 --> 0:17:53.680
<v Speaker 3>you could point to, and if you for some reason

0:17:53.800 --> 0:17:56.440
<v Speaker 3>really don't want that, then the alternative is you say, look,

0:17:56.880 --> 0:17:58.359
<v Speaker 3>you have these, you know you the rest of the

0:17:58.400 --> 0:18:02.120
<v Speaker 3>world collectively produce more then you use. You can't sell

0:18:02.240 --> 0:18:03.639
<v Speaker 3>unless you sell to us. So now we're saying you

0:18:03.680 --> 0:18:06.240
<v Speaker 3>can't sell to us, good luck figure it out. That's

0:18:06.280 --> 0:18:08.280
<v Speaker 3>going to hurt Americans initially at first, but it's going

0:18:08.320 --> 0:18:11.880
<v Speaker 3>to hurt other people more probably, And so that's where

0:18:11.960 --> 0:18:13.920
<v Speaker 3>that as the alternative. I mean, you can sort of see,

0:18:14.119 --> 0:18:16.080
<v Speaker 3>I mean they stent that there have been people and

0:18:16.240 --> 0:18:20.480
<v Speaker 3>across the political spectrum feeling receptive to what we wrote

0:18:20.520 --> 0:18:21.800
<v Speaker 3>in the book. I mean you can see that as

0:18:21.800 --> 0:18:24.080
<v Speaker 3>being a divide like which approach you prefer. I mean,

0:18:24.080 --> 0:18:25.280
<v Speaker 3>I think you can tell from what I'm saying what

0:18:25.320 --> 0:18:28.200
<v Speaker 3>I think makes more sense. Obviously, Another really good thing

0:18:28.240 --> 0:18:30.640
<v Speaker 3>would be, you know, the places that have these sort

0:18:30.640 --> 0:18:34.479
<v Speaker 3>of persistent under periods of under consumption, you know, Europe

0:18:34.480 --> 0:18:37.879
<v Speaker 3>and China most obviously, but not exclusively, if they you know,

0:18:38.000 --> 0:18:40.479
<v Speaker 3>increase their own living standards, that would also be very

0:18:40.480 --> 0:18:44.600
<v Speaker 3>helpful increasing consumption and investment where appropriate. But if that's

0:18:44.640 --> 0:18:46.600
<v Speaker 3>not going to happen, or you've not skeptical, if you're

0:18:46.600 --> 0:18:48.639
<v Speaker 3>not sure it's going to happen, then it's okay. Well

0:18:48.680 --> 0:18:50.679
<v Speaker 3>you can really try to force them to try to

0:18:50.680 --> 0:18:52.239
<v Speaker 3>figure it out, or you say, okay, we're just going

0:18:52.280 --> 0:18:55.040
<v Speaker 3>to take advantage of ourselves and you know, a relatively

0:18:55.119 --> 0:18:56.920
<v Speaker 3>you know, constructive positive some way.

0:18:57.320 --> 0:19:00.000
<v Speaker 2>So there was a great interview this week. Trump said

0:19:00.080 --> 0:19:02.720
<v Speaker 2>it down with our colleagues over at Bloomberg Business Week

0:19:02.720 --> 0:19:04.879
<v Speaker 2>and talked to a bunch of things. And I know,

0:19:04.960 --> 0:19:07.920
<v Speaker 2>I mean, this is sort of obvious. He loves President McKinley.

0:19:08.000 --> 0:19:11.560
<v Speaker 2>He called him the tariff King. McKinley made this country rich.

0:19:12.080 --> 0:19:15.960
<v Speaker 2>Can you give like the thirty second sixty second summary

0:19:16.040 --> 0:19:19.600
<v Speaker 2>of McKinley's trade policy and what would it mean in

0:19:19.680 --> 0:19:22.879
<v Speaker 2>practice or what would the impacts be if we brought

0:19:22.880 --> 0:19:24.560
<v Speaker 2>out the McKinley playbook today.

0:19:25.320 --> 0:19:27.600
<v Speaker 3>Oh man, well, you know what happens to be the case.

0:19:27.640 --> 0:19:29.840
<v Speaker 3>I just actually finished reading a book, a history of

0:19:29.880 --> 0:19:31.760
<v Speaker 3>the Gilded Age, and ended with the election of McKinley.

0:19:31.800 --> 0:19:33.720
<v Speaker 3>So of course I didn't like get the McKinley. I

0:19:33.760 --> 0:19:37.439
<v Speaker 3>will say the big increase in tariffs preceded McKinley, and

0:19:37.520 --> 0:19:40.600
<v Speaker 3>that was it was I we're going embarrass myself, And

0:19:40.960 --> 0:19:42.800
<v Speaker 3>they preceded McKinley. And in fact, there was an election

0:19:44.080 --> 0:19:46.560
<v Speaker 3>before where the Democrat won. I guess the Garfield was

0:19:46.600 --> 0:19:49.520
<v Speaker 3>against the tariffs, but they didn't and managed to repeal them.

0:19:49.560 --> 0:19:51.479
<v Speaker 3>So you had a big increase that was you know

0:19:51.520 --> 0:19:55.280
<v Speaker 3>from I'm going to but your memory. Yeah. The point

0:19:55.320 --> 0:19:57.479
<v Speaker 3>is the tariffs had been raised in the eighteen eighties,

0:19:58.560 --> 0:20:01.400
<v Speaker 3>very early, very early to in state high The thing

0:20:01.400 --> 0:20:04.040
<v Speaker 3>that arguably was really helpful for McKinley specifically, is you

0:20:04.119 --> 0:20:07.280
<v Speaker 3>had big discoveries of gold reserves in the late eighteen

0:20:07.359 --> 0:20:10.439
<v Speaker 3>nineties and exploitation of those reserves, and that east global

0:20:10.440 --> 0:20:13.040
<v Speaker 3>monetary conditions after a long period in which gold supplies

0:20:13.040 --> 0:20:17.040
<v Speaker 3>were dwindling relative to you know, financial needs, and so

0:20:17.320 --> 0:20:20.480
<v Speaker 3>that probably more than anything else, was significant. That wasn't

0:20:20.480 --> 0:20:22.560
<v Speaker 3>obviously helpful just for the United States's helpful for everyone.

0:20:22.840 --> 0:20:25.240
<v Speaker 3>And so if I were to sort of pinpoint something specifically,

0:20:25.400 --> 0:20:27.240
<v Speaker 3>that would be, you know, if you have a big

0:20:27.280 --> 0:20:29.240
<v Speaker 3>campaign about the golds. I mean that's partly also why

0:20:29.440 --> 0:20:31.080
<v Speaker 3>you know, like the Brian campaign kind of fizzled. It

0:20:31.080 --> 0:20:32.879
<v Speaker 3>was like, okay, well you're talking about how gold is

0:20:32.920 --> 0:20:35.920
<v Speaker 3>so restrictive right at the time when gold supply is

0:20:35.960 --> 0:20:38.560
<v Speaker 3>going up, like nobody's carrious, huh. And so that I

0:20:38.560 --> 0:20:41.439
<v Speaker 3>think was definitely a helpful tale end for McKinley. More

0:20:41.480 --> 0:20:44.120
<v Speaker 3>broadly for the US. I mean, it really goes back

0:20:44.119 --> 0:20:47.399
<v Speaker 3>to the Napoleonic Wars, you know, a long time earlier,

0:20:47.400 --> 0:20:49.720
<v Speaker 3>where the US has just cut off, you know, against

0:20:49.720 --> 0:20:52.159
<v Speaker 3>its will, from trade with Europeans. You know, that was

0:20:52.200 --> 0:20:54.159
<v Speaker 3>a very extreme trade baron that forced the development of

0:20:54.160 --> 0:20:57.120
<v Speaker 3>an indigenous industry. And then ever since then you had,

0:20:57.440 --> 0:20:59.960
<v Speaker 3>obviously with some fluctuations over time, but support for very

0:21:00.200 --> 0:21:03.199
<v Speaker 3>kinds of protective tariffs that lasted basically until the end

0:21:03.240 --> 0:21:05.359
<v Speaker 3>of World War Two, with fluctuations up and down.

0:21:06.119 --> 0:21:09.119
<v Speaker 2>Well, well, what happened we regardless of what happened with McKinley,

0:21:09.200 --> 0:21:12.679
<v Speaker 2>we know Trump likes tariffs. He imposed tariffs on China.

0:21:13.160 --> 0:21:16.560
<v Speaker 2>Biden has continued and increased tariffs, and we also have

0:21:16.640 --> 0:21:18.679
<v Speaker 2>like tariffs on other countries too. I think there's some

0:21:18.720 --> 0:21:21.040
<v Speaker 2>European tariffs. But let's say we had like a much

0:21:21.080 --> 0:21:24.399
<v Speaker 2>more regressive terriff Regham. What happens if we try to

0:21:24.440 --> 0:21:26.920
<v Speaker 2>implement some of these policies that you hear people dream about.

0:21:26.920 --> 0:21:29.240
<v Speaker 2>It's like, oh, we don't even need an income tax anymore.

0:21:29.280 --> 0:21:31.439
<v Speaker 2>We could just do it all with tariffs. Like what

0:21:31.560 --> 0:21:35.399
<v Speaker 2>happens if we get like true hardcore tariffs around the world? Like,

0:21:35.400 --> 0:21:36.679
<v Speaker 2>how does that play outenview?

0:21:37.040 --> 0:21:39.360
<v Speaker 3>So arithmetically, I don't think it's possible to place income tax.

0:21:39.440 --> 0:21:41.200
<v Speaker 3>I'll go with tariffs. And I mean, just it's sort

0:21:41.200 --> 0:21:43.800
<v Speaker 3>of rough ballpark here. Imports are something like ten percent

0:21:43.840 --> 0:21:48.600
<v Speaker 3>of GDP. So even if you I mean the amount

0:21:48.600 --> 0:21:51.159
<v Speaker 3>you'd have to tax those imports to the offset the

0:21:51.280 --> 0:21:53.760
<v Speaker 3>income tax revenue, which is, you know, about ten percent

0:21:53.800 --> 0:21:56.560
<v Speaker 3>GDP and it's pretty high. So that's and that assumes,

0:21:56.600 --> 0:21:58.359
<v Speaker 3>of course that we would you know, import the amount

0:21:58.359 --> 0:22:01.160
<v Speaker 3>of stuff. So I just got all that. In general,

0:22:01.280 --> 0:22:03.439
<v Speaker 3>what you would expect to happen is that if you

0:22:03.480 --> 0:22:06.480
<v Speaker 3>put tariffs on things, then it means that because the

0:22:06.520 --> 0:22:09.080
<v Speaker 3>price is more expensive to import it from abroad, that

0:22:09.119 --> 0:22:12.080
<v Speaker 3>you encourage production of that thing in the United States.

0:22:12.080 --> 0:22:13.720
<v Speaker 3>And if you do it for everything, then it's moved

0:22:13.720 --> 0:22:15.520
<v Speaker 3>a lot of stuff. Now what that does with the

0:22:15.560 --> 0:22:19.400
<v Speaker 3>trade balance is ambiguous, because presumably that creates an incentive

0:22:19.400 --> 0:22:22.640
<v Speaker 3>because the US is a large domestic market to invest

0:22:22.680 --> 0:22:24.640
<v Speaker 3>in the United States to be able to produce those things.

0:22:24.680 --> 0:22:26.959
<v Speaker 3>Oh yeah, and maybe you say that's the gold policy,

0:22:27.040 --> 0:22:28.680
<v Speaker 3>But that doesn't necessarily mean it's going to have impact

0:22:28.720 --> 0:22:30.239
<v Speaker 3>on the trade balance because you still to import all

0:22:30.240 --> 0:22:32.560
<v Speaker 3>the stuff to invest I mean not importing everything, right,

0:22:32.600 --> 0:22:34.400
<v Speaker 3>but there's going to be a degree you know, you're

0:22:34.400 --> 0:22:38.160
<v Speaker 3>building up your capacity unless you're squeezing consumption some other way, right,

0:22:38.200 --> 0:22:40.440
<v Speaker 3>Like something has to give. And so that's why I mean,

0:22:40.560 --> 0:22:42.600
<v Speaker 3>usually what ends up happening is the textbook thing is

0:22:42.600 --> 0:22:45.600
<v Speaker 3>that your currency will appreciate if you put on tariffs.

0:22:45.840 --> 0:22:47.439
<v Speaker 3>That's how it's sort of supposed to work. I mean,

0:22:47.440 --> 0:22:48.960
<v Speaker 3>maybe it doesn't always do that, but by the way,

0:22:48.960 --> 0:22:51.760
<v Speaker 3>that's why the textbook answer is that tariffs hurt your exporters.

0:22:52.040 --> 0:22:55.840
<v Speaker 3>It's not because that like retaliation although that is certainly

0:22:55.840 --> 0:22:58.520
<v Speaker 3>a factor. It's because the currency effect means that your

0:22:58.520 --> 0:23:00.919
<v Speaker 3>imports are the same and then your export. That's the

0:23:01.240 --> 0:23:02.880
<v Speaker 3>sort of traditional argument. Now you can argue that there's

0:23:02.880 --> 0:23:04.439
<v Speaker 3>specific cases where that might not be the case. It

0:23:04.440 --> 0:23:06.560
<v Speaker 3>pritpends on whether it's revenue usual. Right, if you have

0:23:06.560 --> 0:23:10.320
<v Speaker 3>a ten percent tariff on all imports and you don't

0:23:10.480 --> 0:23:12.800
<v Speaker 3>offset that with some tax cut or spending increase elsewhere,

0:23:12.800 --> 0:23:15.080
<v Speaker 3>which is not what anyone suggesting, but leg just hypothetically,

0:23:15.400 --> 0:23:17.920
<v Speaker 3>that's something like a fiscal tightening of around one percent

0:23:17.960 --> 0:23:22.200
<v Speaker 3>of GDP And obviously and that skewed towards in many

0:23:22.240 --> 0:23:25.359
<v Speaker 3>ways consumer goods. So like that might reduce the trade

0:23:25.520 --> 0:23:28.639
<v Speaker 3>deficit insofar as it reduces income and spending power. But

0:23:28.640 --> 0:23:31.160
<v Speaker 3>that's not something that makes you, I mean, that's not say,

0:23:31.200 --> 0:23:32.640
<v Speaker 3>a good thing, right, So it's a form, it's it's

0:23:32.640 --> 0:23:34.400
<v Speaker 3>like a weird way of doing, like a sales tax

0:23:34.480 --> 0:23:37.199
<v Speaker 3>or something in that kind of scenario. The other broader

0:23:37.240 --> 0:23:40.840
<v Speaker 3>picture is if you are focused on shifting the composition

0:23:40.880 --> 0:23:44.199
<v Speaker 3>of economic activity, which is what you're essentially trying to

0:23:44.240 --> 0:23:47.320
<v Speaker 3>do with a sort of universal tariff, you're saying, you know,

0:23:47.359 --> 0:23:49.359
<v Speaker 3>we actually do want to make more T shirts in

0:23:49.400 --> 0:23:53.119
<v Speaker 3>the United States versus import them. And assuming you're already

0:23:53.119 --> 0:23:54.720
<v Speaker 3>and this is a big assumption, but assuming you're already

0:23:54.720 --> 0:23:57.399
<v Speaker 3>at sort of full capacity in terms of your labor

0:23:57.440 --> 0:24:00.000
<v Speaker 3>and material and capital resources that are available in your country,

0:24:00.280 --> 0:24:01.800
<v Speaker 3>then that means that people are going to be doing

0:24:01.920 --> 0:24:04.120
<v Speaker 3>there's gonna be some shift for people doing stop doing

0:24:04.160 --> 0:24:06.719
<v Speaker 3>things they were doing that presumably now people think are

0:24:06.760 --> 0:24:08.960
<v Speaker 3>valuable to switch to doing other things that we need

0:24:09.280 --> 0:24:11.320
<v Speaker 3>that we you know, because we're you know, we're cut

0:24:11.359 --> 0:24:13.080
<v Speaker 3>off now ten percent tariff probably not gonna do that.

0:24:13.119 --> 0:24:14.639
<v Speaker 3>So it's like small percent terms sort of like one

0:24:14.680 --> 0:24:16.760
<v Speaker 3>hundred percent tariff or whatever like that. There's a point

0:24:16.800 --> 0:24:18.119
<v Speaker 3>at which that would happen if we just sort of

0:24:18.280 --> 0:24:20.960
<v Speaker 3>stretch out, you know, and think about what this means

0:24:20.960 --> 0:24:23.399
<v Speaker 3>in theory. And that's the argument for a while, you know,

0:24:23.400 --> 0:24:25.560
<v Speaker 3>it makes people worse off, and why it impoverishes you

0:24:25.600 --> 0:24:28.080
<v Speaker 3>over time because the thinking being like if you used

0:24:28.119 --> 0:24:32.000
<v Speaker 3>to be going from making some valuable software healthcare thing

0:24:32.000 --> 0:24:35.280
<v Speaker 3>and now you're doing you know, T shirt assembly or something, right,

0:24:35.240 --> 0:24:37.120
<v Speaker 3>I mean, this is like you're going to be poor

0:24:37.160 --> 0:24:38.879
<v Speaker 3>as a society, and so do you want to do that,

0:24:38.880 --> 0:24:41.680
<v Speaker 3>and like the argument normally is no. Now that's different

0:24:41.680 --> 0:24:44.359
<v Speaker 3>from talking now the teriffs that we actually have right now.

0:24:44.560 --> 0:24:46.480
<v Speaker 3>You know that both that Trump did and that Biden

0:24:46.560 --> 0:24:49.040
<v Speaker 3>have done are much more targeted on specific countries and industries.

0:24:49.080 --> 0:24:50.760
<v Speaker 3>So it's not really equivalent to that. And you can

0:24:50.840 --> 0:24:53.680
<v Speaker 3>argue that's for national security reasons as much as anything else,

0:24:53.680 --> 0:24:55.840
<v Speaker 3>and so that's like more complex. But I mean we're

0:24:55.880 --> 0:24:58.400
<v Speaker 3>talking about it's like what the conception of broad based

0:24:58.400 --> 0:24:59.719
<v Speaker 3>tariffs like that I think is the way to think

0:24:59.760 --> 0:25:00.000
<v Speaker 3>about it.

0:25:00.800 --> 0:25:03.720
<v Speaker 1>Since we're talking books, and since I asked earlier if

0:25:03.720 --> 0:25:06.200
<v Speaker 1>you thought jd Vance had read Trade Wars or Class Wars?

0:25:06.200 --> 0:25:07.479
<v Speaker 1>Have you read Hillbilly Elogy?

0:25:08.240 --> 0:25:08.560
<v Speaker 3>I'm not.

0:25:08.960 --> 0:25:12.000
<v Speaker 1>Oh, I read it, that's Matt. I thought you would

0:25:12.040 --> 0:25:14.359
<v Speaker 1>have read it. I mean it has that whole lot

0:25:14.400 --> 0:25:17.080
<v Speaker 1>of like hallowing out of the Ross Belt kind of theme.

0:25:17.320 --> 0:25:20.000
<v Speaker 3>Supposedly, No, I know it does. I don't know. This

0:25:20.160 --> 0:25:21.840
<v Speaker 3>is you know, shameful on my part, But I only

0:25:21.880 --> 0:25:23.520
<v Speaker 3>have so much Henry books. I like reading, you know,

0:25:23.760 --> 0:25:26.960
<v Speaker 3>history books more than anything else. So I'm not I'm

0:25:26.960 --> 0:25:28.760
<v Speaker 3>not read it. You know I've read articles about.

0:25:28.520 --> 0:25:30.720
<v Speaker 1>It, haven't we all?

0:25:30.920 --> 0:25:38.600
<v Speaker 2>Yes, lots more is produced by Carmen Rodriguez and dash

0:25:38.640 --> 0:25:41.320
<v Speaker 2>Ol Bennett, with help from Moses Onam and Kill Brooks.

0:25:41.720 --> 0:25:44.879
<v Speaker 1>Our sound engineer is Blake Maples. Sage Bauman is the

0:25:44.920 --> 0:25:46.440
<v Speaker 1>head of Bloomberg Podcasts.

0:25:46.760 --> 0:25:50.119
<v Speaker 2>Please rate, review, and subscribe to Odd, Lots and Lots

0:25:50.119 --> 0:25:53.040
<v Speaker 2>More on your favorite podcast platforms.

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0:25:59.680 --> 0:26:02.800
<v Speaker 1>the listen. Thank