WEBVTT - The Election Day Massacre: 3 Part Special Series Promo 

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<v Speaker 1>One hundred years ago, in the center of Florida, just

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<v Speaker 1>a few miles from where Disney World stands today, there

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<v Speaker 1>was an exodus. Hundreds of black families piled their children

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<v Speaker 1>into wagons. They trudged all night along roads and railroad

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<v Speaker 1>tracks and through sugarcane fields. They barely escaped with their lives.

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<v Speaker 1>Dozens of their loved ones did not. They were lynched, shot,

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<v Speaker 1>burned to death in the wreckage of their own homes.

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<v Speaker 1>Today this is forgotten, largely missing from history books, handed

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<v Speaker 1>down only as a secret memory between generations of the

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<v Speaker 1>families who escaped. But in nineteen that November nine, the

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<v Speaker 1>town of Ocoee, Florida, wasn't a secret. It made headlines

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<v Speaker 1>around the world. There was a grand jury investigation, even

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<v Speaker 1>a hearing before Congress, and Americans, black and white, new

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<v Speaker 1>exactly why it had happened. They knew what it meant.

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<v Speaker 1>This exodus was a warning danny black citizen who dared

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<v Speaker 1>to try to vote. I'm Eugene S. Robinson and this

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<v Speaker 1>is the election day massacre from Assie media. In two

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<v Speaker 1>thousand and twelve, Randolph Bracy became the first representative from

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<v Speaker 1>a new state House district in central Florida. Less than

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<v Speaker 1>one sixth of the members of the Florida House were black.

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<v Speaker 1>I I was looking for office space after I won

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<v Speaker 1>my election and I had recently moved to Koe, and

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<v Speaker 1>I decided to put my office in Koe. Koe is

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<v Speaker 1>just a dozen miles from Disney World, but it still

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<v Speaker 1>has the feel of a small town. It's a pretty lake,

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<v Speaker 1>splash park for the kids, beloved ice cream stand, the

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<v Speaker 1>perfect place to live and work. And I remember it

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<v Speaker 1>was an African American woman, older woman, and she almost

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<v Speaker 1>lost it when I told her I was moving my

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<v Speaker 1>office to Koe. But she was from the age where

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<v Speaker 1>she the era where she remembered that it was a

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<v Speaker 1>sundown town where you couldn't be in Okoe unless you

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<v Speaker 1>had some business and you had to be going before dark. Bracy,

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<v Speaker 1>now a Florida State Senator, was shocked, but many people

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<v Speaker 1>who live in the area longer are not. Historian Marvin

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<v Speaker 1>Dunn is professor emeritus at Florida International University. He grew

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<v Speaker 1>up in Central Florida. My father told us told me

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<v Speaker 1>and my brothers about picking oranges in in Okoe when

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<v Speaker 1>they would leave to come back to the land. So

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<v Speaker 1>driver of the white drive at Lndriage until almost dark.

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<v Speaker 1>They would walk out of Oki rather than be caught

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<v Speaker 1>after dark. A Koe is a diverse community today, and

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<v Speaker 1>it had a thriving black population long ago. But for

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<v Speaker 1>half a century a Coe had almost no black residents.

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<v Speaker 1>But this was in the ninety late nineties, and they

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<v Speaker 1>told me, please, don't tell anyone that you're coming here,

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<v Speaker 1>that we've invited you here, that we're showing you where

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<v Speaker 1>the black communities used to be. Paul Ortiz is a

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<v Speaker 1>professor of history at the University of Florida. Don't tell

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<v Speaker 1>anyone because it could put your life in jeopardy. It

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<v Speaker 1>could put us in jeopardy. There are good reasons why

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<v Speaker 1>no black person wants to live there for so many years.

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<v Speaker 1>A Coe resident and community historian pam La Grady, you

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<v Speaker 1>can see that's what happened there. You can feel that

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<v Speaker 1>energy there. It's still it's still alive and well. What

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<v Speaker 1>happened in a Koe a century ago remains the worst

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<v Speaker 1>incident of election day violence in US history. What happened

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<v Speaker 1>in a Koe was not an altercation. It was more

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<v Speaker 1>than a eaching or shooting or riot. What happened in

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<v Speaker 1>the Koe was a massacre and what happened is all

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<v Speaker 1>too relevant today. Florida is still actively involved and vota suppression.

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<v Speaker 1>I didn't even get why she was so scared for me,

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<v Speaker 1>and then I kind of learned the history, and I

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<v Speaker 1>think it's so appropriate to talk about it in this

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<v Speaker 1>year election because it is still to this date of

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<v Speaker 1>bloody is day in American political history have an on

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<v Speaker 1>a presidential election. One hundred years ago, African Americans in

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<v Speaker 1>Florida were preparing for a historic election. Soldiers had come

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<v Speaker 1>home after serving their country in World War One, the

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<v Speaker 1>local economy was booming, women had earned the right to vote.

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<v Speaker 1>The promise of America seemed closer than ever before. And

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<v Speaker 1>then in the night of speakable violence, everything changed. There

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<v Speaker 1>was no question who was in charge in central Florida

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<v Speaker 1>a century ago. Often at the time, many of law

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<v Speaker 1>enforcement and local politicians here were also members of the

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<v Speaker 1>Ku Klux Klan. Pamela Schwartz is the chief curator of

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<v Speaker 1>the Orange County Regional History Center in Orlando, Florida. One

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<v Speaker 1>prominent white citizen at the time estimated that about nine

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<v Speaker 1>of law enforcement officers, judges, and lawyers, and their Coe

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<v Speaker 1>area were clan members. There's a new rise in the

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<v Speaker 1>Ku Klux Klan um. There's a resurgence of white supremacy. Uh,

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<v Speaker 1>there's an active movement for white supremacists to try to

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<v Speaker 1>disenfranchise black voters. In the days leading up to the

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<v Speaker 1>election in November ninety the k k k was especially active.

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<v Speaker 1>There are marches throughout the state of Florida, Jacksonville, Daytona,

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<v Speaker 1>Orlando of Ku Klux Klan sending that same message of

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<v Speaker 1>do you not get out to vote if you're black

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<v Speaker 1>or else? In Orlando, around five hundred hooded men paraded

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<v Speaker 1>behind three figures on horseback. They used megaphones to get

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<v Speaker 1>their message out. Pol Or tease Is, the author of Emancipation,

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<v Speaker 1>betrayed the hidden history of black organizing a white violence

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<v Speaker 1>in Florida from reconstruction to the bloody election of ninety.

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<v Speaker 1>In Daytona, the night before election day, they marched through

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<v Speaker 1>Mary McCloy Bethoon's campus, you know, and the municipal authority

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<v Speaker 1>controlling the electricity actually cut electricity, you know, to Daytona

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<v Speaker 1>Industrial World School so that the clan could march through

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<v Speaker 1>with their torches and terror tactics and and accurately scary.

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<v Speaker 1>It's just all of this stuff is boiling and boiling,

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<v Speaker 1>and the events of November two and third send it

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<v Speaker 1>over the top. This was an event hundreds of years

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<v Speaker 1>in the making, from the first enslavement here up through

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<v Speaker 1>black holes and Jim Crow laws, and the suppression of women,

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<v Speaker 1>the suppression of black voters, the suppression in all these

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<v Speaker 1>different ways leading up to something like this event erupting.

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<v Speaker 1>Five hundred years ago, Florida was under Spanish rule. It

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<v Speaker 1>was a sanctuary if the slaves were able to escape

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<v Speaker 1>the British colonies. But after Florida came under the control

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<v Speaker 1>of the United States in eighteen nineteen, President Thomas Jefferson

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<v Speaker 1>sent American troops to help capture former slaves and returned

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<v Speaker 1>them to their chains. Slavery ended with the Civil War,

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<v Speaker 1>but segregation and ideas of white supremacy remained strong. Canta

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<v Speaker 1>Florida was especially attractive to former Confederates. Marvin Dunn is

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<v Speaker 1>the author of a History of Florida Through Black Eyes.

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<v Speaker 1>Santa Florida was a was a magnet for people who

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<v Speaker 1>had lost the Civil War because keep Amy Florida was

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<v Speaker 1>on us by the war uh and sent to Florida

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<v Speaker 1>was out of the cattle got to said the Confederate Army.

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<v Speaker 1>So businessman and sent to Florida made money during the

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<v Speaker 1>war while other parts of the South were being destimated

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<v Speaker 1>by the war. By ninety Florida's economy was booming. The

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<v Speaker 1>citrus industry was exploding. So a lot of black people

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<v Speaker 1>were chanted into Center Florida for that reason to work.

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<v Speaker 1>The town of a Koe, with its lush orange groves

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<v Speaker 1>and farms nestled along Stark Lake, was especially attractive. A

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<v Speaker 1>number of black people, black men in particular, had managed

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<v Speaker 1>to get property orange rose on their own. There's a

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<v Speaker 1>man by the name of Moses Norman. Now Moses Norman

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<v Speaker 1>had lived in this community for some thirty years. He

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<v Speaker 1>was not just some you know, young guy. He was

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<v Speaker 1>a well established individual, well known in town. He had

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<v Speaker 1>his own car. He was known to be a labor broker.

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<v Speaker 1>Most Norman at the time was driving around in a

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<v Speaker 1>car that was worth about semi five to her thousand dollars.

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<v Speaker 1>Pamela Grady is the executive director of the July Perry Foundation.

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<v Speaker 1>That's a Mercedes, that's a Jaguar, you know, That's what

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<v Speaker 1>he was driving around in at a time when nobody

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<v Speaker 1>even had cars. There was only maybe one or two

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<v Speaker 1>other cars in the whole town of a Koe, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>and here's this black guy driving through the town, this

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<v Speaker 1>nice car. You know. They had to infuriate them. The

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<v Speaker 1>foundation is named for Most Norman's good friend, another prominent

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<v Speaker 1>Bleaxis and of a Koe, Julius July Perry. Nothing really

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<v Speaker 1>happened in ol Koe without him. Florida State Senator Randolph Bracy.

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<v Speaker 1>He was kind of like a broker or even white

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<v Speaker 1>businessman who wanted to come in and do some farming

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<v Speaker 1>transactions of what have you. He ran the town. July

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<v Speaker 1>Perry and most Norman were pillars of the Koe community.

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<v Speaker 1>His story and Paul artis, they were successful individuals. They're

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<v Speaker 1>very hard workers, they were they're very good family men. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>They were highly respected. And the reason I mentioned m

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<v Speaker 1>highly respected. And this is the most important element I

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<v Speaker 1>think about Most Norman and life arean Why why they

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<v Speaker 1>represent such a threat to white supremacy, Because these two

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<v Speaker 1>exceptionally respected men were involved in an exceptionally threatening activity

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<v Speaker 1>helping black citizens vote. In the wake at World War One,

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<v Speaker 1>black Fluoridians had organized a remarkable statewide voter registration movement,

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<v Speaker 1>and the movement really crested and built momentum as African

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<v Speaker 1>American soldiers returned from from Europe. A lot of Black

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<v Speaker 1>lessons came back to the South and the third in Europe,

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<v Speaker 1>and they were not blando commodate themselves to the racism

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<v Speaker 1>that was in there in that community, and most Norman

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<v Speaker 1>latter in particular, were among those who came back with

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<v Speaker 1>that attitude. The two veterans joined hundreds of other Fluoridians

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<v Speaker 1>who were mobilizing to combat white supremacy. In nineteen twenty,

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<v Speaker 1>there is a shoot black voter registration drive that's supported

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<v Speaker 1>not only by the black community, but also by white Republicans,

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<v Speaker 1>not all of them, most of them. This was at

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<v Speaker 1>a time when most African Americans were members of Abraham

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln's Republican Party. In many places in the South, blacks

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<v Speaker 1>could not even join the Democratic Party. And thanks to

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<v Speaker 1>the Nineteenth Amendment, women would be voting for president for

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<v Speaker 1>the first time in nineteen twenty. This is a whole

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<v Speaker 1>new voting block and that includes black women. And what

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<v Speaker 1>it's doing is it's causing a lot of tension. People

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<v Speaker 1>don't always accept change. Uh. And so with this you

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<v Speaker 1>also see sort of a resurgence and an ongoing rise

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<v Speaker 1>with white supremacy in the ku Klux Klan clan members

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<v Speaker 1>were not the only white supremacists trying to hold back

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<v Speaker 1>the new wave of black voters. Once the white you know,

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<v Speaker 1>white white elites and white media and white leaders realized

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<v Speaker 1>this is happening, they use their off ed space, their

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<v Speaker 1>their banner headlines. White women, it's to you to save

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<v Speaker 1>the republic. This is the greatest crisis in our nation's history.

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<v Speaker 1>And a typical op ed will say, h white ladies,

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<v Speaker 1>do you want your Negro washer woman to lord over you,

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<v Speaker 1>to take control? Do you want that Negro custodian to

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<v Speaker 1>marry your daughter? The threats heated up as the election approached.

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<v Speaker 1>White supremacies in a crisis, they're much more honest and

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<v Speaker 1>races today because they're very blunt about it. They're like,

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<v Speaker 1>white supremacy is our way of life as an American.

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<v Speaker 1>Some white Republicans in Orlando, including a local judge named

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<v Speaker 1>John Cheney, helped July Perry and Most Norman organized black

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<v Speaker 1>voters about a month before the echoing massacre. They receive

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<v Speaker 1>a letter from the Florida ku Klux Klan signed by

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<v Speaker 1>the ku Klux Klan that basically says stop or else, sir,

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<v Speaker 1>while stopping in your beautiful little city this week, I

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<v Speaker 1>was informed that you are in the habit of going

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<v Speaker 1>out among the negroes of Orlando and delivering lectures explaining

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<v Speaker 1>to them how to assert their rights. The grand Master

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<v Speaker 1>of the Florida ku Klux Klan reminded them what happened

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<v Speaker 1>when white people tried to help black voters during reconstruction.

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<v Speaker 1>You will remember that these things forced the loyal citizens

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<v Speaker 1>of the South to organize clans of determined men who

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<v Speaker 1>pledge themselves to maintain white supremacy and to safeguard our

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<v Speaker 1>women and children. We shall always enjoy white supremacy in

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<v Speaker 1>this country, and he who interferes must face the consequences.

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<v Speaker 1>So there is a threat, there is and this is

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<v Speaker 1>a this is a primary Schurich. We have the original

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<v Speaker 1>in our museum collection that that that states this. Just

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<v Speaker 1>days before were the Echoe massacre. There are marches throughout

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<v Speaker 1>the state of Florida. If you ask a black person

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<v Speaker 1>to register about Florida, you're asking them to take the risk.

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<v Speaker 1>They're asking them to risk their lives. You're asking them

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<v Speaker 1>to risk their livelihoods, You're asking them to risk their

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<v Speaker 1>physical safety. On the morning of November, two black citizens

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<v Speaker 1>of a Koe, Florida, made a heroic decision. They ignored

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<v Speaker 1>the clan marches, the torches, the letters, and the threats.

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<v Speaker 1>They prepared to exercise their most fundamental democratic right to vote.

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<v Speaker 1>They knew it would be challenging, but they had no

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<v Speaker 1>idea of the horrors that awaited them. You can hear

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<v Speaker 1>the election Day massacre miniseries just search for flashback wherever

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<v Speaker 1>you find your podcasts.