WEBVTT - The Supreme Court's Shadow Docket

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio

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<v Speaker 1>Late tonight. The US Supreme Court ruled churches in California

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<v Speaker 1>can hold indoor services during the pandemic.

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<v Speaker 2>A major decision by the Supreme Court blocking the Biden

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<v Speaker 2>Administration's temporary ban on eviction of a deeply divided Supreme

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<v Speaker 2>Court is allowing a Texas law that bans most abortions

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<v Speaker 2>to remain in force.

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<v Speaker 1>The unsigned, unexplained decisions often come late at night, but

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<v Speaker 1>in the light of day, their impact can be profound

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<v Speaker 1>for millions of Americans. In recent years, the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>has used its shadow docket more and more to make

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<v Speaker 1>critical decisions with real world effects behind closed doors, on

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<v Speaker 1>everything from abortion and religious rights to election questions and

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<v Speaker 1>immigration policies. Decisions that just appear whenever, and that can't

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<v Speaker 1>be analyzed or fully understood because there's no opinion to read,

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<v Speaker 1>no oral arguments to listen to. Constitutional law Professor Stephen

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<v Speaker 1>Vlannok of the University of Texas Law School has been

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<v Speaker 1>studying this for years, and his new book is appropriately

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<v Speaker 1>entitled The Shadow Docket. How the Supreme Court uses stealth

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<v Speaker 1>rulings to amass power and undermine the Republic, and he

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<v Speaker 1>joins me, Now, for those who may not know, it's

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<v Speaker 1>hard to believe anyone doesn't know who listens to this show,

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<v Speaker 1>But tell us what the shadow docket is?

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<v Speaker 2>Sure, I mean, So the term itself was coined in

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<v Speaker 2>twenty fifteen by Willbosity of Chicago, and you know, Will

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<v Speaker 2>meant it, he joins me.

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<v Speaker 1>Now, for those who may not know, it's hard to

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<v Speaker 1>believe anyone doesn't know who listens to this show, But

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<v Speaker 1>tell us what the shadow docket is?

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<v Speaker 2>Sure, I mean, So the term itself was coined in

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<v Speaker 2>twenty fifteen by Willbosity of Chicago, And you know, Will

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<v Speaker 2>meant it really as a catch all as basically this

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<v Speaker 2>evocative shorthand for everything that the Supreme Court does other

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<v Speaker 2>than the big meriage decisions that come down each May

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<v Speaker 2>and June. And so Will's basic insight was that there

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<v Speaker 2>are you know, literally thousands of unsigned, unexplained orders that's

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<v Speaker 2>the Supreme Court hands down every year that get barely

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<v Speaker 2>a sort of a minuscule percentage of the attention of

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<v Speaker 2>the sixty ish merriage rules the Court hands down, even

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<v Speaker 2>though you know, for a fair number of those unsigned orders,

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<v Speaker 2>they actually have pretty significant impacts, both practically and legally.

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<v Speaker 3>So you know, the.

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<v Speaker 2>Idea behind the term was just to say, hey, we

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<v Speaker 2>should start paying more attentions than this slice of the

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<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court's work, and we should you know, start by

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<v Speaker 2>calling it something. And I guess that's where it all started.

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<v Speaker 1>You right, that The bottom line is that most of

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<v Speaker 1>what the Court does is behind the scenes, shrouded in obscurity,

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<v Speaker 1>driven by norms far more than rules, and informed by

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<v Speaker 1>the specter of deeply strategic behavior from all sides to

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<v Speaker 1>which the public is generally not privy. Tell us what

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<v Speaker 1>you mean by that.

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<v Speaker 2>So one of the things that I try to do

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<v Speaker 2>in the book for folks who may not be similiar

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<v Speaker 2>with the history of the court is to put into

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<v Speaker 2>context how the Supreme Court of today came to have

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<v Speaker 2>just so much control over its docket, over the cases

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<v Speaker 2>it hears, over when it chooses to intervene in cases.

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<v Speaker 2>And so, you know, the idea June was to show

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<v Speaker 2>folks how really started in the early twentieth century with

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<v Speaker 2>the rise of what we call sircirari, the rise of

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<v Speaker 2>the Supreme Court's discretion over its docket, the rise of

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<v Speaker 2>the justice ability to pick and choose not just which

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<v Speaker 2>cases they're going to take up, but which issues they are

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<v Speaker 2>going to resolve within those cases. That that was really

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<v Speaker 2>a font for consolidating power, that the Supreme Court, with

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<v Speaker 2>the rise of Scirari, claim more and more authority both

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<v Speaker 2>to decide and to not decide June in ways that

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<v Speaker 2>are complete invisible to us. So you know, when the

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<v Speaker 2>justices decide whether to take up a case or not,

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<v Speaker 2>all that the public knows is what the briefs say

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<v Speaker 2>and when the justices are going to talk about the case,

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<v Speaker 2>But nothing about the justice deliberations, nothing about their vote

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<v Speaker 2>is ever made public except the bottom line whether the

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<v Speaker 2>case is taken up or not taken up. And you know,

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<v Speaker 2>when you think about the implications of grants or denial,

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<v Speaker 2>the Serciari and the book talks about the same sex's

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<v Speaker 2>marriage cases from twenty fourteen twenty fifteen. It's an example

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<v Speaker 2>of this. It's actually pretty remarkable to think about how

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<v Speaker 2>little we know about why the justices are doing what

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<v Speaker 2>they're doing, and even when we do know, like even

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<v Speaker 2>when we get to the merits docket and the court,

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<v Speaker 2>you know, has an additional round of briefing and oral

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<v Speaker 2>argument and a written opinion. Even then, we still don't

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<v Speaker 2>know necessarily as much as we might like to. And that's,

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<v Speaker 2>you know, so much more than we know about the

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<v Speaker 2>thousands and thousands of dispositions on the shadow docket.

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<v Speaker 1>So you give a statistic that's quite stunning. Only one

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<v Speaker 1>percent of the Court's decisions are from the merits docket.

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<v Speaker 1>So almost ninety nine percent come from the shadow docket.

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<v Speaker 2>That's right. And you know what's crazy about that is

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<v Speaker 2>it's even higher if you consider that even the one

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<v Speaker 2>percent of decisions on the merits docket only got to

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<v Speaker 2>the merit docket because of an unsigned, unexplained order from

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<v Speaker 2>the justices agreement takes the case up in the first place.

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<v Speaker 2>And so you know, I wrote the book at least

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<v Speaker 2>in part. I mean, there's the second part about what's

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<v Speaker 2>been happening lately. But I wrote the book at least

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<v Speaker 2>in part to really help folks understand in context that,

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<v Speaker 2>you know, when the Supreme Court has a term like

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<v Speaker 2>its most recent one, where at the end of the

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<v Speaker 2>term you see all these claims about how you know,

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<v Speaker 2>the justices didn't necessarily vote the way you might have expected,

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<v Speaker 2>and you know, claims about how often the justices were unanimous,

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<v Speaker 2>and claims about which justice is voted together, you know,

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<v Speaker 2>all those claims need to be taken with a pretty

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<v Speaker 2>healthy dose of salt, because the reality is that these

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<v Speaker 2>are cases the justices have chosen. And so the notion

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<v Speaker 2>that you know, this is some kind of random sample

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<v Speaker 2>that tells us a lot of about where the court is,

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<v Speaker 2>I think it's belied by that pretty important but often

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<v Speaker 2>elusive insight.

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<v Speaker 1>How often is the shadow docket a harbinger of what's

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<v Speaker 1>to come on the merits docket? And how often do

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<v Speaker 1>those emergency orders actually end up being the final decision

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<v Speaker 1>in the case.

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<v Speaker 2>Sure, I mean, so, you know, we've been talking mostly

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<v Speaker 2>so far about the dominant by volume piece of the

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<v Speaker 2>shadow docket, which is grants or denials of sercirari. So

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<v Speaker 2>there's another piece of the shadow docket, which is grants

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<v Speaker 2>or denials of emergency relief. This is when while a

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<v Speaker 2>case is working his way through the lower courts, a

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<v Speaker 2>party goes to the Supreme Court and says, hey, you know,

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<v Speaker 2>we would like you to change the status quo right now,

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<v Speaker 2>even before the case comes back to you. And you know, Jude,

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<v Speaker 2>and what's remarkable about emergency relief is that there's been

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<v Speaker 2>a completely revolutionary shift in when and how the justices

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<v Speaker 2>have been granted an emergency relief in the last six

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<v Speaker 2>seven years. You know, Hill, about ten years ago, you

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<v Speaker 2>only tended to see the full court granting or denying

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<v Speaker 2>emergency release in capital cases where there was like a

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<v Speaker 2>prisoner who was trying to have his claims heard before

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<v Speaker 2>he was executed, or a state was trying to have

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<v Speaker 2>a stay imposed by a lower court unfrozen by the justices.

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<v Speaker 2>What we see in the last six seven years, June

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<v Speaker 2>is now almost every major policy dispute you know, gets

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<v Speaker 2>to the Supreme Court first as an emergency application, where

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<v Speaker 2>either the party challenge and the policy wants the policy

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<v Speaker 2>block pending Supreme Court review, or the government responsible for

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<v Speaker 2>the policy wants it unblocked. And you know what's I

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<v Speaker 2>think so remarkable about that shift is first it's happened

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<v Speaker 2>completely in the dark, without any you know, public recognition

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<v Speaker 2>or acknowledgment by the justices that there's even been a shit.

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<v Speaker 2>But second, all the while, the Court has continued its

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<v Speaker 2>norm of not explaining itself, so that you have orders

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<v Speaker 2>that are producing massive effects on the ground, allowing President

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<v Speaker 2>Trump to build his border wall, blocking President Biden's vaccination

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<v Speaker 2>mandates for large employers, to allow in Texas's controversial six

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<v Speaker 2>weeks abortion band to go into effect, allowing Alabama to

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<v Speaker 2>use on lawful congressional districts in last year's midterms. And

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<v Speaker 2>these orders have no rationale. And so Jane, this is

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<v Speaker 2>I think where your question's going. You know, it would

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<v Speaker 2>be one thing if you know the ruling of the

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<v Speaker 2>emergency stage, if all the court was doing was saying, listen,

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<v Speaker 2>we're eventually going to rule for this party over that party,

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<v Speaker 2>so we might as well just do it now and

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<v Speaker 2>get it out of the way. But that's absolutely not

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<v Speaker 2>what's happening. I mean, we've seen a number of cases

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<v Speaker 2>this term where how the court ruled at the emergency

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<v Speaker 2>application stage ended up not being predictive of what the

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<v Speaker 2>court did on the merits in the Alabama redistrict. In

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<v Speaker 2>case last year, you know, in an unsigned, unexplained order

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<v Speaker 2>of five four, court let Alabama use maps that lower

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<v Speaker 2>courts said we're unlawful. This year, a five four majority

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<v Speaker 2>of said, oh wait, the lower courts were right, they

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<v Speaker 2>are unlawful. Same thing with President Biden's immigration enforcement priority.

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<v Speaker 2>You know, last year the Court refused to freeze a

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<v Speaker 2>lower court injunction against those priorities. This year the Court

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<v Speaker 2>reversed that injunction. So part of the problem with the

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<v Speaker 2>book document is not just the explosion and when and

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<v Speaker 2>how the justices are using you know, unsigned unexplained orders

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<v Speaker 2>granting emergency relief in ways it has profound impacts on

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<v Speaker 2>the ground, but also that it turns out those orders

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<v Speaker 2>are not predictive, and so the fact that the justices

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<v Speaker 2>are not explaining themselves, you know, at the emergency application

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<v Speaker 2>stage is all the more problematic when they seem to

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<v Speaker 2>be changed in their minds at the merriage stage.

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<v Speaker 1>You know, the increase in the last six to seven

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<v Speaker 1>years is under the Roberts Court. Do you think that

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<v Speaker 1>the justices are deliberately doing this, thinking this through or

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<v Speaker 1>they would say, well, these emergency things come up and

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<v Speaker 1>we don't take that many cases anymore, which is another problem.

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<v Speaker 1>What do you think their explanation would be.

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<v Speaker 2>I mean, you know, Justice Alito at least has tried

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<v Speaker 2>to proffer public explanation, and he's been very in line

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<v Speaker 2>with the you know, don't blame us, we don't make

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<v Speaker 2>these applications up, people come to us aster a relief,

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<v Speaker 2>and so you know, from Justice Alito's perspective, it's very reactive,

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<v Speaker 2>where all the justice are doing is just reacting one

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<v Speaker 2>at a time. And you know, Dune, that explanation, I

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<v Speaker 2>think would have made sense to a point, right, there

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<v Speaker 2>was a real flurry of applications from the Trump administration

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<v Speaker 2>in twenty seventeen and twenty eighteen where you know, maybe

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<v Speaker 2>you could say, yeah, the Justice just never really sat

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<v Speaker 2>down and thought about it. The problem is the book

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<v Speaker 2>documents is that by the time you get to all

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<v Speaker 2>of the COVID related cases in the fall of twenty

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<v Speaker 2>twenty and the winter twenty twenty one, you have a

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<v Speaker 2>court that is at this point acting willfully in the

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<v Speaker 2>sense that the justices are taking applications for emergency relief

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<v Speaker 2>and using those to resolve issues that were pending before

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<v Speaker 2>them in other cases on their merits docket. And so

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<v Speaker 2>it's really hard by the time you get to that

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<v Speaker 2>point to say this was all just the justices reacting,

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<v Speaker 2>as opposed to the justices picking you know, emergency applications

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<v Speaker 2>as the place to make these rulings as the place

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<v Speaker 2>to have this impact versus the merriage docket. That's part

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<v Speaker 2>of why, I mean, the book really does try to

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<v Speaker 2>proceed chronologically through the last six years, because I think

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<v Speaker 2>if you see how the pattern builds, you know, I

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<v Speaker 2>think it really does become clear why even the more

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<v Speaker 2>benign explanations that might have excused some of the Court's

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<v Speaker 2>conducts in twenty seventeen, twenty eighteen, twenty nineteen start to

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<v Speaker 2>fall apart when you get to late twenty twenty and

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<v Speaker 2>early twenty twenty one.

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<v Speaker 1>So, I like the subtitle of chapter four is how

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<v Speaker 1>the Trump administration blew up the shadow docket. So in

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<v Speaker 1>just four years, the Trump Justice Department asked the Court

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<v Speaker 1>for emergency relief forty one times. That strategy worked for

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<v Speaker 1>the Trump administration, didn't it It did?

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<v Speaker 2>I mean, and we should put that stats in context.

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<v Speaker 2>I mean, so forty one times in four years compared

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<v Speaker 2>to the Bush bomb administrations, which you know, June two,

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<v Speaker 2>very different to term presidencies that across sixteen years had

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<v Speaker 2>only gone to the Court eight times. And so it's

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<v Speaker 2>really it's like a twenty fold increase in how often

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<v Speaker 2>the federal government was going to the Supreme Court for

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<v Speaker 2>them mergency release. And as you say, the Court was

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<v Speaker 2>largely acquiescent. And you know, part of what's frustrating about

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<v Speaker 2>this entire topic is because the justices are never explaining themselves,

0:12:24.559 --> 0:12:26.600
<v Speaker 2>were really left to try to sort of put their

0:12:26.600 --> 0:12:30.160
<v Speaker 2>best arguments, you know, into their mouths and speculate and so,

0:12:30.600 --> 0:12:34.720
<v Speaker 2>you know, one common defense of the Court's aggressive interventions

0:12:34.800 --> 0:12:37.880
<v Speaker 2>during the Trump administration was that lower courts had sort

0:12:37.880 --> 0:12:41.520
<v Speaker 2>of run amok with nationwide injunctions and that the Court

0:12:41.559 --> 0:12:45.000
<v Speaker 2>was stepping in to basically mitigate the effects of nationwide

0:12:45.040 --> 0:12:48.600
<v Speaker 2>injunctions to which the justices were opposed, you know, respecting

0:12:48.720 --> 0:12:51.600
<v Speaker 2>the deference they thought the president was entitled to when

0:12:51.640 --> 0:12:55.080
<v Speaker 2>it comes to say, immigration policy. But the problem with

0:12:55.120 --> 0:12:57.000
<v Speaker 2>that argument is if you look fast forward to the

0:12:57.000 --> 0:13:00.880
<v Speaker 2>Biden administration, it doesn't hold up because they administration has

0:13:00.920 --> 0:13:05.559
<v Speaker 2>been subject to a similar flood of nationwide injunctions, including

0:13:05.600 --> 0:13:08.760
<v Speaker 2>in immigration cases. The Biden administration has gone to the

0:13:08.800 --> 0:13:13.480
<v Speaker 2>court multiple times in immigration cases for the same emergency

0:13:13.520 --> 0:13:17.200
<v Speaker 2>relief that the Trump administration got. The Court has denied

0:13:17.360 --> 0:13:20.320
<v Speaker 2>emergency relief in those cases, and yet then the Biden

0:13:20.320 --> 0:13:23.439
<v Speaker 2>administration wins those cases on the merits. So, you know, June,

0:13:23.480 --> 0:13:27.560
<v Speaker 2>it's really i think it complicates the entire story that

0:13:27.679 --> 0:13:31.400
<v Speaker 2>there's sort of no spoken, no written defense by the

0:13:31.480 --> 0:13:34.080
<v Speaker 2>justices of the behavior. But one of the things I

0:13:34.200 --> 0:13:36.960
<v Speaker 2>really try to do in the book is present as

0:13:37.160 --> 0:13:40.920
<v Speaker 2>much evidence as possible and as much data as possible,

0:13:41.240 --> 0:13:44.440
<v Speaker 2>basically to show that like what would otherwise appear to

0:13:44.480 --> 0:13:50.520
<v Speaker 2>be plausible benign explanations for the justices behavior. Just don't

0:13:50.559 --> 0:13:53.959
<v Speaker 2>describe the entire data set, and don't hold up when

0:13:54.000 --> 0:13:57.640
<v Speaker 2>you scale out from any one specific subset of cases.

0:13:57.920 --> 0:14:01.760
<v Speaker 1>You mentioned the COVID case is the KATODOCTA cases during COVID,

0:14:02.080 --> 0:14:04.160
<v Speaker 1>and you have a whole chapter devoted to this. But

0:14:04.559 --> 0:14:07.280
<v Speaker 1>tell us how you think the Court used the shadow

0:14:07.360 --> 0:14:09.960
<v Speaker 1>DOCA to expand religious liberty rights.

0:14:10.640 --> 0:14:12.320
<v Speaker 2>Sure, I mean, so you know, I think folks will

0:14:12.320 --> 0:14:16.720
<v Speaker 2>remember that, starting especially with Justice Barrett's confirmation in late

0:14:16.760 --> 0:14:20.640
<v Speaker 2>October twenty twenty, there was a really sharp increase in

0:14:20.720 --> 0:14:24.960
<v Speaker 2>the Court's intervention to block COVID mitigation measures, especially in

0:14:25.000 --> 0:14:28.000
<v Speaker 2>Blue states on religious liberty grounds, starting the night before

0:14:28.040 --> 0:14:30.160
<v Speaker 2>Thanks Given. And this was a shift. I mean, there

0:14:30.200 --> 0:14:32.440
<v Speaker 2>had been June, as you probably remember, a couple of

0:14:32.520 --> 0:14:35.280
<v Speaker 2>cases in the summer of twenty twenty where the Court

0:14:35.360 --> 0:14:39.240
<v Speaker 2>had refused to grant emergency relief to block California and

0:14:39.280 --> 0:14:42.880
<v Speaker 2>Nevada restrictions over four decents, where to Justice Roberts had

0:14:42.960 --> 0:14:46.640
<v Speaker 2>joined the four Democratic appointees to deny relief. You know,

0:14:46.760 --> 0:14:49.200
<v Speaker 2>now Roberts is not the fifth vote, he's the fourth.

0:14:49.480 --> 0:14:52.120
<v Speaker 2>And so almost overnight after Justice Barrett joins the court,

0:14:52.160 --> 0:14:57.359
<v Speaker 2>we start seeing really aggressive orders blocking New York, California,

0:14:57.960 --> 0:15:02.480
<v Speaker 2>New Jersey, Colorado, COVID restrictions on religious liberty grounds. And

0:15:02.480 --> 0:15:05.880
<v Speaker 2>this all culminates with a decision in April twenty twenty

0:15:05.920 --> 0:15:09.320
<v Speaker 2>one called Tandon versus Newsom. This time around, the court

0:15:09.320 --> 0:15:12.320
<v Speaker 2>actually wrote something, so there was a majority Pitton in

0:15:12.320 --> 0:15:14.760
<v Speaker 2>tand in. And one of the things the Court does

0:15:14.920 --> 0:15:18.480
<v Speaker 2>in Tandon is it embraces what scholars call the most

0:15:18.600 --> 0:15:22.280
<v Speaker 2>favored nation theory of the free exercise clause, the idea

0:15:22.400 --> 0:15:27.320
<v Speaker 2>that when you have any kind of law of general applicability,

0:15:27.440 --> 0:15:30.640
<v Speaker 2>a zone in regulation accur to you, I mean anything

0:15:30.680 --> 0:15:34.080
<v Speaker 2>that applies to all. If the law makes any exceptions

0:15:34.320 --> 0:15:37.720
<v Speaker 2>for secular businesses, it must also make an exception for

0:15:37.800 --> 0:15:41.200
<v Speaker 2>religious ones. And the Court used that theory, which it

0:15:41.240 --> 0:15:47.160
<v Speaker 2>had never embraced before, to block California's restrictions on how

0:15:47.200 --> 0:15:49.560
<v Speaker 2>many different people you could have in a private home.

0:15:49.720 --> 0:15:52.160
<v Speaker 2>So California had said, you know, you can only have

0:15:52.360 --> 0:15:55.520
<v Speaker 2>people from three different households in any private home at

0:15:55.520 --> 0:15:58.360
<v Speaker 2>any one time as one of its COVID restrictions. And

0:15:58.400 --> 0:16:01.120
<v Speaker 2>the Court says, but because there are secular exceptions, so

0:16:01.200 --> 0:16:04.200
<v Speaker 2>that there must be a religious exception, and therefore blocked

0:16:04.200 --> 0:16:07.640
<v Speaker 2>the California law June. That's remarkable in two respects. First,

0:16:07.920 --> 0:16:11.760
<v Speaker 2>everyone agrees, even the folks who liked that decision agreed

0:16:11.880 --> 0:16:14.840
<v Speaker 2>that that's a new principle of free exercise jurisprudence, that

0:16:14.880 --> 0:16:17.600
<v Speaker 2>the Court made law in tandon in a way that

0:16:17.640 --> 0:16:20.640
<v Speaker 2>at least generally is not supposed to on the shadow docket.

0:16:20.760 --> 0:16:25.800
<v Speaker 2>But second, the specific relief that the applicants had sought

0:16:25.840 --> 0:16:29.960
<v Speaker 2>in tent was an injunction pendent appeal, the most extreme

0:16:30.080 --> 0:16:32.720
<v Speaker 2>form of emergency relief, where what they're supposed to show

0:16:32.840 --> 0:16:37.640
<v Speaker 2>is that their right to relief was quote indisputably clear unquote.

0:16:37.800 --> 0:16:39.720
<v Speaker 2>And here we have the Supreme Court staying it was

0:16:39.800 --> 0:16:44.320
<v Speaker 2>indisputably clear that the principle that we had never previously

0:16:44.360 --> 0:16:48.320
<v Speaker 2>adopted was violated by the state of California. That's really

0:16:48.360 --> 0:16:51.000
<v Speaker 2>how far things have gone on the shadow docket by

0:16:51.040 --> 0:16:52.160
<v Speaker 2>April twenty twenty one.

0:16:52.440 --> 0:16:56.880
<v Speaker 1>Obviously this has not passed the attention of the Supreme

0:16:56.920 --> 0:17:01.760
<v Speaker 1>Court justices. Has Justice Elena Kaye been the loudest voice

0:17:01.760 --> 0:17:03.840
<v Speaker 1>in calling out the shadow docket?

0:17:04.119 --> 0:17:06.920
<v Speaker 2>She has, I mean, so Justice Kagan has been very

0:17:06.960 --> 0:17:11.280
<v Speaker 2>critical of the conservative justice behavior on the shadow docket,

0:17:11.600 --> 0:17:15.080
<v Speaker 2>starting with her descent in September twenty twenty one in

0:17:15.119 --> 0:17:18.000
<v Speaker 2>the Texas abortion case, but carry him through to the

0:17:18.040 --> 0:17:21.560
<v Speaker 2>Alabama redistricting decisions every twenty twenty two and also a

0:17:21.600 --> 0:17:24.879
<v Speaker 2>Clean Water Act decision in April twenty twenty two. But

0:17:25.040 --> 0:17:27.760
<v Speaker 2>you know, June. Was remarkable about that last ruling in

0:17:27.800 --> 0:17:31.360
<v Speaker 2>April twenty twenty two is that this time around Justice

0:17:31.400 --> 0:17:35.000
<v Speaker 2>Kagan's opinion was actually joined not just by the two

0:17:35.040 --> 0:17:38.360
<v Speaker 2>other Democratic appointees, but by Justice Roberts. And I think

0:17:38.400 --> 0:17:40.600
<v Speaker 2>this is one of to me, the best pieces of

0:17:40.640 --> 0:17:44.240
<v Speaker 2>evidence this is not just a you know, liberal versus

0:17:44.280 --> 0:17:49.440
<v Speaker 2>conservative then, where Justice Roberts has regularly joined the first

0:17:49.560 --> 0:17:53.840
<v Speaker 2>four and now three Democratic appointees in disagreeing with the

0:17:53.880 --> 0:17:57.800
<v Speaker 2>other Conservatives on the shadow docket. June not because he's

0:17:57.960 --> 0:18:00.560
<v Speaker 2>unsympathetic to the marriage, not because he doesn't want to

0:18:00.600 --> 0:18:03.720
<v Speaker 2>reach the same bottom line, but because he objects to

0:18:03.920 --> 0:18:08.560
<v Speaker 2>using the procedural device, sort of the technical procedure of

0:18:08.600 --> 0:18:10.840
<v Speaker 2>the shadow docket to do it. And you know, I

0:18:10.880 --> 0:18:12.439
<v Speaker 2>think what that really drives home is that this is

0:18:12.480 --> 0:18:16.200
<v Speaker 2>not ideological but rather institutional, which is why I think

0:18:16.200 --> 0:18:18.680
<v Speaker 2>it's not just Justice Kagan's a Chief Justice Roberts, who

0:18:18.680 --> 0:18:21.280
<v Speaker 2>have been in the middle of critiquing this behavior by

0:18:21.359 --> 0:18:22.600
<v Speaker 2>the other Conservatives.

0:18:22.880 --> 0:18:26.600
<v Speaker 1>You write that when it comes to the shadow docket,

0:18:27.040 --> 0:18:29.679
<v Speaker 1>his the Chief's votes have been the canary and the

0:18:29.680 --> 0:18:33.520
<v Speaker 1>coal mine. But if anyone can stop this, isn't it

0:18:33.520 --> 0:18:34.000
<v Speaker 1>the Chief.

0:18:34.600 --> 0:18:37.280
<v Speaker 2>I mean, yes, to know, it's just one vote, even

0:18:37.320 --> 0:18:39.680
<v Speaker 2>though it's you know, in some where ways the first

0:18:39.720 --> 0:18:42.800
<v Speaker 2>vote of unequals. So I mean, as we saw June

0:18:42.920 --> 0:18:45.880
<v Speaker 2>a lot in late twenty twenty and early twenty twenty one,

0:18:46.400 --> 0:18:48.720
<v Speaker 2>when there are five votes on the other side, all

0:18:48.720 --> 0:18:51.960
<v Speaker 2>that she really can do is defend that said. I mean,

0:18:52.000 --> 0:18:56.080
<v Speaker 2>I do think that we have seen subtle but significant

0:18:56.160 --> 0:18:59.720
<v Speaker 2>shifts in how the Court has been approaching emergency applications

0:19:00.080 --> 0:19:02.840
<v Speaker 2>in the last you know, twelve to eighteen months. We've

0:19:02.840 --> 0:19:05.960
<v Speaker 2>seen fewer of the types of ruling about which the

0:19:05.960 --> 0:19:09.119
<v Speaker 2>book is most critical, where you have these, you know,

0:19:09.200 --> 0:19:14.719
<v Speaker 2>sharp ideological divides without any explanation that's like radically changing

0:19:14.840 --> 0:19:17.879
<v Speaker 2>the law on the ground. We're seeing more cases June

0:19:18.080 --> 0:19:20.679
<v Speaker 2>where whatever the courts do and granting, we're denying. The

0:19:20.760 --> 0:19:24.879
<v Speaker 2>only public dissenters are some combination of Justices Thomas, Alito

0:19:24.920 --> 0:19:27.919
<v Speaker 2>and Gorsic. We're seeing cases that start on the shadow

0:19:27.960 --> 0:19:31.359
<v Speaker 2>docket that the Court refuses to decide through an emergency

0:19:31.400 --> 0:19:34.639
<v Speaker 2>application and instead punts to the merit's docket. That's what

0:19:34.720 --> 0:19:37.800
<v Speaker 2>happened with the student loan cases from this term, for example.

0:19:38.400 --> 0:19:40.359
<v Speaker 2>And I think part of what that is June is

0:19:40.359 --> 0:19:43.719
<v Speaker 2>actually not necessarily about Chief Justice Roberts, but about to

0:19:43.720 --> 0:19:46.720
<v Speaker 2>some degree Justices Cavanat and Barrett, who you know, I

0:19:46.720 --> 0:19:48.639
<v Speaker 2>don't know if they'd ever admit it publicly, but I

0:19:48.640 --> 0:19:51.800
<v Speaker 2>think have been at least to some degree chastened by

0:19:51.840 --> 0:19:54.280
<v Speaker 2>some of the public criticisms of the shadow docket, and

0:19:54.400 --> 0:19:57.439
<v Speaker 2>I think especially by Justin Haagan criticisms. And thus I

0:19:57.480 --> 0:20:01.520
<v Speaker 2>think more moderate and more calculate in in when they

0:20:01.560 --> 0:20:03.320
<v Speaker 2>are and are not going to vote fermances the release

0:20:03.400 --> 0:20:06.000
<v Speaker 2>in ways that I think has slowed down what I

0:20:06.040 --> 0:20:08.480
<v Speaker 2>think we're the worst excesses of this phenomenon.

0:20:09.160 --> 0:20:12.199
<v Speaker 1>You mentioned just As Alido, and you write in the

0:20:12.200 --> 0:20:14.480
<v Speaker 1>book about a speech he gave in twenty twenty one

0:20:15.000 --> 0:20:17.240
<v Speaker 1>where he said that the shadow docket. He called it

0:20:17.280 --> 0:20:20.840
<v Speaker 1>a sinister term and it portrays the court resorting to

0:20:20.920 --> 0:20:25.760
<v Speaker 1>sneaky and improper methods to get its ways. But in fact,

0:20:25.880 --> 0:20:30.080
<v Speaker 1>isn't that what the court has done with the shadow docket?

0:20:30.840 --> 0:20:32.760
<v Speaker 2>Well, so, I mean, first, you know, I wrote a

0:20:32.880 --> 0:20:34.840
<v Speaker 2>three hundred and sienty page books that tries to suggest

0:20:34.840 --> 0:20:37.920
<v Speaker 2>that it's not an inaccurate description of the courts behavior.

0:20:37.960 --> 0:20:40.440
<v Speaker 2>But I mean the other is I mean, I don't

0:20:40.440 --> 0:20:42.720
<v Speaker 2>mean to get pedenta, but I think that's revealing. The

0:20:42.840 --> 0:20:47.560
<v Speaker 2>term shadow is not, you know, inherently pejorative. Anytime you

0:20:47.680 --> 0:20:50.600
<v Speaker 2>have a light source and an obstruction, you're.

0:20:50.440 --> 0:20:51.400
<v Speaker 3>Gonna have shadows.

0:20:51.680 --> 0:20:54.879
<v Speaker 2>The question is what happens in the shadows? And you know,

0:20:55.080 --> 0:20:56.680
<v Speaker 2>we could call it whatever we want, we call it

0:20:56.720 --> 0:21:00.000
<v Speaker 2>the banana docket, it would still have the same problem

0:21:00.000 --> 0:21:03.119
<v Speaker 2>problematical behavior at the heart of it, which is the

0:21:03.320 --> 0:21:08.560
<v Speaker 2>justices without explaining themselves, issue in rulings that dramatically upend

0:21:09.119 --> 0:21:11.240
<v Speaker 2>both the law on the books and the law on

0:21:11.280 --> 0:21:13.480
<v Speaker 2>the ground. And you know, I don't mean to make

0:21:13.560 --> 0:21:15.240
<v Speaker 2>sort of too much of this, but if we go

0:21:15.359 --> 0:21:19.399
<v Speaker 2>back to where the Court says its power comes from

0:21:19.440 --> 0:21:23.280
<v Speaker 2>and it's legitimacy comes from, you know, the typical reaction,

0:21:23.440 --> 0:21:27.480
<v Speaker 2>the typical defense has been that it's the Justice's ability

0:21:27.480 --> 0:21:32.320
<v Speaker 2>to provide principled justifications for their decision making, not because

0:21:32.359 --> 0:21:34.600
<v Speaker 2>you and I aren't necessarily going to agree with the

0:21:34.800 --> 0:21:39.240
<v Speaker 2>justices principles, but at least will agree that they are principles.

0:21:39.480 --> 0:21:42.000
<v Speaker 2>And the problem with the shadow docket, before you get

0:21:42.000 --> 0:21:45.639
<v Speaker 2>to anything else, is that when the Court doesn't explain itself,

0:21:45.680 --> 0:21:49.480
<v Speaker 2>when there's no written opinion that binds the justices and

0:21:49.520 --> 0:21:52.879
<v Speaker 2>the Court in future cases, and that requires you know,

0:21:52.920 --> 0:21:56.320
<v Speaker 2>the Court to actually treat similar cases with different partisan

0:21:56.400 --> 0:21:59.760
<v Speaker 2>balances similarly, then it looks like the justices are just

0:22:00.160 --> 0:22:03.080
<v Speaker 2>in as partisans, and it looks like voting you know,

0:22:03.240 --> 0:22:06.960
<v Speaker 2>for this day and against that stay reflect no judicial

0:22:06.960 --> 0:22:10.159
<v Speaker 2>philosophy other than one on one team to win in

0:22:10.200 --> 0:22:12.920
<v Speaker 2>the other team to lose. And that's really, I think

0:22:12.960 --> 0:22:17.040
<v Speaker 2>an impression that the Court can ill afford to perpetuate,

0:22:17.560 --> 0:22:20.439
<v Speaker 2>and maybe part of why we've seen injustices other than Alido,

0:22:20.880 --> 0:22:25.280
<v Speaker 2>you know, quietly tweakingly some of their behaviors. On this point, Steve.

0:22:24.960 --> 0:22:27.560
<v Speaker 1>I want to turn for a moment to this term's

0:22:27.720 --> 0:22:31.919
<v Speaker 1>merits docket. Some people are looking at some liberal wins,

0:22:32.000 --> 0:22:36.400
<v Speaker 1>like the Court allowing the Biden administration to set immigration policy,

0:22:36.840 --> 0:22:40.359
<v Speaker 1>rejecting challenges to the Voting Rights Act and the Native

0:22:40.359 --> 0:22:44.160
<v Speaker 1>American Welfare Act, et cetera, and saying, maybe this court

0:22:44.200 --> 0:22:47.359
<v Speaker 1>is not as conservative as we thought. But in the

0:22:47.400 --> 0:22:51.320
<v Speaker 1>final days of the term, the conservative majority issued some

0:22:51.480 --> 0:22:58.359
<v Speaker 1>monumental decisions, eliminating affirmative action, striking down Biden's student loan plan,

0:22:58.480 --> 0:23:02.600
<v Speaker 1>and carving out a first an an exception to antidiscrimination laws.

0:23:03.119 --> 0:23:06.320
<v Speaker 1>So is this court just as conservative as we thought

0:23:06.320 --> 0:23:06.639
<v Speaker 1>it was?

0:23:07.240 --> 0:23:10.280
<v Speaker 2>Yes? And I've written a couple of things about how,

0:23:10.440 --> 0:23:12.479
<v Speaker 2>you know, I really do think that efforts to portray

0:23:12.560 --> 0:23:15.919
<v Speaker 2>the court is moderate really are missing the forest for

0:23:16.040 --> 0:23:19.360
<v Speaker 2>one or two misdescribed trees. But Dude, I actually think

0:23:19.440 --> 0:23:22.399
<v Speaker 2>this dovetails with the broader point of the book, which is,

0:23:22.560 --> 0:23:26.320
<v Speaker 2>if the justices are taken up a case like let's say,

0:23:26.440 --> 0:23:30.040
<v Speaker 2>us versus Texas Right, the case where Texas challenged the

0:23:30.080 --> 0:23:34.880
<v Speaker 2>Biden administration's immigration enforcement priority, and what the justices actually

0:23:35.040 --> 0:23:38.399
<v Speaker 2>hold is that Texas lacked stand in right. That's a

0:23:38.480 --> 0:23:42.360
<v Speaker 2>technical and mostly inscrutable hole band that doesn't really tell

0:23:42.440 --> 0:23:46.280
<v Speaker 2>us much ideologically, and yet it's portrayed as a liberal

0:23:46.359 --> 0:23:50.080
<v Speaker 2>victory because President Biden won and the state of Texas

0:23:50.119 --> 0:23:53.720
<v Speaker 2>lost on a procedural issue that has no partisan balance whatsoever.

0:23:53.840 --> 0:23:55.720
<v Speaker 2>And this is a case that the Court chose to

0:23:55.760 --> 0:23:58.840
<v Speaker 2>take in the first place. So I am very wary

0:23:59.119 --> 0:24:02.679
<v Speaker 2>of effort to sort of draw broad claims about the

0:24:02.720 --> 0:24:07.080
<v Speaker 2>Court by aggregating the data of the merits docket, when

0:24:07.119 --> 0:24:10.960
<v Speaker 2>the merits docket is carefully cultivated by the justices themselves.

0:24:11.000 --> 0:24:14.960
<v Speaker 2>But second, when efforts to make those claims treats all

0:24:15.119 --> 0:24:18.080
<v Speaker 2>dispositions similarly. When we all know June that there's a

0:24:18.160 --> 0:24:20.679
<v Speaker 2>huge difference between staying you know, we're throwing out this

0:24:20.760 --> 0:24:24.080
<v Speaker 2>case because of a procedural defect, versus we're throwing out

0:24:24.080 --> 0:24:26.080
<v Speaker 2>this case because we don't think that you have any

0:24:26.119 --> 0:24:28.600
<v Speaker 2>possible claim on the merits. And so when you see

0:24:28.640 --> 0:24:31.520
<v Speaker 2>statistics about how often a particular justice is in the

0:24:31.560 --> 0:24:34.440
<v Speaker 2>majority or how often the court was unanimous. I would

0:24:34.480 --> 0:24:36.960
<v Speaker 2>just sort of shout from the rooftops, Well, keep in

0:24:37.000 --> 0:24:39.840
<v Speaker 2>mind that those statistics are deeply misleading and aren't actually

0:24:39.880 --> 0:24:41.320
<v Speaker 2>telling you what you think they're telling you.

0:24:41.600 --> 0:24:45.159
<v Speaker 1>Speaking of deeply misleading statistics, the Chief was in the

0:24:45.200 --> 0:24:48.480
<v Speaker 1>majority and divided cases eighty six percent of the time,

0:24:48.840 --> 0:24:51.760
<v Speaker 1>second only to Justice Brett Kavanaugh, who was in the

0:24:51.760 --> 0:24:55.119
<v Speaker 1>majority ninety percent of the time. And so some commentators

0:24:55.119 --> 0:24:58.560
<v Speaker 1>have said, basically, the Chief is back in charge. Do

0:24:58.600 --> 0:24:59.239
<v Speaker 1>you buy that?

0:24:59.800 --> 0:25:02.119
<v Speaker 2>Think two things are true. I think reports of his

0:25:02.200 --> 0:25:05.800
<v Speaker 2>demise were greatly exaggerated, and I think reports of his

0:25:06.000 --> 0:25:09.280
<v Speaker 2>resurgence are greatly exaggerated. The reality is that I think

0:25:09.359 --> 0:25:13.560
<v Speaker 2>the Chief has an ability to do exactly one thing.

0:25:14.280 --> 0:25:16.480
<v Speaker 2>And so this term we saw a number of cases

0:25:16.560 --> 0:25:19.199
<v Speaker 2>Jude where he assigned, you know, the majority opinion in

0:25:19.240 --> 0:25:21.720
<v Speaker 2>a controversial case to himself, which left it for him

0:25:21.800 --> 0:25:24.040
<v Speaker 2>to basically steer the court in the direction he wanted

0:25:24.040 --> 0:25:26.320
<v Speaker 2>to steer it. What that says to me is not

0:25:26.400 --> 0:25:29.800
<v Speaker 2>that the Chief has somehow regained power that he has lost,

0:25:30.000 --> 0:25:32.520
<v Speaker 2>but rather that, you know, the cases that the court

0:25:32.560 --> 0:25:36.080
<v Speaker 2>heard this term lent themselves to that kind of investment

0:25:36.640 --> 0:25:39.399
<v Speaker 2>versus the cases from last turn. And so, you know,

0:25:39.440 --> 0:25:41.760
<v Speaker 2>folks look very very carefully at the fact that the

0:25:41.840 --> 0:25:45.399
<v Speaker 2>Chief was sort of concurring separately in Dobbs, that's the

0:25:45.440 --> 0:25:47.679
<v Speaker 2>case that was perfectly set up to split him from

0:25:47.720 --> 0:25:50.320
<v Speaker 2>other conservatives, whereas almost none of the cases from this

0:25:50.440 --> 0:25:53.080
<v Speaker 2>term were. So, you know, I guess it goes back

0:25:53.119 --> 0:25:55.439
<v Speaker 2>to the same phenomenon. And really, June, it's the problem

0:25:55.440 --> 0:25:57.199
<v Speaker 2>with the heart of the book, which is that the

0:25:57.280 --> 0:26:00.680
<v Speaker 2>way we had been conditioned to think about talk about

0:26:00.680 --> 0:26:02.359
<v Speaker 2>the court, to assess the Court at the end of

0:26:02.359 --> 0:26:07.760
<v Speaker 2>the term buys into sort of necessarily incorporate fairly profound

0:26:08.359 --> 0:26:12.600
<v Speaker 2>skews that the Court has very carefully developed over the

0:26:12.680 --> 0:26:14.320
<v Speaker 2>years and that are sort of hidden in play in

0:26:14.359 --> 0:26:15.960
<v Speaker 2>sight in the work of the Supreme Court.

0:26:16.359 --> 0:26:20.760
<v Speaker 1>The liberals wrote some strong and impassioned dissents at the

0:26:20.880 --> 0:26:23.359
<v Speaker 1>end of the term, and the Chief in the last

0:26:23.440 --> 0:26:27.000
<v Speaker 1>line of his final opinion of the term said, reasonable

0:26:27.040 --> 0:26:30.679
<v Speaker 1>minds may disagree in fact three do, but do not

0:26:30.800 --> 0:26:35.879
<v Speaker 1>mistake these heartfelt disagreements for disparagement. It's important that the

0:26:35.920 --> 0:26:39.800
<v Speaker 1>public not being misled either. Any such perception would be

0:26:39.800 --> 0:26:43.040
<v Speaker 1>harmful to this institution in our country. What was he

0:26:43.119 --> 0:26:44.080
<v Speaker 1>trying to say there?

0:26:44.480 --> 0:26:46.720
<v Speaker 2>The Chief knows that it's the last opinion of the term,

0:26:46.720 --> 0:26:48.440
<v Speaker 2>and I think it's really remarkable that that's where he

0:26:48.520 --> 0:26:50.679
<v Speaker 2>chose to add. You know, I think there's almost nothing

0:26:50.720 --> 0:26:53.920
<v Speaker 2>that John Roberts says by accident, and that he chose

0:26:53.960 --> 0:26:57.040
<v Speaker 2>to end there, to me, was an effort to say

0:26:57.520 --> 0:27:00.800
<v Speaker 2>that there is too much public criticism the Court right

0:27:00.840 --> 0:27:05.760
<v Speaker 2>now that is sort of delegitimizing as opposed to Stuffsn't

0:27:05.800 --> 0:27:08.680
<v Speaker 2>it right? That to him, there's a distinction between legitimate

0:27:08.720 --> 0:27:11.640
<v Speaker 2>criticism of the Court and illegitimate crism in the court.

0:27:11.840 --> 0:27:13.920
<v Speaker 2>And I think we've heard that from Justice Alito as well,

0:27:14.040 --> 0:27:18.119
<v Speaker 2>especially in his I'll put in quotation marks interview with

0:27:18.160 --> 0:27:21.160
<v Speaker 2>the Wall Street Journal back in April. And I guess, Jude,

0:27:21.359 --> 0:27:24.639
<v Speaker 2>what really sort of strikes me about that is, you know,

0:27:24.720 --> 0:27:26.280
<v Speaker 2>to sort of tie it back to one of the

0:27:26.280 --> 0:27:28.400
<v Speaker 2>themes of the book, because it gets to this idea

0:27:29.080 --> 0:27:34.560
<v Speaker 2>that the Court has become its own keeper of its legitimacy,

0:27:34.640 --> 0:27:37.840
<v Speaker 2>that the Court has decided for itself, that like it

0:27:37.920 --> 0:27:41.920
<v Speaker 2>is autonomous of the political branches, it is autonomous of

0:27:41.960 --> 0:27:44.560
<v Speaker 2>the people. And one of the things that the book

0:27:44.600 --> 0:27:47.000
<v Speaker 2>tries really hard to make clear to folks. For better

0:27:47.040 --> 0:27:48.880
<v Speaker 2>or for worse. You know, we can debate the wisdom

0:27:48.880 --> 0:27:50.240
<v Speaker 2>of this till the cows come home.

0:27:50.800 --> 0:27:55.720
<v Speaker 3>But this is actually a relatively new development that you know,

0:27:55.760 --> 0:27:58.240
<v Speaker 3>for the better part of two hundred years, the Supreme Court,

0:27:58.800 --> 0:28:02.400
<v Speaker 3>all its worth, was part of this pretty healthy, robust

0:28:02.480 --> 0:28:08.560
<v Speaker 3>inner branch dynamic where the justices were routinely in conversation.

0:28:08.000 --> 0:28:10.720
<v Speaker 2>With the executive branch and the legislative branch, about what

0:28:10.760 --> 0:28:13.720
<v Speaker 2>their docket should look like, about what their budget should

0:28:13.760 --> 0:28:16.440
<v Speaker 2>look like, even their building. I mean, the court sat

0:28:16.600 --> 0:28:19.760
<v Speaker 2>in the capitol till nineteen thirty five. And you know,

0:28:19.840 --> 0:28:21.879
<v Speaker 2>I think part of how we got to where we

0:28:21.960 --> 0:28:24.879
<v Speaker 2>are today, June is this is a court that, for

0:28:24.960 --> 0:28:29.080
<v Speaker 2>better or for worse, does not believe it is accountable

0:28:29.160 --> 0:28:31.760
<v Speaker 2>to the political branches, and does not believe that it

0:28:31.800 --> 0:28:35.199
<v Speaker 2>ought to be accountable to the political branches. And you know,

0:28:35.359 --> 0:28:37.440
<v Speaker 2>part of the problem is that the political branches aren't

0:28:37.480 --> 0:28:40.360
<v Speaker 2>doing anything to push back where you know, what used

0:28:40.400 --> 0:28:42.960
<v Speaker 2>to be a pretty healthy understanding the part of the

0:28:43.080 --> 0:28:45.719
<v Speaker 2>job of the political branches was to check the courts.

0:28:46.000 --> 0:28:49.200
<v Speaker 2>Has I think been overtaken by the you know, sort

0:28:49.240 --> 0:28:54.120
<v Speaker 2>of polarization where now you know, everyone perceives any attack

0:28:54.200 --> 0:28:57.720
<v Speaker 2>on the Court as partisan as Democrats attacking or republican court.

0:28:58.120 --> 0:29:00.400
<v Speaker 2>And I think that's a really big part of how

0:29:00.440 --> 0:29:02.680
<v Speaker 2>we got to where we are. And frankly, June, I

0:29:02.720 --> 0:29:04.360
<v Speaker 2>also think it's part of how we get out of this,

0:29:04.960 --> 0:29:09.000
<v Speaker 2>which is trying to figure out how to restore public

0:29:09.040 --> 0:29:12.360
<v Speaker 2>discourse about the Court that talks about the Court as

0:29:12.400 --> 0:29:14.880
<v Speaker 2>an institution, that looks at the Court as an institution,

0:29:14.960 --> 0:29:19.280
<v Speaker 2>that evaluates the Court as an institution, so that when

0:29:19.320 --> 0:29:25.120
<v Speaker 2>there are institutional behaviors that seem worthy of reproach and reform,

0:29:25.480 --> 0:29:29.800
<v Speaker 2>it's not just the folks in the minority clamoring for

0:29:29.840 --> 0:29:33.120
<v Speaker 2>those reforms, but everybody, because we all ought to be

0:29:33.200 --> 0:29:36.040
<v Speaker 2>invested in having a healthy Supreme Court. And that is

0:29:36.080 --> 0:29:38.000
<v Speaker 2>a huge part of why I wrote this book and

0:29:38.040 --> 0:29:40.920
<v Speaker 2>a huge part of what I hope appeals to folks

0:29:40.920 --> 0:29:41.800
<v Speaker 2>as they read the book.

0:29:42.520 --> 0:29:46.080
<v Speaker 1>Your book is a fascinating read, Steve, and so well researched.

0:29:46.120 --> 0:29:49.240
<v Speaker 1>Of course. That's Professor Steven Vladik of the University of

0:29:49.280 --> 0:29:52.640
<v Speaker 1>Texas Law School. His book is called The Shadow Docket,

0:29:52.880 --> 0:29:56.719
<v Speaker 1>How the Supreme Court uses stealth rulings to amass power

0:29:56.800 --> 0:29:59.600
<v Speaker 1>and undermine the Republic. And that's it for this edition

0:29:59.600 --> 0:30:02.160
<v Speaker 1>of The bloom Berg Law Show. Remember you can always

0:30:02.160 --> 0:30:05.120
<v Speaker 1>get the latest legal news on our Bloomberg Law podcasts.

0:30:05.360 --> 0:30:08.400
<v Speaker 1>You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify, and at

0:30:08.560 --> 0:30:13.600
<v Speaker 1>www Dot bloomberg dot com, slash podcast Slash Law, And

0:30:13.680 --> 0:30:16.720
<v Speaker 1>remember to tune into The Bloomberg Law Show every weeknight

0:30:16.800 --> 0:30:20.280
<v Speaker 1>at ten pm Wall Street Time. I'm June Grosso and

0:30:20.320 --> 0:30:21.800
<v Speaker 1>you're listening to Bloomberg