WEBVTT - Palestinians Debate Armed Tactics

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<v Speaker 1>Col Zone Media. Hello everyone, I'm welcome to it could

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<v Speaker 1>happen here. My name is Dad Al Kern. I'm an

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<v Speaker 1>associate professor of political science a senior non resident fellow

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<v Speaker 1>at the Arab Center Washington, and I specialize in Palestinian

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<v Speaker 1>and Arab politics. Although Gaza has sort of leaked off

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<v Speaker 1>the headlines with everything going on domestically, there's still obviously

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<v Speaker 1>a lot happening on the issue of Palestine. I feel

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<v Speaker 1>like I've started the last few episodes like this, but

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<v Speaker 1>it's worth repeating. So here's an update on what's been

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<v Speaker 1>happening in Gaza specifically. Despite the ceasefire agreement, reports indicate

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<v Speaker 1>ongoing demolition of homes in Gaza City and restricted entry

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<v Speaker 1>of food, medical, and humanitarian aid. Again, since the ceasefire started,

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<v Speaker 1>more than six hundred Palestinians have been killed by Israeli

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<v Speaker 1>fi with one hundreds more injured. For some reason, these

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<v Speaker 1>don't count as ceasefire violations, and according to the Gaza

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<v Speaker 1>Government Media Office, there's been over sixteen hundred violations by

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<v Speaker 1>Israeli forces, including air attacks, shelling, and direct shooting of

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<v Speaker 1>the past one hundred and thirty some days of the ceasefire,

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<v Speaker 1>Analosa shows attacks on one hundred and eleven of them,

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<v Speaker 1>at least In a previous episode, I also talked about

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<v Speaker 1>what the yellow line was, which was this kind of

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<v Speaker 1>unilaterally imposed military boundary inside Gaza to make sure that

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<v Speaker 1>Palestinians are sequestered into smaller spaces, and Israeli forces have

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<v Speaker 1>continued to target individuals and structures across this yellow line,

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<v Speaker 1>claiming that these actions are necessary to stop militants and

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<v Speaker 1>now JA zero reports, however, that Israeli backed gangs armed

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<v Speaker 1>gangs are operating back and forth across the yellow line,

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<v Speaker 1>so they're allowed now. Rapach Crossing, which is at the

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<v Speaker 1>southern tip of Gaza, has officially opened, but is operating

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<v Speaker 1>under intense Israeli security, with some monitoring by the Palestinian

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<v Speaker 1>authority and EU officials, but reports indicate that only about

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<v Speaker 1>fifty to one hundred and fifty people are allowed to

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<v Speaker 1>cross daily, which is far below the demand for the

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<v Speaker 1>estimated twenty thousand plus sick or wounded Palestinians needing evacuation.

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<v Speaker 1>And since it's opened its faced closures, there's been a

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<v Speaker 1>lot of confusion about policy, with many reporting harsh treatment,

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<v Speaker 1>invasive searches, and restrictions on personal belongings for those passing through,

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<v Speaker 1>and that crossing is not functioning for commercial or humanitarian aid,

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<v Speaker 1>which must go through other Israeli controlled crossings. At the

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<v Speaker 1>Munich Security Conference that was held February thirteenth, the top

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<v Speaker 1>US appointed diplomat overseeing the ceasefire, Bulgarian diplomat Nicolaim Ladanov said,

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<v Speaker 1>quote continued violations of the agreement pose major obstacles to

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<v Speaker 1>the Pastinian committee expected to oversee post war governance and

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<v Speaker 1>reconstruction end quote, and he was specifically talking about Hamas

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<v Speaker 1>basically violating the agreement by not laying down its weapons,

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<v Speaker 1>not disarming and the Passidnian Foreign Minister Varsen Shaheen, speaking

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<v Speaker 1>at the same panel, focused on this idea that Gaza

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<v Speaker 1>must not be severed from the West Bank and that

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<v Speaker 1>the Palsadian authority, meaning the government in the West Bank

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<v Speaker 1>that she represents, will need to take control of governance

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<v Speaker 1>at some point in Gaza, so that Pastinians could maybe

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<v Speaker 1>have a state in the future, something of course the

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<v Speaker 1>Israeli government has rejected outright, which brings us to this

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<v Speaker 1>issue of disarming Hamas. Now, this has been a condition

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<v Speaker 1>of the US and its representatives on the Board of Peace.

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<v Speaker 1>Here's Trump on this a few days after the ceasefire

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<v Speaker 1>was announced. I will it take Hamas to disarm and

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<v Speaker 1>can you guarantee that is going to happen? Well, I'm

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<v Speaker 1>going to disarm, and because they said they were going

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<v Speaker 1>to disarm, and if they don't disarm, we will disarm them.

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<v Speaker 1>How you do that, I don't have to explain that

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<v Speaker 1>to you. But if they don't disarm, we will disarm them.

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<v Speaker 1>They know I'm not playing games, okay. On February fifteenth,

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<v Speaker 1>he announced on social media his Truth Social that he

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<v Speaker 1>had gotten five billion dollars pledged by members of his

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<v Speaker 1>quote unquote Board of Peace. As one article noted, reconstruction

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<v Speaker 1>of Gaza is expected to cost seven hundred billion dollars

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<v Speaker 1>according to the United Nations, World Bank, and European Union estimates,

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<v Speaker 1>especially after more than two years of war. Trump has

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<v Speaker 1>also claimed that countries had committed a bunch of troops

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<v Speaker 1>to the International Security Force that's supposed to go into Gaza,

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<v Speaker 1>secure Gaza and disarm Hamas. He didn't name which of

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<v Speaker 1>these countries had committed troops, but Indonesia did confirm that

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<v Speaker 1>it will send eight thousand troops, and in that same

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<v Speaker 1>truth social post, Trump again reiterated that quote very importantly,

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<v Speaker 1>Hamass must uphold its commitment to full and immediate demilitarization

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<v Speaker 1>end quote. So. Back in December, in an interview with

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<v Speaker 1>Israel's Channel twelve, as reported by drop site News, Yous

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<v Speaker 1>Ambassador to the UN Mike Waltz, said that the International

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<v Speaker 1>Security Force was intended to disarm Hamas one way or

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<v Speaker 1>the other. Specifically, he said, quote by all means necessary,

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<v Speaker 1>and that quote obviously, it'll be a conversation with each country.

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<v Speaker 1>Those rules of engagement are ongoing. I'll tell you this.

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<v Speaker 1>President Trump has repeatedly said Hamas will disarm one way

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<v Speaker 1>or another, the easy way or the hard way. End quote. Now. Hamas,

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<v Speaker 1>for its art, claims it never agreed to disarm. In

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<v Speaker 1>an interview with drop site News in December twenty twenty five,

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<v Speaker 1>senior HAMAS leader Hadad Michald said that while Hamas is

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<v Speaker 1>open to quote freezing or storing its defensive weapons, it

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<v Speaker 1>wouldn't disarm unless it was in the quote context of

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<v Speaker 1>establishing a Palestinian army or security force capable of defending

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<v Speaker 1>itself from Israeli aggression. Hamas has claimed that it only

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<v Speaker 1>has a mandate to negotiate a cease fire at exchange

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<v Speaker 1>of captives, and that every other issue needs to be

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<v Speaker 1>handled through some sort of consensus process involving the other

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<v Speaker 1>Palestinian political factions. And in that same interview, Michiald rejected

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<v Speaker 1>the idea of an international security force disarming them, saying

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<v Speaker 1>that quote we accept them on the borders as separation

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<v Speaker 1>forces between the Palestinian side and the Israeli side, not

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<v Speaker 1>as forces deployed inside Gaza as was intended for them,

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<v Speaker 1>and as Nitayaja wants for them to clash with Palestinians

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<v Speaker 1>and disarm them end quote. So, speaking at an Al

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<v Speaker 1>Jazera forum on February eighth, the same person, Haded michald

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<v Speaker 1>reiterated this argument, saying that the calls for Hamas's disarmament

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<v Speaker 1>is not an international demand but and Israeli dictate being

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<v Speaker 1>pushed onto Washington. He also said that cause to disarm

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<v Speaker 1>Palstinians while the occupation continues would quote leave Gaza defenseless

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<v Speaker 1>against Israel's overwhelming military power and exterminationist agenda. As job

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<v Speaker 1>site News reported on their social media, quote mitchad acknowledged

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<v Speaker 1>the need for pragmatic post war framework to enable reconstruction

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<v Speaker 1>and prevent a return to fighting, but explained that it

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<v Speaker 1>could not be built on total disarmament. So with that

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<v Speaker 1>as an introduction, I wanted to take this episode to

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<v Speaker 1>talk about what Palestinians think of disarmament and broadly and

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<v Speaker 1>more generally arm tactics. And when I say Palestinians, I

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<v Speaker 1>hope it's clear I don't just mean Hemas. I know

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<v Speaker 1>that comes as a shock to some, but Palstinians aren't monolithic.

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<v Speaker 1>And there has been a great deal of debate since

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<v Speaker 1>the Octu over seventh attacks by HEMS on the role

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<v Speaker 1>of arm tactics armed groups, especially in the absence of

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<v Speaker 1>national institutions or functioning national liberation movements. In December of

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<v Speaker 1>last year, twenty twenty five, the New Arab hosted a

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<v Speaker 1>very interesting debate between different Pastinian representatives of Hamas Fateh,

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<v Speaker 1>the party of the Palsidian Authority, and a human rights

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<v Speaker 1>activist and writer. And they hosted this in Gaza, literally

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<v Speaker 1>on the grounds of the bombed out of Shippa Hospital,

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<v Speaker 1>and they've debated some key questions, for example, who has

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<v Speaker 1>the right to decide or in peace for Palestinians. How

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<v Speaker 1>can Pastinians understand October seventh, does Hamas need to disarm?

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<v Speaker 1>Who should govern Gaza? And you know what, this may

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<v Speaker 1>come as a shock to both the American left and

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<v Speaker 1>the American right, but the Pasdian speakers at this interview

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<v Speaker 1>did not all agree with each other. So I'm going

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<v Speaker 1>to give a brief roundown of what this panel discussed.

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<v Speaker 1>The main Hamas spokesperson hasn't cast him basically argued that

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<v Speaker 1>decisions on war and peace should be made through national

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<v Speaker 1>consensus within a unified Pastinian institution, not unilaterally by any faction.

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<v Speaker 1>But and in the absence of functioning institutions, then Hamas

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<v Speaker 1>is a part of the Palstinian body politic has a

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<v Speaker 1>right to engage in violence and defend Palestinians. He also

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<v Speaker 1>argued that it wasn't Hamas's fault that there wasn't national

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<v Speaker 1>consensus or functioning national institutions. His narrative was that Hamas

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<v Speaker 1>consistently sought unity first by entering into elections in two

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<v Speaker 1>thousand and six and supporting election attempts that President Mahmoud

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<v Speaker 1>Abbas of the party and the Paladinian authority ended up canceling.

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<v Speaker 1>He also reiterated that Hamas doesn't mind handing over governance

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<v Speaker 1>in Gaza to a technocratic body, which proves, from his perspective,

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<v Speaker 1>that they aren't trying to govern alone. And on the

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<v Speaker 1>question of disarmament, he said Hamas would commit to cease fire,

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<v Speaker 1>they would commit to maybe storing their weapons, but they

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<v Speaker 1>wouldn't disarm entirely, and they maintained that armed tactics are

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<v Speaker 1>illegitimate right. He also emphasized that Israel alone was responsible

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<v Speaker 1>for the destruction of Gaza and that no one could

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<v Speaker 1>have anticipated the level of brutality Israel would unleash now.

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<v Speaker 1>The Fattehespauk's person, Mond Hayek understandably disagreed with many of

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<v Speaker 1>these points. He represents the opposing party, and from his perspective,

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<v Speaker 1>the October seventh attacks were launched without national consensus and

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<v Speaker 1>that Concessus could only operate through the Past Time Liberation

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<v Speaker 1>Organization the PLO, which is the internationally recognized representative of

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<v Speaker 1>the Palestinian people. Hayak also made the reasonable argument that

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<v Speaker 1>even if everyone agrees armed resistance is a right, that

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<v Speaker 1>those engaging in that tactic should consider the regional and

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<v Speaker 1>international context, as well as the impact of these kinds

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<v Speaker 1>of tactics and the likelihood of their success, and in

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<v Speaker 1>his view, because these things were not considered October seventh,

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<v Speaker 1>led to very negative results for Palestinians and a lack

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<v Speaker 1>of meaningful international support. He also admonished Hamas leadership for

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<v Speaker 1>making what he thinks is a political decision of not

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<v Speaker 1>negotiation aiding a ceasefire earlier, accusing them of having been

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<v Speaker 1>able to stop the war in the first six months

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<v Speaker 1>and limit the bloodshed. And finally, he criticized Hamas for

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<v Speaker 1>prolonging negotiations and refusing to put the PA in charge

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<v Speaker 1>of Gaza. And he landed on the argument that there

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<v Speaker 1>could be no future for Hamas from his perspective, as

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<v Speaker 1>part of a national liberation movement unless it accepted the PLO,

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<v Speaker 1>it disarmed, it renounced violence, and understood that the PA,

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<v Speaker 1>the Palsienian Authority, was the only legitimate authority that could

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<v Speaker 1>control both territories the West Bank and Gaza, and the

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<v Speaker 1>way to quote unify Palstinian geography is through the Palsenian

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<v Speaker 1>Authority and doing that would be the only way to

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<v Speaker 1>get back to the state building project I'm just summarizing

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<v Speaker 1>here to be clear, his words, not mine. Now. The

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<v Speaker 1>final panelist, Mustaf Ebrahim is a writer and human rights

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<v Speaker 1>activist in Gaza who took a critical position of both parties.

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<v Speaker 1>He basically said that both Hamas and fate shared the

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<v Speaker 1>blame for the division in the Pastinian body politic and

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<v Speaker 1>the fact that there was a lack of mechanism for

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<v Speaker 1>collective Palstenian decision making and no functioning national institutions. He

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<v Speaker 1>blamed both sides, and he accused both sides of not

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<v Speaker 1>actually being serious about any of the dialogue sessions that

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<v Speaker 1>were held between the two parties in the past in Cairo, Beirut,

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<v Speaker 1>and Beijing. But he agreed with the FATEH spokesperson that

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<v Speaker 1>October seventh has not been allowed to be assessed properly

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<v Speaker 1>and that Palestinians never got to decide if the consequences

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<v Speaker 1>justified whatever October semith was trying to do, and he

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<v Speaker 1>blamed Hamas for that, so, agreeing with the other panelists

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<v Speaker 1>that the rights to resist as legitimate, he also acknowledged

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<v Speaker 1>that disarmament was an internationally demanded condition, so he posed

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<v Speaker 1>the question how would Palestinians navigate this, and from his perspective,

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<v Speaker 1>Hamas should be more flexible on the weapons and disarmament issue,

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<v Speaker 1>especially given the degree of people's suffering and the need

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<v Speaker 1>for reconstruction in Gaza. I summarize all of this for

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<v Speaker 1>you because this debate held in Gaza among people who

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<v Speaker 1>had directly lived through the last two years of genocide,

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<v Speaker 1>should demonstrate that there is no national consensus, and that

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<v Speaker 1>it's not because Pastinians don't know how to resolve these issues,

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<v Speaker 1>it's because they haven't been given the space to do so.

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<v Speaker 1>There has been a lot of discussion about how to

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<v Speaker 1>unify these different parties, about reviving the Pastain Liberation Organization,

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<v Speaker 1>making it more inclusive and democratic and therefore more legitimate

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<v Speaker 1>as an actor, so that it could make decisions the

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<v Speaker 1>Palstinian people would accept, and so that not one faction

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<v Speaker 1>can do what at once can engage in tactics without

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<v Speaker 1>considering the consequences. But none of these attempts, and there

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<v Speaker 1>have been plenty, like the Palstinian National Conference, have really

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<v Speaker 1>been incorporated into discussions of post conflict processes or management

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<v Speaker 1>by the international community. Perhaps I shouldn't be surprised when

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<v Speaker 1>the idea we're going with is the quote Board of Peace,

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<v Speaker 1>basically functioning as a colonial oversight board and a club

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<v Speaker 1>for authoritarian regimes. But I digress. I think it's also

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<v Speaker 1>important to make two points here. First, that polling of

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<v Speaker 1>the Palestinian people by the Palstinian Center for Policy and

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<v Speaker 1>Survey Research shows that most Palestinians are not supportive of

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<v Speaker 1>either party, neither Fetah or Hamas. There is a degree

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<v Speaker 1>of malaise and cynicism where both parties are seen as

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<v Speaker 1>a part of an unacceptable status quo. For example, when

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<v Speaker 1>asked about whether they would support a Hamas candidate or

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<v Speaker 1>a fute candidate if elections were held for the presidency,

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<v Speaker 1>thirty four percent of Palstinians say they would vote for

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<v Speaker 1>a Fute candidate, twenty four percent would say a Hamas candidate,

0:13:33.600 --> 0:13:36.320
<v Speaker 1>nine percent would say they would keep president Mahmoud Abbass,

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<v Speaker 1>and a whopping thirty two percent would say they wouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>even vote, and this non voting percentage goes up to

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<v Speaker 1>forty seven percent if the elections are just between Mahamud

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<v Speaker 1>Abbass and a Hamas candidate. And they also ask about

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<v Speaker 1>direct support of political parties, so there's a more direct

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<v Speaker 1>question in the latest poll from October twenty twenty five,

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<v Speaker 1>Again it shows twenty four percent support FATE, hardly a majority,

0:13:59.600 --> 0:14:02.440
<v Speaker 1>thy five five percent support MS, again hardly a majority,

0:14:02.840 --> 0:14:06.920
<v Speaker 1>nine percent support third parties, and thirty two percent either

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<v Speaker 1>say they don't know or refuse to answer. So this

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<v Speaker 1>is not a situation where either of these parties have

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<v Speaker 1>a mandate, and it's clear that neither party is representing

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<v Speaker 1>the Pasenian people right now, nor do their actions have

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<v Speaker 1>majority support. Now, some might wonder is this debate emerging

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<v Speaker 1>because of the sheer level of destruction in Gaza. We

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<v Speaker 1>are talking over seventy thousand people killed in Gaza that

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<v Speaker 1>we can even confirm so far. Is it that, in

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<v Speaker 1>this context, this context of severe consequences from Israel, what

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<v Speaker 1>prompted this debate and self reflection? Well, the short answer

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<v Speaker 1>is no. Postenians have always debated these issues, and in

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<v Speaker 1>the absence of a functioning national liberation movement with all

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<v Speaker 1>of its institutions, they haven't been able to hold any

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<v Speaker 1>particular party accountable for its actions. I could point to

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<v Speaker 1>a lot in Pastenian history to demonstrate this, but I'll

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<v Speaker 1>point out an essay by a Postaenian inte actual Asthmibshada

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<v Speaker 1>that he wrote and released within a month of October seventh.

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<v Speaker 1>This essay, titled Moral Matters and Hard Times, again demonstrates

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<v Speaker 1>the Palestinians have never shied away from this discussion and

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<v Speaker 1>indeed made criticisms of these political parties very quickly following

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<v Speaker 1>the attacks. Now, of course, Bashada lays the blame for

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<v Speaker 1>civilian deaths on Israel, given that it targets Palestinian civilians

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<v Speaker 1>as he argues out of racism and as he argues

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<v Speaker 1>to try to turn the population against armed tactics and

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<v Speaker 1>armed resistance, and he quotes Israeli leaders directly here. So

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<v Speaker 1>he talks about President Herzog saying there are no innocence

0:15:34.640 --> 0:15:38.720
<v Speaker 1>in Gaza, and Israeli Defense Minister you Off Gallant at

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<v Speaker 1>the time calling people in Gaza human animals. And he

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<v Speaker 1>also points out that Israeli society at the time was

0:15:44.560 --> 0:15:48.880
<v Speaker 1>overwhelmingly supportive of cutting off food, water, and medicine to Gaza. So,

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<v Speaker 1>although Bashada rejects this kind of absolute evil framing of

0:15:52.760 --> 0:15:56.360
<v Speaker 1>the attacks and says we need to understand the context

0:15:56.440 --> 0:16:01.280
<v Speaker 1>of a seventeen year seage on Gaza settlement expansion incurasions

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<v Speaker 1>on the al axamosk and prisoner mistreatment. He also plainly

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<v Speaker 1>argues that immoral acts committed during October seventh. So to him,

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<v Speaker 1>documented instances of harm to civilians, theft, mistreatment, etc. Are

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<v Speaker 1>not acts of resistance, and in fact, from his perspective,

0:16:19.200 --> 0:16:23.400
<v Speaker 1>they harm legitimate resistance. And he argues again a month

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<v Speaker 1>within the attacks, that the leadership of the quote unquote

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<v Speaker 1>resistance have a duty to clarify what happened and condemn

0:16:30.360 --> 0:16:35.040
<v Speaker 1>those immoral acts. He says, quote having recognized a people's

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<v Speaker 1>right to resist occupation, can it be concluded that we

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<v Speaker 1>are not permitted to judge the morality of acts of

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<v Speaker 1>resistance to occupation? My answer is that, on the contrary,

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<v Speaker 1>it is not only permissible, but perhaps necessary. End quote.

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<v Speaker 1>So he argues that the right to resist does not

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<v Speaker 1>exempt these movements from moral judgment, and distinguishing between legitimate

0:16:56.880 --> 0:17:00.200
<v Speaker 1>military operations and immoral acts against civilians is essential to

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<v Speaker 1>maintaining the justice of the Pastinian cause, even as we

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<v Speaker 1>can acknowledge and emphasize the quote moral depravity of the

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<v Speaker 1>Israeli response end quote. Now, whether you agree with him

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<v Speaker 1>or not, whether you side with one of the panelists

0:17:13.680 --> 0:17:16.320
<v Speaker 1>I mentioned from the interview or the other. What I

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<v Speaker 1>want people to take away from this episode is that

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<v Speaker 1>all of this clearly shows Palestinians have been taking seriously

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<v Speaker 1>the strategic and moral implications of all of these tactics

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<v Speaker 1>arm tactics included, and that there isn't any one party

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<v Speaker 1>that speaks for what Postinians want right now. The only

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<v Speaker 1>way to get national consensus is to allow the Palestinians

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<v Speaker 1>to create or revive the institutions necessary for that to

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<v Speaker 1>take place. Disempowering Palestinians ignoring their aspirations and ignoring the

0:17:42.520 --> 0:17:46.520
<v Speaker 1>need for their input or blocking them from undergoing this

0:17:46.640 --> 0:17:49.680
<v Speaker 1>essential process will only prolong a conflict and put along

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<v Speaker 1>the suffering. That's it for me today. Thanks for listening.

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<v Speaker 1>It Could Happen Here is a production of cool Zone Media.

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<v Speaker 1>For more podcasts from cool Zone Media, visit our website

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<v Speaker 1>Polsonmedia dot com, or check us out on the iHeartRadio app,

0:18:04.480 --> 0:18:08.040
<v Speaker 1>Apple Podcasts, or wherever you listen to podcasts. You can

0:18:08.080 --> 0:18:10.439
<v Speaker 1>now find sources for It Could Happen here listed directly

0:18:10.440 --> 0:18:12.760
<v Speaker 1>in episode descriptions. Thanks for listening.