WEBVTT - Deep Background Presents: The Broken Constitution Ep.2 

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<v Speaker 1>Pushkin. This is The Broken Constitution, a mini series for

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<v Speaker 1>unknown history from quick and Dirty tips and deep background

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<v Speaker 1>from Pushkin Industries. Over the course of these three episodes,

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<v Speaker 1>I'm discussing Abraham Lincoln and how he needed to break

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<v Speaker 1>the American Constitution in order to remake it. It's all

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<v Speaker 1>based on my new book, The Broken Constitution, Lincoln, Slavery

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<v Speaker 1>and the Refounding of America, out November second. In this episode,

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<v Speaker 1>episode two, I'm going to turn to what happened to

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln when he became president and to the moment in

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<v Speaker 1>which he was forced to break the Constitution in order

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<v Speaker 1>to begin to think about how to save it. To

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<v Speaker 1>do that, I'm going to ask you to transport yourself

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<v Speaker 1>to March fourth, eighteen sixty one, the day that Lincoln

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<v Speaker 1>was inaugurated. No other president in US history has ever

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<v Speaker 1>faced a crisis even vaguely comparable to the one that

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<v Speaker 1>was confronting Lincoln on that date. He had been elected

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<v Speaker 1>four months earlier, defeating three rivals in a highly regionalized

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<v Speaker 1>race that was and remains the most polarized in US history.

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<v Speaker 1>And since he'd been elected, seven states had held special

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<v Speaker 1>secession conventions and announced that they were withdrawing from what

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<v Speaker 1>they referred to as the Compact entitled the US Constitution.

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<v Speaker 1>In the aftermath, federal officials quit their jobs in all

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<v Speaker 1>of those seven states, and the US government ceased to

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<v Speaker 1>exist as a practical matter within them, with a minor

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<v Speaker 1>exception of a handful of military bases that still remained

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<v Speaker 1>in those states, the most famous of which was Fort Sumter,

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<v Speaker 1>a fortification in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina. And

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<v Speaker 1>in the case of that fortification, the state of South

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<v Speaker 1>Carolina had made it clear that it was going to

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<v Speaker 1>blockade that fort, blocking supplies from coming in, and that

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<v Speaker 1>it was demanding that the President of the United States

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<v Speaker 1>removed the soldiers who were there. And the clock was

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<v Speaker 1>ticking because the supplies that fed the soldiers at Fort

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<v Speaker 1>Sumter were dwindling on a rapid day to day basis.

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<v Speaker 1>Faced with this situation, Lincoln had to make a crucial choice.

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<v Speaker 1>We all think we know what that choice was. Lincoln

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<v Speaker 1>decided to confront the Confederacy. He sent ships to resupply

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<v Speaker 1>the fort. Before they could arrive, Confederate forces fired on

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<v Speaker 1>Fort Sumter, and in consequence, we believe we know, the

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<v Speaker 1>war began in retrospect, this all seems inevitable to us,

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<v Speaker 1>but a closer examination of Lincoln's constitutional thinking, and indeed

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<v Speaker 1>that of everyone in the United States at the time,

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<v Speaker 1>reveals that what looks to us as though it was

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<v Speaker 1>inevitable was far from it. Remarkably, and mostly forgotten, Lincoln's

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<v Speaker 1>predecessor as President, James Buchanan, had already considered what constitutional

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<v Speaker 1>authority the president or Congress had to respond to the

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<v Speaker 1>secession of the Southern States, and Buchanan had concluded the

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<v Speaker 1>answer was nothing. If that sounds shocking, it is, and

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<v Speaker 1>it requires a certain degree of depth to understand it. Essentially,

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<v Speaker 1>Buchanan and his attorney general, a man called Jeremiah Black,

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<v Speaker 1>had already concluded that under the Constitution of the United States,

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<v Speaker 1>there was no option of secession. It followed, therefore, according

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<v Speaker 1>to Black and Buchanan, that if the Southern States chose

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<v Speaker 1>to secede, they were not acting lawfully under the Constitution,

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<v Speaker 1>as they insisted, but were in fact engaged in an

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<v Speaker 1>act of revolution. But that's where the similarity between Buchanan's

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<v Speaker 1>views and those of Lincoln ends, because Buchanan, influenced by

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<v Speaker 1>his attorney general, reached the conclusion that nothing in the

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<v Speaker 1>Constitution authorized the present of the United States, or indeed

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<v Speaker 1>Congress to go to war to coerce seceding states to

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<v Speaker 1>remain in the Union. Why. The simple answer has to

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<v Speaker 1>do with the core idea of democratic government in the

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<v Speaker 1>United States, going back to the founders, namely the idea

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<v Speaker 1>of the consent of the government. According to the basic

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<v Speaker 1>ideas laid out by Thomas Jefferson in the Declaration of Independence,

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<v Speaker 1>all men are created equal. They're endowed by their creator

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<v Speaker 1>with certain and alienable rights, and if a government chose

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<v Speaker 1>to violate those rights, it was up to the people

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<v Speaker 1>themselves to make the determination of whether they wished to

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<v Speaker 1>make a revolution and withdraw. This was American constitutional orthodoxy,

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<v Speaker 1>as indeed it had to be, because it amounted to

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<v Speaker 1>the rationale that Lincoln and the United States had used

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<v Speaker 1>to form the country and withdraw from the United Kingdom.

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<v Speaker 1>Notice that at the core of this notion is that

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<v Speaker 1>a group of human beings have the authority themselves to

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<v Speaker 1>give their consent to participate in government, or to withdraw

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<v Speaker 1>that consent. Once that consent was withdrawn. According to that view,

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<v Speaker 1>it would be illegitimate for the government that claimed sovereignty

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<v Speaker 1>over them to use military force to demand that those

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<v Speaker 1>people stay inside of the government. President Buchanan explained all

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<v Speaker 1>this to the country and to the world in his

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<v Speaker 1>final State of the Union address, Basing himself on an

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<v Speaker 1>official opinion by his Attorney general, he explained that once

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<v Speaker 1>secession had occurred, it followed from that that there was

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<v Speaker 1>nothing the central government, including the president or even Congress,

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<v Speaker 1>could do about it. The most Buchanan was willing to

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<v Speaker 1>concede was that when there were federal officials who were

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<v Speaker 1>trying to enforce the law in a place in the

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<v Speaker 1>country and were blocked from doing so, the federal government

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<v Speaker 1>could send troops to help them do so. But Buchanan

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<v Speaker 1>made clear the only way that that was permitted was

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<v Speaker 1>if there actually were federal officials civilian officials in those

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<v Speaker 1>states who were trying to enforce the law, and that

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<v Speaker 1>was not the case in the seceding states, where all

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<v Speaker 1>of the federal officials had already quit and resigned. Thus,

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<v Speaker 1>on this very first day in office, Abraham Lincoln had

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<v Speaker 1>to begin considering whether he would repudiate the basic theory

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<v Speaker 1>of the constitution that had been articulated by his predecessor

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<v Speaker 1>and deploy force to attempt to make the Southern States

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<v Speaker 1>re enter the Union. Put another way, Lincoln would have

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<v Speaker 1>to break the Constitution as introduced by his predecessor in

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<v Speaker 1>order to begin the process of preserving the Constitution. In

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<v Speaker 1>his first inaugural address, to which we will return in

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<v Speaker 1>our next episode, episode three, Lincoln began in a tentative

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<v Speaker 1>way to lay down his account of why it would

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<v Speaker 1>be permissible to force the Southern States back into the Union,

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<v Speaker 1>even against their democratically expressed will to do so. Lincoln

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<v Speaker 1>first insisted that, in contemplation of universal law and of

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<v Speaker 1>the Constitution, the union of these states is perpetual. Nowhere

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<v Speaker 1>in the Constitution did it say explicitly that the union

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<v Speaker 1>needed to last forever and could ever be broken, but

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln insisted on it. Nevertheless, the principle would be that

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<v Speaker 1>in order to enforce federal law in the seceding states,

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<v Speaker 1>he would send troops as needed to force the people

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<v Speaker 1>in those states to administer and obey the laws from

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<v Speaker 1>which they had chosen to withdraw. Lincoln introduced a conceptual

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<v Speaker 1>argument for why he had to do this that was

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<v Speaker 1>entirely his own. He told the Southern states, you have

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<v Speaker 1>no oath registered in heaven to destroy the government, while

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<v Speaker 1>I shall have the most solemn one to preserve, protect,

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<v Speaker 1>and defend it. Notice that nowhere in this address, or

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<v Speaker 1>indeed subsequently, did Lincoln say that the Constitution itself was moral.

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<v Speaker 1>As I described in Episode one, Lincoln could not say

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<v Speaker 1>that the Constitution was moral, because he knew that it

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<v Speaker 1>was not. The Constitution was a compromise with slave slavery

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<v Speaker 1>was immoral. Morality therefore could only come into the picture

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<v Speaker 1>as a basis for requiring Lincoln to do what he

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<v Speaker 1>had promised. What he had promised to do was to

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<v Speaker 1>preserve the Union, and in order to preserve the Union,

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<v Speaker 1>he would have to use force against the South. From

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<v Speaker 1>the perspective of the South, war was by no means inevitable.

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<v Speaker 1>The Southern states, in fact, hoped precisely to avoid any

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<v Speaker 1>conflict with the North. They expected that, as a matter

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<v Speaker 1>of constitutional principle, and indeed also as a matter of

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<v Speaker 1>practical reality, they would be little that the North could

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<v Speaker 1>do to stop their secession. And the Confederacy insisted that

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<v Speaker 1>it was actually obeying the Constitution of the United States

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<v Speaker 1>when it's seceded and forming a new constitution. The new

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<v Speaker 1>Southern Constitution mimicked in most of its particulars the Northern Constitution.

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<v Speaker 1>The one major difference, explained Alexandra Hamilton Stevens, the Vice

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<v Speaker 1>President of the Confederacy, had to do with race and slavery.

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<v Speaker 1>All the essentials of the old Constitution have been preserved

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<v Speaker 1>and perpetuated, said Stephens. But he said the prevailing idea

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<v Speaker 1>of the framers had been that slavery was wrong and

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<v Speaker 1>would eventually pass away. That Stephens said was fundamentally wrong.

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<v Speaker 1>It rested upon the assumption of the equality of the races.

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<v Speaker 1>Stephens said this was an error. He then explicitly stated

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<v Speaker 1>the purpose of the Southern Constitution. Our new government, he said,

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<v Speaker 1>is founded upon exactly the opposite idea. Its foundations are laid,

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<v Speaker 1>its cornerstone rests upon the great truth that the negro

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<v Speaker 1>is not equal to the white man, that slavery, subordination

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<v Speaker 1>to the superior race is his natural and normal condition. This,

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<v Speaker 1>our new government, is the first in the history of

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<v Speaker 1>the world based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth.

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<v Speaker 1>It's worth pausing for a moment to take on board

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<v Speaker 1>the enormity of that description of the Southern Constitution by

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<v Speaker 1>the Vice President of the Confederacy, Alexander Hamilton Stevens, was

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<v Speaker 1>saying explicitly that the Confederacy's constitution was based fundamentally on

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<v Speaker 1>the principle of white supremacy and what he called the

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<v Speaker 1>moral idea that slavery was that quote natural and normal

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<v Speaker 1>condition of people of African descent. What's so shocking about this,

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<v Speaker 1>stated in retrospect, is that the Confederacy simply made no

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<v Speaker 1>bones about the idea that their constitutional commitment, their foundational commitment,

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<v Speaker 1>the cornerstone of their entire government, was the perpetuation of

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<v Speaker 1>slavery and its commitment to racial subordination. Now consider Lincoln's

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<v Speaker 1>perspective in terms of the question not of what he

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<v Speaker 1>was authorized to do, but what he actually practically could

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<v Speaker 1>do to force the South to return. What he sought

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<v Speaker 1>to do was to provoke a Southern military attack on

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<v Speaker 1>the North so he would be able to say that

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<v Speaker 1>the war was started by the South, to call up

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<v Speaker 1>tens of thousands of militia in the hopes of creating

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<v Speaker 1>conditions that would convince the South that a war was coming,

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<v Speaker 1>and simultaneously to try to lure the South back by

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<v Speaker 1>telling them that he was still fully prepared to guarantee

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<v Speaker 1>slavery in the Union as provided by the compromised Constitution.

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<v Speaker 1>At the same time, Lincoln introduced a crucial argument that

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<v Speaker 1>he laid out to the country in a special address

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<v Speaker 1>to Congress on July fourth, eighteen sixty one. In that address,

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<v Speaker 1>he said that the Southern states were engaged in rebellion,

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<v Speaker 1>they were rebels and their for traders, and it was

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<v Speaker 1>therefore justifiable to seek to coerce them back into the Union.

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<v Speaker 1>In making this argument, Lincoln was heeding advice that he

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<v Speaker 1>had been given by William Seward, his Secretary of State.

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<v Speaker 1>Seward told Lincoln, we must change the question before the

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<v Speaker 1>public from one upon slavery or about slavery, for a

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<v Speaker 1>question upon union or disunion. Seward was telling Lincoln that

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<v Speaker 1>he must define the war not as a war about slavery,

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<v Speaker 1>but as a war about disloyalty, rebellion, and disunion. The

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<v Speaker 1>reason Seward advised this is that he did not believe

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<v Speaker 1>that public opinion in the North was interested in going

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<v Speaker 1>to war over the question of slavery. The emphasis on

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<v Speaker 1>disloyalty and disunion was designed to create a politically palatable

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<v Speaker 1>rationale for the war that would enable Lincoln to say

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<v Speaker 1>that he stood for the remise constitutions still and blamed

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<v Speaker 1>the South for violating the compromise. The point would then

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<v Speaker 1>be to force the compromise back on the South. There was, however,

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<v Speaker 1>a tricky conceptual problem. The compromise constitution had always been

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<v Speaker 1>based on consent. Now Lincoln was arguing the compromise could

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<v Speaker 1>be based on coercion. In order to reach this conclusion,

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln developed a new theory of how the relationship between

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<v Speaker 1>the majority and the minority should work in a constitutional democracy. Historically,

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<v Speaker 1>the true nature of constitutional arrangements was always and had

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<v Speaker 1>always been, that majorities compromised with minorities by giving the

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<v Speaker 1>minorities a good portion of what they wanted, even though

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<v Speaker 1>the majority had more people. The reason, if you don't

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<v Speaker 1>provise that sort of a compromise to a minority, minority

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<v Speaker 1>can always walk away. The minardi's capacity to walk away

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<v Speaker 1>from a constitution, to engage in what today we call

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<v Speaker 1>spoiler behavior forces the majority to give the minority more

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<v Speaker 1>than it deserves under ordinary principles of majority government. Lincoln

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<v Speaker 1>now argued that that arrangement made no sense. He insisted

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<v Speaker 1>that minorities could then always exercise coercive power over majorities,

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<v Speaker 1>and that majoritarian government would therefore not be sustainable. In

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<v Speaker 1>order to solve that problem, he said, the majority had

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<v Speaker 1>to have recourse to a new right that had never

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<v Speaker 1>been discussed by the Framers, namely, the right to use

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<v Speaker 1>force to compel the minority to stay in the Constitutional order.

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<v Speaker 1>Lincoln had, in other words, imposed on the Constitutional Order

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<v Speaker 1>a theory that the Framers themselves had not believed, a

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<v Speaker 1>theory that would have been more suit the views of

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<v Speaker 1>the British monarchy and of Parliament in seventeen seventy six,

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<v Speaker 1>then to the views of the founders of the United

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<v Speaker 1>States of America. The upshot of that theory was that

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<v Speaker 1>the president of the United States could go to war

0:16:25.076 --> 0:16:28.756
<v Speaker 1>even without waiting for Congress to force the Southern States

0:16:28.796 --> 0:16:33.476
<v Speaker 1>to remain, and Lincoln claimed this was somehow under the

0:16:33.556 --> 0:16:39.236
<v Speaker 1>authority of the Constitution. Here, Lincoln was breaking the Constitution

0:16:39.516 --> 0:16:42.716
<v Speaker 1>as it had been understood by his predecessors, and indeed

0:16:42.716 --> 0:16:46.676
<v Speaker 1>as it had been conceptualized by the Founders and the Framers,

0:16:46.756 --> 0:16:50.916
<v Speaker 1>in order to justify his choice to go to war.

0:16:52.356 --> 0:16:57.156
<v Speaker 1>What happened next, Well, Remember that Lincoln had only sixteen

0:16:57.196 --> 0:17:01.396
<v Speaker 1>thousand troops in the regular US Army. Just to defend

0:17:01.436 --> 0:17:04.676
<v Speaker 1>the capital in Washington, d C. He would need at

0:17:04.716 --> 0:17:08.436
<v Speaker 1>least thirty five thousand troops. That meant the only place

0:17:08.476 --> 0:17:13.276
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln could get troops was from state militia volunteers who

0:17:13.356 --> 0:17:16.836
<v Speaker 1>had to be called up and mustered into service essentially

0:17:16.916 --> 0:17:22.036
<v Speaker 1>immediately and transported to Washington, d C. To protect the capital.

0:17:22.476 --> 0:17:25.356
<v Speaker 1>If he didn't, the war could be over almost before

0:17:25.436 --> 0:17:31.356
<v Speaker 1>it began. Consequently, on April fifteenth, eighteen sixty one, Lincoln

0:17:31.356 --> 0:17:36.516
<v Speaker 1>called up seventy five thousand volunteer militiamen. Massachusetts, which had

0:17:36.556 --> 0:17:40.396
<v Speaker 1>been preparing for this moment already, immediately sent eleven companies

0:17:40.396 --> 0:17:44.716
<v Speaker 1>of volunteers to go and help defend the city of Washington,

0:17:44.796 --> 0:17:49.036
<v Speaker 1>d C. They were sent from Massachusetts with great fanfare.

0:17:49.516 --> 0:17:53.556
<v Speaker 1>As the trains carrying the soldiers came through Springfield, Hartford,

0:17:53.636 --> 0:17:58.956
<v Speaker 1>New York, Trenton, and Philadelphia, bells rang bands played, and

0:17:59.076 --> 0:18:03.836
<v Speaker 1>supportive onlookers expressed their pride in the troops, and then

0:18:03.876 --> 0:18:08.676
<v Speaker 1>they got to Baltimore. To pass through Baltimore in those days,

0:18:09.156 --> 0:18:12.196
<v Speaker 1>train cars had to be decoupled at the President Street

0:18:12.236 --> 0:18:16.356
<v Speaker 1>station and then pulled on rails by horses along Pratt

0:18:16.396 --> 0:18:19.876
<v Speaker 1>Street and across a bridge to Camden Station, where they

0:18:19.876 --> 0:18:23.036
<v Speaker 1>could then be reattached to steam engines and sent further

0:18:23.116 --> 0:18:27.396
<v Speaker 1>south to Washington, d C. As the train cars carrying

0:18:27.396 --> 0:18:31.476
<v Speaker 1>the Massachusetts volunteers were dragged across town by the horses,

0:18:32.116 --> 0:18:38.396
<v Speaker 1>a hostile mob of thousands of people formed to stop them.

0:18:38.636 --> 0:18:41.956
<v Speaker 1>Seven of the companies made it through, but four companies,

0:18:42.196 --> 0:18:45.316
<v Speaker 1>consisting of two hundred and twenty men, were stuck at

0:18:45.356 --> 0:18:48.876
<v Speaker 1>President Street. The only way they could make it across

0:18:48.956 --> 0:18:51.716
<v Speaker 1>town and get into train cars in order to go

0:18:51.796 --> 0:18:54.796
<v Speaker 1>down to Washington, d C. Was to march a mile

0:18:55.076 --> 0:19:00.436
<v Speaker 1>across town through the mob itself. Under orders from their officers,

0:19:00.716 --> 0:19:05.556
<v Speaker 1>the soldiers began their march with guns drawn. Somebody we

0:19:05.596 --> 0:19:08.836
<v Speaker 1>still don't know who fired the first shot, and an

0:19:08.836 --> 0:19:13.356
<v Speaker 1>ex change of gunfire occurred between the crowd and the soldiers.

0:19:14.636 --> 0:19:18.916
<v Speaker 1>Twelve civilians and four soldiers were killed. It was only

0:19:18.956 --> 0:19:22.356
<v Speaker 1>with the intervention of the Baltimore police that the soldiers

0:19:22.396 --> 0:19:26.076
<v Speaker 1>managed to make it to their trains and head for Washington,

0:19:26.156 --> 0:19:31.156
<v Speaker 1>d C. These events were little short of disastrous seen

0:19:31.276 --> 0:19:36.196
<v Speaker 1>from the standpoint of the Union. In response, Abraham Lincoln

0:19:36.196 --> 0:19:40.116
<v Speaker 1>and the Union had no choice they had to hold Baltimore.

0:19:40.876 --> 0:19:44.556
<v Speaker 1>Acting on his own initiative, a Lowell, Massachusetts mill owner

0:19:44.676 --> 0:19:47.876
<v Speaker 1>named Benjamin Butler, who had just lobbied to get himself

0:19:47.876 --> 0:19:53.276
<v Speaker 1>appointed brigadier general by the state of Massachusetts, decided to

0:19:53.316 --> 0:19:56.556
<v Speaker 1>take over Baltimore with the troops that he had an

0:19:56.716 --> 0:20:02.836
<v Speaker 1>established military rule there. In both word. Indeed, General Butler

0:20:02.956 --> 0:20:06.996
<v Speaker 1>was occupying the city of Baltimore, a city in an

0:20:07.116 --> 0:20:11.596
<v Speaker 1>unceceded state named the mar Maryland, and claiming to exercise

0:20:12.196 --> 0:20:17.876
<v Speaker 1>full martial law in the city. Lincoln knew that the

0:20:17.996 --> 0:20:22.076
<v Speaker 1>risk of alienating the citizens of Maryland and pushing them

0:20:22.116 --> 0:20:27.676
<v Speaker 1>into secession was extraordinarily high. He also knew that there

0:20:27.716 --> 0:20:30.756
<v Speaker 1>was no practical choice but to seek control over Baltimore

0:20:30.876 --> 0:20:33.836
<v Speaker 1>if troops were going to be brought to Washington, d c.

0:20:34.316 --> 0:20:39.196
<v Speaker 1>And eventually further south. Faced with these circumstances, Lincoln took

0:20:39.236 --> 0:20:43.036
<v Speaker 1>an extraordinary and a decisive step. In a letter to

0:20:43.076 --> 0:20:48.196
<v Speaker 1>Winfield Scott, he officially authorized the suspension of the writ

0:20:48.356 --> 0:20:52.636
<v Speaker 1>of habeas corpus anywhere in the vicinity of any military

0:20:52.676 --> 0:20:58.196
<v Speaker 1>line between Philadelphia and Washington. What was the writ of

0:20:58.196 --> 0:21:01.556
<v Speaker 1>habeas corpus and why did its suspension matter? So much

0:21:01.676 --> 0:21:06.156
<v Speaker 1>to Lincoln in that moment. The Writ of habeas Corpus

0:21:06.396 --> 0:21:09.716
<v Speaker 1>was a legal mechanism embodied in a fund mental right.

0:21:10.476 --> 0:21:14.076
<v Speaker 1>What it said, in essence, was the guarantee that the

0:21:14.196 --> 0:21:18.476
<v Speaker 1>government could never detain you and hold you without legal

0:21:18.516 --> 0:21:23.156
<v Speaker 1>grounds and without a criminal trial. Suspending the Writ of

0:21:23.156 --> 0:21:27.476
<v Speaker 1>habeas corpus therefore had the effect of turning whoever was

0:21:27.516 --> 0:21:32.196
<v Speaker 1>running the government into an all powerful ruler who could

0:21:32.276 --> 0:21:37.956
<v Speaker 1>grab up anybody he chose for any purposes without having

0:21:38.036 --> 0:21:41.796
<v Speaker 1>to subject that detention or arrest to the rule of law.

0:21:43.556 --> 0:21:46.236
<v Speaker 1>You can see, therefore, why the Writ of habeas corpus

0:21:46.476 --> 0:21:49.956
<v Speaker 1>was so important to the fundamental structure of the rule

0:21:49.996 --> 0:21:53.316
<v Speaker 1>of law and of order. Now, the Constitution of the

0:21:53.396 --> 0:21:57.396
<v Speaker 1>United States did indeed contemplate suspension of the Writ of

0:21:57.436 --> 0:22:02.596
<v Speaker 1>habeas corpus in cases of rebellion where it should be necessary.

0:22:03.436 --> 0:22:06.956
<v Speaker 1>But and here was the butt upon which an enormous

0:22:06.956 --> 0:22:11.436
<v Speaker 1>controversy would turn. The Constitution also made it extremely clear

0:22:11.756 --> 0:22:14.836
<v Speaker 1>that it was Congress that it had the authority to

0:22:14.836 --> 0:22:18.956
<v Speaker 1>suspend the Writ of habeas Corpus, not the President. The

0:22:19.036 --> 0:22:22.036
<v Speaker 1>suspension of the Writ of habeas Corpus was contained in

0:22:22.076 --> 0:22:25.796
<v Speaker 1>the provision of the Constitution in Article one, Section nine,

0:22:25.836 --> 0:22:28.676
<v Speaker 1>where all of the powers of Congress are laid out.

0:22:29.316 --> 0:22:32.116
<v Speaker 1>The whole of Article one is about the powers of Congress,

0:22:32.316 --> 0:22:34.436
<v Speaker 1>and the President doesn't even come into the picture in

0:22:34.476 --> 0:22:39.716
<v Speaker 1>the Constitution until Article two. Thus, the Constitution made it

0:22:39.796 --> 0:22:42.556
<v Speaker 1>about as clear as it could have been that in

0:22:42.676 --> 0:22:45.836
<v Speaker 1>cases of war or rebellion, it would be Congress's job

0:22:46.076 --> 0:22:48.876
<v Speaker 1>to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, and Congress that

0:22:48.916 --> 0:22:52.876
<v Speaker 1>would therefore have the capacity to reverse that suspension. It

0:22:52.956 --> 0:22:56.116
<v Speaker 1>did not contemplate that the president could do this himself,

0:22:56.796 --> 0:23:01.436
<v Speaker 1>nor had any president in US history heretofore ever imagined

0:23:01.796 --> 0:23:05.676
<v Speaker 1>that he had such a right. Lincoln, on the other hand,

0:23:05.956 --> 0:23:09.716
<v Speaker 1>suspended the writ of habeas corpus in April eighteen sixty one,

0:23:09.996 --> 0:23:15.396
<v Speaker 1>when Congress was not even in session. He was acting unilaterally,

0:23:15.756 --> 0:23:19.156
<v Speaker 1>and he was acting in violation of the clear and

0:23:19.316 --> 0:23:24.916
<v Speaker 1>obvious meaning of the Constitution. In the weeks and months

0:23:24.996 --> 0:23:28.676
<v Speaker 1>that followed, the fact that Lincoln had broken the Constitution

0:23:29.076 --> 0:23:33.916
<v Speaker 1>became evident and absolutely clear. It took place in the

0:23:33.956 --> 0:23:38.876
<v Speaker 1>context of an extraordinary, historic confrontation between the President of

0:23:38.876 --> 0:23:42.236
<v Speaker 1>the United States and the Chief Justice of the United

0:23:42.276 --> 0:23:46.076
<v Speaker 1>States in the case that came to be known as

0:23:46.516 --> 0:23:51.116
<v Speaker 1>Ex Party Merriman. The case got its name from one

0:23:51.476 --> 0:23:55.716
<v Speaker 1>John Merriman, who was a Maryland farmer and militiaman who

0:23:55.876 --> 0:24:01.236
<v Speaker 1>was deeply sympathetic to the secessionist South. Along with his

0:24:01.276 --> 0:24:05.636
<v Speaker 1>militia company, and probably under orders from higher up Maryland officials,

0:24:05.796 --> 0:24:09.956
<v Speaker 1>including maybe even the governor of the state, Ariman burned

0:24:10.036 --> 0:24:14.156
<v Speaker 1>a series of railroad bridges, making it even harder for

0:24:14.516 --> 0:24:18.996
<v Speaker 1>Union troops to come through Baltimore. In response, at two

0:24:19.036 --> 0:24:21.796
<v Speaker 1>in the morning on May twenty fifth, eighteen sixty one,

0:24:22.356 --> 0:24:26.556
<v Speaker 1>federal troops seized Merriman at his farm and imprisoned him

0:24:26.716 --> 0:24:31.316
<v Speaker 1>at Fort McHenry in Baltimore. The arrest was a military arrest,

0:24:31.636 --> 0:24:35.676
<v Speaker 1>not a civilian arrest. Merriman would not be put on trial,

0:24:36.076 --> 0:24:38.876
<v Speaker 1>and he would not be charged with a crime. Instead,

0:24:39.116 --> 0:24:42.236
<v Speaker 1>he would be held as long as the government chose

0:24:42.396 --> 0:24:46.556
<v Speaker 1>to hold him. Now. Merriman had a lawyer who thought

0:24:46.636 --> 0:24:49.436
<v Speaker 1>fast and immediately went to the Chief Justice of the

0:24:49.516 --> 0:24:54.636
<v Speaker 1>United States, Roger Tawney, himself a pro Union Maryland man,

0:24:55.036 --> 0:24:58.876
<v Speaker 1>and asked Tawny to issue a writ of habeas corpus

0:24:58.916 --> 0:25:02.276
<v Speaker 1>that would require the government to produce the body of

0:25:02.396 --> 0:25:05.236
<v Speaker 1>John Merriman, that's what the words habeas corpus mean in

0:25:05.276 --> 0:25:09.356
<v Speaker 1>Latin produced the body and by so doing tell the

0:25:09.396 --> 0:25:12.676
<v Speaker 1>world that it was not within the authority of the

0:25:12.756 --> 0:25:16.076
<v Speaker 1>President of United States or the US military to grab

0:25:16.156 --> 0:25:19.836
<v Speaker 1>up a citizen of the United States living in Maryland,

0:25:20.036 --> 0:25:23.236
<v Speaker 1>a state that was part of the Union, and hold

0:25:23.316 --> 0:25:29.796
<v Speaker 1>him indefinitely without trial. Tawny responded, the way you would

0:25:29.836 --> 0:25:35.196
<v Speaker 1>hope and expect a good judge would. He issued an

0:25:35.316 --> 0:25:39.356
<v Speaker 1>order directing the person in charge of Fort McHenry to

0:25:39.516 --> 0:25:42.676
<v Speaker 1>bring the body of John Merriman with him into court

0:25:42.996 --> 0:25:46.036
<v Speaker 1>and show cause why it was lawful for him to

0:25:46.116 --> 0:25:51.156
<v Speaker 1>be detained. In a dramatic confrontation in the Federal courtroom

0:25:51.436 --> 0:25:55.116
<v Speaker 1>in Baltimore, a delegate of the officer in charge of

0:25:55.156 --> 0:25:58.916
<v Speaker 1>Fort McHenry appeared and announced that the body of John

0:25:58.956 --> 0:26:03.716
<v Speaker 1>Merriman would not be produced. The US military, under the

0:26:03.756 --> 0:26:07.036
<v Speaker 1>authority of the President, was going to defy the authority

0:26:07.236 --> 0:26:11.556
<v Speaker 1>of a constitutional judiciary created by Article three of the Constitution,

0:26:12.116 --> 0:26:16.396
<v Speaker 1>and was going to claim the authority to suspend habeas corpus.

0:26:17.716 --> 0:26:22.476
<v Speaker 1>Tanny understood what he had to do. On June fourth,

0:26:22.476 --> 0:26:26.396
<v Speaker 1>eighteen sixty one, he issued a written judgment known as

0:26:26.636 --> 0:26:31.996
<v Speaker 1>X Party Merriman, which explained the legal circumstances in the document.

0:26:32.436 --> 0:26:36.916
<v Speaker 1>Tanny explained that the Constitution did not authorize the President

0:26:37.036 --> 0:26:39.916
<v Speaker 1>of the United States to suspend the writ of habeas corpus.

0:26:40.316 --> 0:26:44.156
<v Speaker 1>It authorized only Congress to do so. He pointed out

0:26:44.556 --> 0:26:47.236
<v Speaker 1>that no president had ever claimed such an authority before.

0:26:47.716 --> 0:26:50.716
<v Speaker 1>Tanny went further. He said that no argument could be

0:26:50.796 --> 0:26:54.116
<v Speaker 1>drawn from the nature of sovereignty or the necessity of

0:26:54.156 --> 0:26:57.836
<v Speaker 1>government for self defense in times of tumult and danger.

0:26:58.556 --> 0:27:01.036
<v Speaker 1>The reason that the government could not rely on a

0:27:01.076 --> 0:27:05.196
<v Speaker 1>pure argument from necessity, said Tanny, was that the US

0:27:05.276 --> 0:27:10.516
<v Speaker 1>Constitution is a government of limited powers. It does not

0:27:10.636 --> 0:27:15.596
<v Speaker 1>confer absolute power or absolute sovereignty on anyone in the system,

0:27:15.676 --> 0:27:19.636
<v Speaker 1>not on Congress, not on the president. Sovereignty resides in

0:27:19.756 --> 0:27:24.436
<v Speaker 1>the people. By violating the Constitution's conferral of the right

0:27:24.476 --> 0:27:28.356
<v Speaker 1>to suspend habeas corpus on Congress, the president was therefore

0:27:28.756 --> 0:27:32.596
<v Speaker 1>usurping the power of the people, and doing so was

0:27:32.636 --> 0:27:38.556
<v Speaker 1>fundamentally illegitimate. Tany understood that he was taking an enormous

0:27:38.676 --> 0:27:41.756
<v Speaker 1>risk in confronting the President of the United States. It

0:27:41.796 --> 0:27:44.596
<v Speaker 1>was rumored at the time that he himself, the Chief

0:27:44.676 --> 0:27:49.076
<v Speaker 1>Justice might be arrested for his active resistance. In the

0:27:49.116 --> 0:27:53.156
<v Speaker 1>concluding words of his written the judgment, he explained that

0:27:53.236 --> 0:27:57.276
<v Speaker 1>he could not do anything about the suspension of Habeas corpus.

0:27:58.476 --> 0:28:01.796
<v Speaker 1>He explained that these great and fundamental laws had been

0:28:01.836 --> 0:28:06.116
<v Speaker 1>disregarded and suspended by a military order supported by the

0:28:06.156 --> 0:28:09.676
<v Speaker 1>force of arms. All he could do, he said, was

0:28:09.996 --> 0:28:15.196
<v Speaker 1>his duty. Tony's message to Lincoln was devastating. Lincoln was

0:28:15.356 --> 0:28:19.476
<v Speaker 1>claiming to be going to war in fulfillment of his

0:28:19.596 --> 0:28:23.996
<v Speaker 1>constitutional oath to take care that the laws be faithfully executed.

0:28:24.636 --> 0:28:28.796
<v Speaker 1>But by suspending Habeas corpus, Lincoln was doing the opposite

0:28:28.956 --> 0:28:32.676
<v Speaker 1>of taking care that the laws be faithfully executed. To

0:28:32.756 --> 0:28:37.356
<v Speaker 1>the contrary, Lincoln was violating that very oath of office.

0:28:38.836 --> 0:28:42.996
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln could not take this argument lying down, and on

0:28:43.076 --> 0:28:46.916
<v Speaker 1>July fourth, eighteen sixty one, in his address to Congress,

0:28:47.476 --> 0:28:52.076
<v Speaker 1>he offered a series of attempted justifications for why the

0:28:52.116 --> 0:28:57.276
<v Speaker 1>suspension of Habeas corpus was legitimate. If you want a

0:28:57.316 --> 0:29:00.636
<v Speaker 1>close analysis of what he argued, I hope you'll look

0:29:00.796 --> 0:29:04.316
<v Speaker 1>at the book itself. I'll tell you now that the

0:29:04.436 --> 0:29:08.236
<v Speaker 1>essence of his argument was that in practice, he had

0:29:08.276 --> 0:29:11.516
<v Speaker 1>no choice but to suspend Habeas Corpus because Congress was

0:29:11.556 --> 0:29:14.836
<v Speaker 1>not in session, and if he did not suspend this law,

0:29:15.316 --> 0:29:19.916
<v Speaker 1>all the other laws were going to be unenforced. This

0:29:20.036 --> 0:29:23.716
<v Speaker 1>came very, very close to an explicit argument that it

0:29:23.756 --> 0:29:27.636
<v Speaker 1>was within his own power to break the Constitution in

0:29:27.756 --> 0:29:32.596
<v Speaker 1>order to save the Constitution. Ultimately, he was saying the

0:29:32.836 --> 0:29:38.156
<v Speaker 1>ends justified the means. What history has forgotten to a

0:29:38.196 --> 0:29:43.636
<v Speaker 1>remarkable degree is what Lincoln then did when Congress refused

0:29:44.076 --> 0:29:50.236
<v Speaker 1>ultimately to suspend Habeas corpus itself. The short answer is

0:29:50.236 --> 0:29:52.996
<v Speaker 1>that over the next two and a half years, in

0:29:53.076 --> 0:29:57.596
<v Speaker 1>the time until Congress ultimately authorized suspension and continued his policies,

0:29:58.556 --> 0:30:04.516
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln allowed the military to shut down newspapers all over

0:30:04.556 --> 0:30:09.476
<v Speaker 1>the country that were critical of his war policies. He

0:30:09.876 --> 0:30:15.396
<v Speaker 1>authorized the arrest and detention of thousands and thousands of

0:30:15.516 --> 0:30:19.716
<v Speaker 1>critics of the war. It's hard to know with certainty

0:30:19.796 --> 0:30:23.276
<v Speaker 1>exactly how many people were arrested and detained because records

0:30:23.276 --> 0:30:27.236
<v Speaker 1>were not systematically kept, but the best estimate suggests that

0:30:27.356 --> 0:30:31.836
<v Speaker 1>at least fourteen thousand, four hundred and conceivably as many

0:30:31.876 --> 0:30:36.996
<v Speaker 1>as thirty eight thousand people were arrested and held without

0:30:37.076 --> 0:30:39.716
<v Speaker 1>trial in the United States over the course of the

0:30:39.796 --> 0:30:44.796
<v Speaker 1>Civil War, hundreds of newspapers were shut down. At no

0:30:45.076 --> 0:30:48.676
<v Speaker 1>other time in the history of the United States as

0:30:48.716 --> 0:30:53.756
<v Speaker 1>any president suppressed the freedom of expression anything like as

0:30:53.836 --> 0:30:57.876
<v Speaker 1>unilaterally or in anything as extreme a way as Lincoln

0:30:57.916 --> 0:31:01.596
<v Speaker 1>did over the course of the Civil War. Seen in

0:31:01.636 --> 0:31:06.676
<v Speaker 1>the terms of our contemporary world, Lincoln effectively suspended the

0:31:06.796 --> 0:31:10.716
<v Speaker 1>First Amendment for most of the direction of the Civil War.

0:31:12.316 --> 0:31:17.196
<v Speaker 1>Criticism of his war policies was tolerated only at the margins,

0:31:17.756 --> 0:31:21.596
<v Speaker 1>and essentially not tolerated at all if anyone argued that

0:31:21.636 --> 0:31:24.356
<v Speaker 1>the United States should make peace with the Southern States

0:31:24.556 --> 0:31:30.236
<v Speaker 1>and let them depart in the Broken Constitution. I lay

0:31:30.276 --> 0:31:33.356
<v Speaker 1>out in a lot of detail the reasons to understand

0:31:33.396 --> 0:31:37.836
<v Speaker 1>that Lincoln himself was directly involved here, but I also

0:31:37.916 --> 0:31:43.436
<v Speaker 1>discuss a more philosophical question, namely, was Lincoln a dictator

0:31:43.836 --> 0:31:47.356
<v Speaker 1>during the period of time in which he unilaterally suspended

0:31:47.436 --> 0:31:51.756
<v Speaker 1>habeas corpus and suspended the freedom of speech. The short

0:31:51.756 --> 0:31:54.956
<v Speaker 1>answer is that Lincoln did function as a dictator of

0:31:54.996 --> 0:32:00.156
<v Speaker 1>some kind. He was what is sometimes called a constitutional dictator,

0:32:00.996 --> 0:32:04.996
<v Speaker 1>someone who claims to be fulfilling of the Constitution, not

0:32:05.276 --> 0:32:08.556
<v Speaker 1>as it then exists, but as it would soon be

0:32:08.596 --> 0:32:12.756
<v Speaker 1>embraced by the population to be. In order to justify

0:32:13.236 --> 0:32:18.476
<v Speaker 1>his actions by developing his theory of necessity and his

0:32:18.596 --> 0:32:22.436
<v Speaker 1>view that he had no choice but to suspend habeas

0:32:22.476 --> 0:32:26.516
<v Speaker 1>corpus and ultimately to suspend free speech and the free press,

0:32:27.076 --> 0:32:31.436
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln was gambling that history would eventually say that what

0:32:31.596 --> 0:32:38.796
<v Speaker 1>he did was justified. Remarkably enough, history has not reached

0:32:38.996 --> 0:32:44.316
<v Speaker 1>that conclusion. Today, Lincoln's suspension of free speech is largely

0:32:44.356 --> 0:32:52.556
<v Speaker 1>ignored rather than celebrated. No subsequent president has undertaken similar action,

0:32:53.316 --> 0:32:56.436
<v Speaker 1>and indeed, the Supreme Court of the United States after

0:32:56.596 --> 0:32:59.516
<v Speaker 1>the Civil War, in a case called X Party Milligan,

0:33:00.076 --> 0:33:03.796
<v Speaker 1>rejected the idea that it was permissible for the government

0:33:03.836 --> 0:33:08.516
<v Speaker 1>of United States to hold civilians by military detention without

0:33:08.556 --> 0:33:12.316
<v Speaker 1>trial without the writ of habeas corpus in any place

0:33:12.556 --> 0:33:15.756
<v Speaker 1>where the courts of the United States were open and functioning,

0:33:16.156 --> 0:33:19.956
<v Speaker 1>as they were throughout the Union throughout the period of

0:33:19.996 --> 0:33:24.396
<v Speaker 1>the Civil War. This principle, which is still good law

0:33:24.676 --> 0:33:26.996
<v Speaker 1>under the Constitution of the United States, as interpreted by

0:33:26.996 --> 0:33:32.196
<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court, amounted to a genuine repudiation of Lincoln's

0:33:32.196 --> 0:33:37.756
<v Speaker 1>constitutional theories. Although Lincoln's decision to break the Constitution as

0:33:37.756 --> 0:33:40.316
<v Speaker 1>it was then understood by going to war has been

0:33:40.396 --> 0:33:44.916
<v Speaker 1>validated by history. Lincoln's decision to suspend habeas corpus in

0:33:44.916 --> 0:33:48.516
<v Speaker 1>the North and his decision to suspend their freedom of

0:33:48.556 --> 0:33:54.996
<v Speaker 1>speech are not part of our constitutional order today. In

0:33:55.076 --> 0:33:57.916
<v Speaker 1>the third and final episode of this podcast, which you'll

0:33:57.956 --> 0:34:00.636
<v Speaker 1>have a chance to hear next week, I will turn

0:34:00.876 --> 0:34:04.676
<v Speaker 1>to Lincoln's most famous violation of the Constitution as it

0:34:04.716 --> 0:34:10.116
<v Speaker 1>was then understood, namely the emancipation of the laved people

0:34:10.476 --> 0:34:14.516
<v Speaker 1>of the South. And that act of emancipation, I will

0:34:14.556 --> 0:34:18.436
<v Speaker 1>show was the violation of the Constitution, the breaking of

0:34:18.436 --> 0:34:24.436
<v Speaker 1>the Constitution that was profoundly validated by history, that vindicated

0:34:24.516 --> 0:34:29.276
<v Speaker 1>Lincoln's actions more generally, and the transformed not only the

0:34:29.316 --> 0:34:33.276
<v Speaker 1>meaning of the war, but the future of the Constitution

0:34:33.876 --> 0:34:43.276
<v Speaker 1>of the United States. To hear more about that, listen

0:34:43.316 --> 0:34:47.036
<v Speaker 1>to the next episode of this podcast, The Broken Constitution,

0:34:47.476 --> 0:34:50.676
<v Speaker 1>coming to you in one week. If you can't wait,

0:34:51.036 --> 0:34:53.436
<v Speaker 1>you can listen to the next episode a few days

0:34:53.436 --> 0:34:57.236
<v Speaker 1>early on the Unknown History podcast from Quick and Dirty Tips.

0:34:57.796 --> 0:35:01.316
<v Speaker 1>Find it in the show notes or your favorite podcast app,

0:35:02.156 --> 0:35:05.596
<v Speaker 1>and go ahead and pre order or by The Broken

0:35:05.636 --> 0:35:10.876
<v Speaker 1>Constitution from your favorite local bookstore. It's out on November second.

0:35:12.196 --> 0:35:16.236
<v Speaker 1>The Broken Constitution was produced by Nathan SAMs and Quick

0:35:16.276 --> 0:35:19.636
<v Speaker 1>and Dirty Tips, a proud part of McMillan publisher's home

0:35:19.756 --> 0:35:22.996
<v Speaker 1>of Farrar, Straus and Jeru, who are publishing my book