WEBVTT - Sleeper Immigration Case With Echoes of Guantanamo

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Grassoe from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court's docket this year has an unusually large

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<v Speaker 1>number of immigration cases that run the gamut from boilerplate

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<v Speaker 1>to blockbuster. One of the cases in the blockbuster category

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<v Speaker 1>involves a politically charged issue that could bolster the government's

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<v Speaker 1>ability to deport undocumented immigrants quickly after their asylum bids

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<v Speaker 1>are rejected. My guest is constitutional law experts Stephen Vladdock,

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<v Speaker 1>a professor at the University of Texas Law School. So

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<v Speaker 1>Steve tell us about the main issues in the case.

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<v Speaker 1>June in a term full of of big immigration cases,

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<v Speaker 1>I actually think this is the sleeper. So there's a

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<v Speaker 1>whole category of non citizens who are placed in something

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<v Speaker 1>called expedited removal. And the idea is when the government

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<v Speaker 1>picks up someone right after they surreptitiously enter the country

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<v Speaker 1>and when they haven't been here for that long, the

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<v Speaker 1>law ought to treat them as if they were stopped

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<v Speaker 1>at the border. That you know, we shouldn't necessarily reward

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<v Speaker 1>folks who cross illegal just for the fact that they

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<v Speaker 1>weren't captured right on site. In this context, as the

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<v Speaker 1>term suggests, f tite removal means a much more streamlined

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<v Speaker 1>process before they are removed from the country, and it

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<v Speaker 1>also dramatically circumscribes the kinds of claims that folks in

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<v Speaker 1>this status are allowed to make. So with regard to

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<v Speaker 1>asylum seekers, for example, there's nowhere near the amount of

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<v Speaker 1>review of a claim that you know, someone who fled

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<v Speaker 1>persecution in another country actually credibly did so, or that

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<v Speaker 1>if they were returned to their home country they face

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<v Speaker 1>a meaningful risk of violence for you know. A long time,

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court has operated to the presumption that individuals

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<v Speaker 1>who are physically present on US soil, whatever their immigration status,

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<v Speaker 1>are protected by the Constitution. But this case is actually

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<v Speaker 1>raising whether that's still true and whether the Court still

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<v Speaker 1>believes that in the context of perhaps the most important

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<v Speaker 1>constitutional protection, the right of habeas corpus. Basically, the long

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<v Speaker 1>term of this case is Congress in nine took away

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<v Speaker 1>from the federal courts the power to hear habeas petitions,

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<v Speaker 1>basically collateral attacks on the underlying government detention from non

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<v Speaker 1>sitisen immigrants who are in so called expedited removal proceedings.

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<v Speaker 1>And the argument in these cases is that by not

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<v Speaker 1>allowing for habeas. There's no meaningful opportunity for someone with

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<v Speaker 1>a valid asylum claim whose claim is denied in this

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<v Speaker 1>expedited context to then challenge that denial in court. When

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<v Speaker 1>the Third Circuit heard this issue four years ago, it said,

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<v Speaker 1>note the suspension clause of the Constitution, which protects the

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<v Speaker 1>right of habeas corpus, does not apply to undocumented immigrants

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<v Speaker 1>who are in excited removal. And late last year the

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<v Speaker 1>Ninth Circuit, the Federal Pell's Court in San Francisco, disagreed,

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<v Speaker 1>creating a circuit split. Tell us a little bit about

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<v Speaker 1>the plaintiff who says he fears persecution in his country.

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<v Speaker 1>The Rostertam is a Sri Lankan and he's a Tamil,

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<v Speaker 1>which basically means that he is in a minority group

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<v Speaker 1>that has been the subject of significant person acution from

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<v Speaker 1>the Sri Lankan government. Of course, there's been some violence

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<v Speaker 1>on the part of this group as well. He entered

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<v Speaker 1>the United States surreptitiously in California. He was picked up

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<v Speaker 1>shortly after he entered, and he basically is trying to

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<v Speaker 1>challenge the government's denial of his asylum claim on the

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<v Speaker 1>ground that he incredibly fears persecution or other forms of

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<v Speaker 1>inappropriate treatment if he is returned to Sri Lanka. The

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<v Speaker 1>District Court concluded that it lacked the ability to hear

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<v Speaker 1>his habeas petition because of the statute Congress past, and

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<v Speaker 1>the Ninth Circuit reversed, disagreeing with the Third Circan in

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<v Speaker 1>holding that the suspension clause applies to anyone on US soil,

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<v Speaker 1>that whether or not your attention is lawful, which is

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<v Speaker 1>what the courts will ultimately decide. Congress can't cut the

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<v Speaker 1>courts out of the loop entirely when it comes to

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<v Speaker 1>reviewing these kinds of immigration cases. And June. One of

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<v Speaker 1>the points the Ninth Circuit Majors, I think is a

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<v Speaker 1>pretty good one is the most important Supreme Court case

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<v Speaker 1>interpreting the suspension clause and discussing the right of habeas

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<v Speaker 1>corpus is the boom Median case from two thousand and eight,

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<v Speaker 1>where the Supreme Court and the context of the non

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<v Speaker 1>citizen enemy combatants detain the guantanamo held that even they

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<v Speaker 1>are protected by the suspension clause and are entitled to

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<v Speaker 1>judicial review of their detention. And then I took it

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<v Speaker 1>basically said, listen, if that's true, for non citizen enemy

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<v Speaker 1>combatants at Guantanamo who have never had any connection to

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<v Speaker 1>the United States. It should be true for undocumented immigrants who,

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<v Speaker 1>whatever their legal status, are physically present on US soil

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<v Speaker 1>at the time of their apprehension. So since is the

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<v Speaker 1>Ninth Circuit the only court to say that that provision

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<v Speaker 1>of the law is unconstitutional? June the Ninth Circuits the

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<v Speaker 1>only court to hold that that provisions unconstitutional has applied

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<v Speaker 1>in this context. But I mean, the reality is there

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<v Speaker 1>are dozens and dozens of cases in which the district

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<v Speaker 1>chords have reached the merits in this context. It's only

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<v Speaker 1>really I think in response to the Third Circuit decision

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<v Speaker 1>from twenty sixteen, that there's been this renewed focus on

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<v Speaker 1>the constitutional question. So I don't think that there's a

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<v Speaker 1>clear weight of authority on this question that necessarily tips

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<v Speaker 1>in the government's favor. I think what it really is

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<v Speaker 1>is this case is a referendum on the Guantanamo decision,

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<v Speaker 1>the bu Media decision from two thousand eight that was

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<v Speaker 1>five to four. You know, Justice Kavanaugh, who replaced Justice Kennedy.

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<v Speaker 1>Kennedy had was the swing vote in that decision. Kennedy

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<v Speaker 1>wrote the majority opinion. I think Justice Kavanaugh is arguably

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<v Speaker 1>not as sympathetic toward habeas in this context of Justice

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<v Speaker 1>Kennedy was. So it's another one of these cases where

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<v Speaker 1>the Kennedy to Kavanaugh shift could have real consequences for

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<v Speaker 1>the doctrine, and where, in contrast to Guantanamo, where we're

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<v Speaker 1>only talking about forty detainees who are still there, now,

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<v Speaker 1>we're talking about tens of thousands of individuals in the

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<v Speaker 1>United States who would be covered by this ruling. I've

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<v Speaker 1>been talking to Professor Stephen Vladdock of the University of

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<v Speaker 1>Texas Law School about a high stakes immigration case at

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<v Speaker 1>the Supreme Court involving expedited removal. So Steve, explain why

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<v Speaker 1>that two thousand eight Guantanamo case still seems to be

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<v Speaker 1>getting so much attention and criticism. The Supreme Court decision

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<v Speaker 1>in the Median case with regard toble on time with

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<v Speaker 1>detainees really has been something of the lightning rod. You know,

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<v Speaker 1>Attorney General Bill Barr in his I think widely noticed

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<v Speaker 1>speech to the Federal Society back in November, went out

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<v Speaker 1>of his way to go after that decision, even though

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<v Speaker 1>it's hard to see how those cases are really at

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<v Speaker 1>the center of the government's agenda these days, as an

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<v Speaker 1>example of what he called judicial activism, as an example

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<v Speaker 1>of you know, progressive justices running amuck, and bars argument

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<v Speaker 1>was that it was wrong for the courts to insert

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<v Speaker 1>themselves into the middle of military operations by basically saying, yes,

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<v Speaker 1>there's a role for the federal courts in reviewing the

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<v Speaker 1>detention of enemy combatants. But you know, June, whatever folks

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<v Speaker 1>think about that debate, what's so fascinated to me about

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<v Speaker 1>the case the Supreme Court set to here at the

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<v Speaker 1>end of February, the tha GM case, is that you know,

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<v Speaker 1>these are not enemy combatants. These are not individuals who

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<v Speaker 1>have any kind of criminal record or any special collection

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<v Speaker 1>in terry or some you know, these are folks who,

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<v Speaker 1>at least if their allegations are true, are simply looking

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<v Speaker 1>for a better life in our fleeing persecution in other countries.

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<v Speaker 1>And so long as we have a law on the

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<v Speaker 1>books that says, you know, you're entitled to asylument, certain

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<v Speaker 1>things are true. The question is who's going to be

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<v Speaker 1>the ultimate arbiter of these individuals asylum claims, the individual

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<v Speaker 1>immigration hearing officer for whom all the incentives are increasingly

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<v Speaker 1>pointed towards denying claims or an independent Article three court,

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<v Speaker 1>And that's really the stakes of this case and June,

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<v Speaker 1>just to sort of add one more piece of context

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<v Speaker 1>to it, All of this is happening while the Trump

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<v Speaker 1>administration is actually trying to expand the category of non

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<v Speaker 1>citizens who can be subjected to expedited removal, where the

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<v Speaker 1>consequences of this case could become even bigger. What is

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<v Speaker 1>the federal government's argument to the Supreme Court justices to

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<v Speaker 1>get them to overturn the Ninth Circuits decision. So the

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<v Speaker 1>government actually makes a series of arguments, and I think

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<v Speaker 1>the principal argument the government makes is that immigration cases

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<v Speaker 1>were never meant to be within the ambit of the

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<v Speaker 1>suspension clause. That in contrast to executive detention like the

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<v Speaker 1>Guantanamo cases. You know, in this context, individuals like thrasy Gum,

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<v Speaker 1>they're not really objecting to their detention. They're trying to

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<v Speaker 1>use habeas as a way of objecting to their removal,

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<v Speaker 1>where you know, they won't necessarily be detained in their

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<v Speaker 1>home countries, they just won't be able to stay in

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<v Speaker 1>the United States. So a big part of the government's

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<v Speaker 1>argument is that in general, the suspension clause just doesn't

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<v Speaker 1>apply when non citizens are trying to collaterally attack removal proceedings.

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<v Speaker 1>But the government also says that in any event, the

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<v Speaker 1>suspension clause is satisfied, at least in this context, by

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<v Speaker 1>the limited but not zero review that these kinds of

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<v Speaker 1>non citizens receive of their claims, as I said, through

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<v Speaker 1>this immigration hearing officer, through this asylum officer. But I think,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, a lot's gonna rise and fall in the

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<v Speaker 1>first part of that argument on whether there's a majority

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<v Speaker 1>of the justices who agree that removal of non citizens

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<v Speaker 1>deportation proceedings were not what Habeas was meant to protect

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<v Speaker 1>at the founding, and it's not what Habeas is meant

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<v Speaker 1>to protect today. So the justices don't have to overrule precedents,

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<v Speaker 1>they don't have to overrule Median, they don't have to

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<v Speaker 1>overrule Median, although I do think, you know, b Median

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<v Speaker 1>really does lurk over these cases, you know, duns. I

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<v Speaker 1>think the respondents argued at the certain stage and in

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<v Speaker 1>the Ninth Circuit, there are a lot of older Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court cases that are ruling the government saver here wouldn't

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<v Speaker 1>require overruling, but would create some tension where the Supreme

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<v Speaker 1>Court historically has basically sort of assumed that habeas applied

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<v Speaker 1>in this context, and the Court has repeatedly suggested that

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<v Speaker 1>undocumented immigrants, you know, because they're physically on US soil,

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<v Speaker 1>are protected by at least some of the Constitution. So

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<v Speaker 1>I think there is a way for the justices to

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<v Speaker 1>rule for the government without overruling any of their precedents.

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<v Speaker 1>I do think they would have to give at least

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<v Speaker 1>some of those precedents a haircut. And you know, I

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<v Speaker 1>think that's part of what the rout of GM's lawyers

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<v Speaker 1>are likely to argue in their you know, merits brief,

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<v Speaker 1>which I think is going to be filed shortly um

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<v Speaker 1>and at the or argument next month. Do we know

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<v Speaker 1>what this court's record in immigration is or is it

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<v Speaker 1>too soon to tell? Well, I mean, I think, you know, June,

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<v Speaker 1>this case does cont as part of a much larger

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<v Speaker 1>uptick in the courts immigration docta. I mean, this is

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<v Speaker 1>the same term the Court is hearing the DOCCA case,

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<v Speaker 1>which is one of the most important immigration cases that's

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<v Speaker 1>heard in a long time. You know, we're just coming

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<v Speaker 1>off of the travel band case. The Court has had

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<v Speaker 1>applications for emergency relief from the government in two different

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<v Speaker 1>asylum cases. There's the border wall. So you know, immigration

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<v Speaker 1>I think is definitely a dominant theme um of this

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<v Speaker 1>term and of the last couple of terms in the

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<v Speaker 1>Roberts Court. I guess my hesitation is just that I

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<v Speaker 1>think this is a different kind of immigration case because

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<v Speaker 1>unlike all of those other cases, where the fight is

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<v Speaker 1>over the substance of immigration policy um and whether, for example,

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<v Speaker 1>the President is acting consistently or inconsistently with the statutes

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<v Speaker 1>Congress has passed and with the other potentially applicable constitutional provisions,

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<v Speaker 1>this is a case that's really about the role of

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<v Speaker 1>the courts in immigration cases in general, in a way

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<v Speaker 1>that the other cases are not. And so, you know,

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<v Speaker 1>especially with the Trump administration proposing to expand the number

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<v Speaker 1>of immigrants who would fall into this expedited removal category,

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<v Speaker 1>you know, I think this is really a case that's

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<v Speaker 1>much more front and center about judicial review, where immigration

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<v Speaker 1>is simply the foil um, whereas I think the other

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<v Speaker 1>cases are more about the substance of our immigration policies.

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<v Speaker 1>And that's why I think it's really a sleeper case

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<v Speaker 1>for the Supreme Court's current term. I mean, obviously folks

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<v Speaker 1>are fixated on, you know, the abortion case, the Second

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<v Speaker 1>Amendment case, the you know, Trump tax subpoena cases. But

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<v Speaker 1>you know, there aren't that many cases the Supreme Court.

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<v Speaker 1>Here's where it's asked a fundamental question about whether the

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<v Speaker 1>Constitution requires some role for the courts at all. Um.

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<v Speaker 1>And so that's why I think, you know, how the

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<v Speaker 1>court handles this case could have broader, longer term ramifications

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<v Speaker 1>than any rule that hands down on any of these

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<v Speaker 1>substantive immigration cases. So after Bumti in many many Guantanamo

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<v Speaker 1>detainees brought habeas corpus petitions, but some people thought, O

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<v Speaker 1>the floodgates were open. Is that likely to be an

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<v Speaker 1>argument here from the federal government that this would open

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<v Speaker 1>the floodgates to more litigation? So I think, you know,

0:12:25.679 --> 0:12:28.040
<v Speaker 1>the federal government and it's brief at leastince opening brief.

0:12:28.400 --> 0:12:31.200
<v Speaker 1>Um doesn't sort of talk so much about those floodgates June,

0:12:31.200 --> 0:12:34.679
<v Speaker 1>but it does suggest that, you know, a requirement of

0:12:35.000 --> 0:12:38.360
<v Speaker 1>the kind of judicial review for which the respondent is

0:12:38.480 --> 0:12:42.719
<v Speaker 1>arguing UM would basically sort of take the expedited out

0:12:42.720 --> 0:12:46.040
<v Speaker 1>of expediting removal that you know, Congress and the President

0:12:46.080 --> 0:12:49.960
<v Speaker 1>should be allowed to streamline these proceedings without tradicial interference

0:12:50.280 --> 0:12:53.240
<v Speaker 1>that requiring courts to actually review at least some of

0:12:53.280 --> 0:12:56.599
<v Speaker 1>these cases. UM, would you know, do exactly what the

0:12:56.640 --> 0:12:59.640
<v Speaker 1>statute was meant to prevent, which is, you know, slow

0:12:59.720 --> 0:13:02.760
<v Speaker 1>down the process in these cases, give these individuals a

0:13:02.760 --> 0:13:04.800
<v Speaker 1>longer period of time in the United States before they

0:13:04.840 --> 0:13:07.520
<v Speaker 1>might ultimately be removed. UM. I guess you know, I'm

0:13:07.559 --> 0:13:10.840
<v Speaker 1>not sure that that's going to be necessarily the the clincher,

0:13:11.080 --> 0:13:12.680
<v Speaker 1>even if the government wins that I think, you know,

0:13:12.760 --> 0:13:17.000
<v Speaker 1>from the court's perspective, Um, the resource problem is not

0:13:17.120 --> 0:13:20.000
<v Speaker 1>really that big of a concern in contrast to the

0:13:20.440 --> 0:13:23.679
<v Speaker 1>I think the broader concern about whether this decision, if

0:13:23.720 --> 0:13:26.360
<v Speaker 1>they rule for the government, that's a broader precedent with

0:13:26.400 --> 0:13:30.160
<v Speaker 1>regard to the rights of undocumented immigrants more generally. UM.

0:13:30.360 --> 0:13:32.079
<v Speaker 1>And I think you know, it's not hard to see June,

0:13:32.080 --> 0:13:37.119
<v Speaker 1>how a broader constitutional debate over what kinds of constitutional

0:13:37.120 --> 0:13:41.559
<v Speaker 1>protections undocumented immigrants might have UM is not only you

0:13:41.600 --> 0:13:43.000
<v Speaker 1>know in the often, but it's one that's going to

0:13:43.040 --> 0:13:46.120
<v Speaker 1>be very fraught given the current political climate. While we're

0:13:46.120 --> 0:13:50.160
<v Speaker 1>on this case, let's revisit for a moment the Guantanamo cases.

0:13:50.640 --> 0:13:53.080
<v Speaker 1>They're not very many prisoners there, and it's hard to

0:13:53.120 --> 0:13:56.680
<v Speaker 1>believe that those cases are still going on. Yeah, I mean, June,

0:13:56.679 --> 0:13:58.960
<v Speaker 1>this this all comes, you know, shortly after what was

0:13:59.000 --> 0:14:03.160
<v Speaker 1>the eighteenth dan aniversary on January UM eleventh of the

0:14:03.200 --> 0:14:05.960
<v Speaker 1>opening of Guantanamo UM. And you know, I mean it's

0:14:06.000 --> 0:14:09.920
<v Speaker 1>it's in one sense, I think it's it's revealing that

0:14:10.000 --> 0:14:13.040
<v Speaker 1>Guantanamo is no longer part of almost any news story

0:14:13.160 --> 0:14:16.160
<v Speaker 1>because you know, those cases, those issues really have largely

0:14:16.200 --> 0:14:19.200
<v Speaker 1>faded from public view. But it's not because anything that's ended.

0:14:19.240 --> 0:14:22.400
<v Speaker 1>I mean, there are still forty detainees to Quantanamo. There

0:14:22.400 --> 0:14:26.800
<v Speaker 1>are still you know, ongoing Military Commission pre trial proceedings

0:14:27.200 --> 0:14:30.040
<v Speaker 1>UM in three major cases, including the nine eleven trial,

0:14:30.120 --> 0:14:33.160
<v Speaker 1>including you know, the trial of the alleged um USS

0:14:33.240 --> 0:14:36.000
<v Speaker 1>coal bombing mastermind. And you know, I think one of

0:14:36.040 --> 0:14:39.600
<v Speaker 1>the things that's interesting about this immigration case is it,

0:14:39.840 --> 0:14:42.600
<v Speaker 1>you know, it provides an excuse to sort of reflect

0:14:42.680 --> 0:14:45.400
<v Speaker 1>on the implications of what the Supreme Court held in

0:14:45.400 --> 0:14:48.200
<v Speaker 1>two thousand and eight, UM, you know, Justice Scalia had

0:14:48.240 --> 0:14:51.560
<v Speaker 1>written I think quite provocatively in his descent in the

0:14:51.720 --> 0:14:53.840
<v Speaker 1>media in two thousand and eight that more Americans will

0:14:53.880 --> 0:14:56.840
<v Speaker 1>be killed as a result of that decision. I'm not

0:14:56.840 --> 0:14:59.080
<v Speaker 1>sure that's come to fruition. I mean, I think the

0:14:59.080 --> 0:15:03.920
<v Speaker 1>the ultimate consequences of the Median um we're pretty mixed. Um.

0:15:04.000 --> 0:15:07.000
<v Speaker 1>So you know, there were in the years after Bumedian.

0:15:07.040 --> 0:15:11.560
<v Speaker 1>I think June sixty one Guantanamo detainees whose habeas petitions

0:15:11.840 --> 0:15:14.560
<v Speaker 1>were litigated all the way to a final judgment. Um.

0:15:14.640 --> 0:15:18.320
<v Speaker 1>Of those, sixty one, thirty prevailed um and twenty nine lost.

0:15:18.640 --> 0:15:20.400
<v Speaker 1>Uh starry in thirty one lost. It would help if

0:15:20.440 --> 0:15:22.440
<v Speaker 1>I could do math um right, which is, you know,

0:15:22.480 --> 0:15:24.080
<v Speaker 1>I mean the definition of a pretty of a pretty

0:15:24.120 --> 0:15:26.480
<v Speaker 1>mixed verdict. And of the ones who prevailed, you know,

0:15:26.640 --> 0:15:29.920
<v Speaker 1>the Obama administration found ways to transfer them either to

0:15:29.960 --> 0:15:33.080
<v Speaker 1>their home countries or the third countries that would take them. So,

0:15:33.560 --> 0:15:36.640
<v Speaker 1>you know, I'm not sure we've seen the dire consequences

0:15:36.680 --> 0:15:39.880
<v Speaker 1>that dissenters weren't about. On the flip side, you know,

0:15:39.920 --> 0:15:41.320
<v Speaker 1>one could also look at the fact that there are

0:15:41.320 --> 0:15:44.840
<v Speaker 1>still forty detainees at Guantanamo, that only thirty of the

0:15:44.920 --> 0:15:47.720
<v Speaker 1>sixty one prevailed and say you know, all of that,

0:15:47.800 --> 0:15:50.800
<v Speaker 1>so that there could be thirty habeas victories. Um, that

0:15:50.840 --> 0:15:52.480
<v Speaker 1>seems like a lot of work for a very sort

0:15:52.520 --> 0:15:55.760
<v Speaker 1>of modest outcome. So I think the you know, the

0:15:55.760 --> 0:15:57.440
<v Speaker 1>where I sort of end up is, I think the

0:15:57.520 --> 0:16:00.640
<v Speaker 1>Verton guantanamo is very much still a mixed one. But

0:16:00.760 --> 0:16:03.240
<v Speaker 1>the more important point for present purposes is it hasn't

0:16:03.320 --> 0:16:05.880
<v Speaker 1>gone away. And so, you know, as the Supreme Court

0:16:05.960 --> 0:16:09.400
<v Speaker 1>sits to hear argument in this major but different case

0:16:09.560 --> 0:16:12.560
<v Speaker 1>about habeas and the role of courts in reviewing exactly

0:16:12.560 --> 0:16:15.160
<v Speaker 1>the branch conduct, you know, I do think it's important

0:16:15.160 --> 0:16:19.080
<v Speaker 1>not to lose sight of the ongoing implications of the

0:16:19.160 --> 0:16:21.680
<v Speaker 1>last time the Court did that. Thanks so much, Steve.

0:16:22.040 --> 0:16:25.320
<v Speaker 1>That's Stephen Vladick, professor at the University of Texas School

0:16:25.520 --> 0:16:28.600
<v Speaker 1>of Law. And that's it for this edition of Bloomberg Law.

0:16:29.000 --> 0:16:31.360
<v Speaker 1>Remember you can listen to all the latest legal topics

0:16:31.360 --> 0:16:34.240
<v Speaker 1>in the news anytime on our Bloomberg Law podcast. You

0:16:34.280 --> 0:16:37.320
<v Speaker 1>can find them on iTunes, SoundCloud, or at Bloomberg dot

0:16:37.360 --> 0:16:41.840
<v Speaker 1>com slash podcast Slash Law. I'm June Grosso. Thanks so

0:16:41.920 --> 0:16:44.640
<v Speaker 1>much for listening, and remember to tuning to the Bloomberg

0:16:44.680 --> 0:16:47.600
<v Speaker 1>Lawn Show. Tomorrow night at ten pm Eastern Time, right

0:16:47.600 --> 0:16:48.920
<v Speaker 1>here on Bloomberg Radio