WEBVTT - The Supreme Court's Upcoming Term

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<v Speaker 1>This is Bloomberg Law with June Brusso from Bloomberg Radio.

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<v Speaker 2>Honorable the Chief Justice and the Associate Justices of the

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<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court of the United States. Oh yay, oh yay,

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<v Speaker 2>oh yay. All persons having business before the Honorable the

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<v Speaker 2>Supreme Court of the United States are admonished to give

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<v Speaker 2>their attention for the Court is now sitting.

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<v Speaker 1>The Supreme Court's new term begins on Monday, as always,

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<v Speaker 1>the first Monday in October, but unlike other terms, the

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<v Speaker 1>justices are returning to the bench under a cloud of

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<v Speaker 1>ethics controversies and with public opinion of the Court at

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<v Speaker 1>a historic low. According to a Gallup pole released today,

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<v Speaker 1>just forty one percent of Americans say they approve of

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<v Speaker 1>how the Court is handling its job, while fifty eight

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<v Speaker 1>percent disapprove. And the Justices will be diving back into

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<v Speaker 1>the culture wars, tackling controversial issues involving gun rights, voting rights,

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<v Speaker 1>agency power, and social media. My guest is Gregory gar

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<v Speaker 1>former Solicitor General of the United States and now a

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<v Speaker 1>partner at Latham and Watkins. It's great to have you here. Greg.

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<v Speaker 1>Let's start our now annual review of the term with

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<v Speaker 1>one of the most watched and perhaps consequential cases the

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<v Speaker 1>first gun rights dispute the justices have taken up since

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<v Speaker 1>the landmark decision last year establishing a constitutional right to

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<v Speaker 1>carry a handgun in public. Tell Us about United States versus.

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<v Speaker 3>Raheemi, another big Second Amendment case and an opportunity for

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<v Speaker 3>the Court to revisit the historical approach to adopted a

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<v Speaker 3>couple of years ago in the Bruin case involving a

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<v Speaker 3>New York law that restricted the right to carry firearms

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<v Speaker 3>outside of the home. And this case involves a challenge

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<v Speaker 3>to a restraining order that prevents a domestic violence abuser

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<v Speaker 3>from possessing handguns under federal law. And what's interesting about

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<v Speaker 3>this case is beginning with the Heller decision ten years

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<v Speaker 3>or so ago, where they recognized the individual right to

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<v Speaker 3>pair of firearms in the home. The Court had always

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<v Speaker 3>focused on the rights of what it called in Heller

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<v Speaker 3>law abiding responsible citizens to possess and carry firearms. In

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<v Speaker 3>this case, the challenger was convicted of domestic abuse after

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<v Speaker 3>striking his girlfriend and doing other terrible things, and then

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<v Speaker 3>was prohibited under federal law from possession of firearm. And

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<v Speaker 3>he's bringing a second Amendment challenge to that, which, if

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<v Speaker 3>he's successful, would un all likelihood call into question a

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<v Speaker 3>number of other firearm restrictions that apply to dangerous people

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<v Speaker 3>were potentially even mentally ill people.

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<v Speaker 1>The Fifth Circuit said that while Rehimi was hardly a

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<v Speaker 1>model citizen, he was entitled to Second Amendment protections.

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<v Speaker 3>And he looked at it through the lens of the courts.

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<v Speaker 3>His historical analysis established a couple of years ago, which

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<v Speaker 3>requires the courts to go back and line up the

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<v Speaker 3>firearms restriction against historical laws going back to the eighteenth century.

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<v Speaker 3>And oftentimes in these cases there's really no perfect analog

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<v Speaker 3>given the way in which guns and restrictions has evolved

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<v Speaker 3>over time. And so, you know, one of the questions

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<v Speaker 3>at the heart of the case is perhaps the court

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<v Speaker 3>will give us some more guidance on how to apply

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<v Speaker 3>that historical analysis. And in this case, the government has

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<v Speaker 3>strenuously argued that this sort of restriction really is in

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<v Speaker 3>line with historical restrictions prohibiting those who are deemed to

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<v Speaker 3>be dangerous from possessing guns. But that's really the numb

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<v Speaker 3>of its due before the court is a historical argument

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<v Speaker 3>about whether this restriction is analogous to eighteenth century restrictions

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<v Speaker 3>on gun possession or not.

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<v Speaker 1>And here you have this listener general saying, well, there

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<v Speaker 1>are some colonial and early state laws that allowed disarming

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<v Speaker 1>dangerous individuals, and Raheemi's lawyers saying that none of those

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<v Speaker 1>laws applied. They seem to want a law exactly on

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<v Speaker 1>point this historical analysis. In this context, where weapons are

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<v Speaker 1>so different and times are so different, the courts have

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<v Speaker 1>really struggled with it, haven't they.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, they have, And we've seen a lot of cases

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<v Speaker 3>in the wake of the Brewin decision a couple of

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<v Speaker 3>years ago, cases challenging all sorts of restrictions that seem

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<v Speaker 3>to have survived the Heller decision ten years back, recognizing

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<v Speaker 3>this individual right. And so I think as important as

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<v Speaker 3>this specific issue is in this case, particularly for the

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<v Speaker 3>victims of domestic abuse, I think the focus of the

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<v Speaker 3>court's resolution is going to be to see if they

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<v Speaker 3>can fine tune this historical analysis to give courts more

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<v Speaker 3>guidance and considering.

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<v Speaker 1>These challenges, and this case could affect state laws as well.

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<v Speaker 1>An Illinois led group back in the administration, so that

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<v Speaker 1>almost every state either requires permits courts to limit firearm

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<v Speaker 1>access for people's subject to domestic restraining orders.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, that's exactly right. It would apply to state laws,

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<v Speaker 3>local laws, and that's obviously one of the government's arguments.

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<v Speaker 3>And the court took this case right up on the

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<v Speaker 3>government's petition, I think, understanding the general importance of the

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<v Speaker 3>issue and the need to sort of jump back in

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<v Speaker 3>and clarify its law in this area. So this is

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<v Speaker 3>definitely one that we would want to follow.

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<v Speaker 1>Let's turn now to another high profile redistricting case to

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<v Speaker 1>come before the court, Alexander versus South Carolina Conference of

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<v Speaker 1>the NAACP.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah. So one of the surprises last term was the

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<v Speaker 3>case out of Alabama involving a challenge to a registricting

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<v Speaker 3>plan in which a majority of the court actually agree

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<v Speaker 3>with the lower court that the state had improperly taken

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<v Speaker 3>race into account and drawing the districts. And so here

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<v Speaker 3>we go again. This is a challenge out of South

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<v Speaker 3>Carolina in which our court had found that the state

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<v Speaker 3>improperly used race to draw this district which in order

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<v Speaker 3>to favor Republicans. And what's sort of interesting about this

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<v Speaker 3>case is the interplay between race in politics. There's an

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<v Speaker 3>argument that race was used as a proxy for political

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<v Speaker 3>affiliation here, and that sort of brings into play two

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<v Speaker 3>different doctrines in the Supreme Courts jurisprudence, one in which

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<v Speaker 3>the Court recently held that challenges to redistricting on political grounds,

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<v Speaker 3>so called partisan gerrymanders, actually not justiciable, and the second,

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<v Speaker 3>in which the Court has always considered challenges that race

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<v Speaker 3>was improperly taken into account and drawing district lines. And

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<v Speaker 3>so this case presents an opportunity to quot the court

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<v Speaker 3>to sort of balance those two different inquiries.

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<v Speaker 1>So as you say, Republicans say they were motivated by politics,

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<v Speaker 1>which is permissible, not race, and it seems like it's

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<v Speaker 1>a difficult distinction to make, particularly in this case.

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<v Speaker 3>Yeah, that's exactly right, and that's why I'm sure it's

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<v Speaker 3>one of the reasons that the case is before the

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<v Speaker 3>court now. And again it'll be interesting to see if

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<v Speaker 3>this is one of those cases where maybe the Court

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<v Speaker 3>tacks back to the center, as it did in the

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<v Speaker 3>Alabama case last term. But this will be a difficult one.

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<v Speaker 3>This is obviously delicate issues in the intersection here between

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<v Speaker 3>race and politics.

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<v Speaker 1>That case last term you were talking about, the Alabama

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<v Speaker 1>case came as something of a surprise to many that

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<v Speaker 1>the Court rejected the Republican drawn congressional map in a

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<v Speaker 1>boost to the Voting Rights Act, and some see that

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<v Speaker 1>as a shift in the Court's approach, or at least

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<v Speaker 1>in the two conservative justices who sided with the liberals.

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<v Speaker 1>So will this case show whether that's true or not,

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<v Speaker 1>whether there is a shift.

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<v Speaker 3>It's definitely one to watch June, and I think the

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<v Speaker 3>gun case we just talked about is one as well.

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<v Speaker 3>These are two areas where the more centrist justices in

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<v Speaker 3>the Court, for example, the Chief Justice and Justice cap

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<v Speaker 3>and Awe, have not been as willing to go as

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<v Speaker 3>far as some of the more conservative justices. And that's

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<v Speaker 3>certainly one of the broader themes that we're looking at

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<v Speaker 3>for this term. Is last year we had several decisions

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<v Speaker 3>in which the Court seemed to tack a little bit

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<v Speaker 3>back to the center, and so it'll be interesting to

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<v Speaker 3>see whether that trend follows, or whether the Court will

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<v Speaker 3>proceed on what is otherwise a sort of conservative orbit

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<v Speaker 3>out to the right.

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<v Speaker 1>Next, we have social media meeting the Supreme Court O'Connor,

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<v Speaker 1>Ratcliffe versus. Garnier and Linky versus Freed. Both these cases

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<v Speaker 1>involve public officials blocking constituents who left critical messages on

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<v Speaker 1>their social media.

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<v Speaker 3>Right, so you know, we're seeing more and more of

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<v Speaker 3>these cases where social media intersects with the First Amendment.

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<v Speaker 3>And these are two different cases, one involving two California

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<v Speaker 3>school board members and one involving a city manager in Michigan.

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<v Speaker 3>And all of them had social media accounts Twitter and

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<v Speaker 3>Facebook and the like, which they used in some instances

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<v Speaker 3>to tweet about their public jobs, and when they got

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<v Speaker 3>some criticism from some constituents, they decided to block them

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<v Speaker 3>on their accounts. And the question is whether or not

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<v Speaker 3>that blocking is subject to scrutiny under the First Amendment,

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<v Speaker 3>which boils down in this case to a question whether

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<v Speaker 3>or not the blocking is actually state action subject to

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<v Speaker 3>the First Amendment.

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<v Speaker 1>And the Sixth and the Ninth Circuits came to different

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<v Speaker 1>conclusions on that right.

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<v Speaker 3>They split on that and the Ninth Circuit held that

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<v Speaker 3>the blocking was state action and a violation of the

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<v Speaker 3>First Amendment, and the Sixth Circuit came out the other way.

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<v Speaker 3>And looks these cases may turn in part on the

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<v Speaker 3>particular factual circumstances. For example, the extent to which the

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<v Speaker 3>public officials used their accounts for public purposes. The officials

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<v Speaker 3>in the cases are arguing that they actually were more

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<v Speaker 3>private than public, and so they shouldn't be considered state action.

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<v Speaker 3>But then you can see social media interacting with politics

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<v Speaker 3>and public life and finance way into the courts, And

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<v Speaker 3>there are other cases out there, and so this is

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<v Speaker 3>something we're going to see more of, is the Supreme

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<v Speaker 3>Court and other courts grapple with the intersection between social

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<v Speaker 3>media and First Amendment.

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<v Speaker 1>Right In twenty twenty one, when the Justice is turned

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<v Speaker 1>down a petition from former President Donald Trump presenting a

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<v Speaker 1>similar issue, Justice Clarence Thomas wrote an opinion saying that

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<v Speaker 1>the case quote highlights the principle legal difficulty that surrounds

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<v Speaker 1>digital platforms, namely that applying old doctrines to new digital

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<v Speaker 1>platforms is rarely straightforward. That struck me coming from Justice Thomas,

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<v Speaker 1>who wrote the decision in the New York gun case

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<v Speaker 1>we were talking about.

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<v Speaker 3>That's exactly right. This is the case where they're looking

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<v Speaker 3>at the future instead of the past and struggling to

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<v Speaker 3>apply these doctrines. And I'm sure that that'll be one

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<v Speaker 3>of the issues at the forefront of this decision.

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<v Speaker 1>Coming up next, I'll continue this conversation with Gregory Garr

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<v Speaker 1>of Latham and Watkins and we'll talk about the court's

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<v Speaker 1>focus on the administrative state this term and some cases

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<v Speaker 1>targeting regulatory agencies. I'm June Grosso and you're listening to Bloomberg.

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<v Speaker 1>Several cases on administrative law coming before the Supreme Court

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<v Speaker 1>this term may seem a little wonky for most people,

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<v Speaker 1>but they could transform the way the federal government operates

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<v Speaker 1>and alter the power dynamics between the branches. The cases

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<v Speaker 1>target the power of regulatory agencies before a conservative court

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<v Speaker 1>whose recent decisions have overridden the authority of agencies and

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<v Speaker 1>reined in the so called administrative state. I've been talking

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<v Speaker 1>to Gregory gar a partner at Latham and Watkins and

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<v Speaker 1>the former US Solicitor General. Greg Now we're onto the

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<v Speaker 1>regulatory area. Let's discuss Loper Bright Enterprises versus Raymondo, where

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<v Speaker 1>a thirty nine year old precedent, the Chevron Doctrine is

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<v Speaker 1>on the line. Will you explain Chevron?

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<v Speaker 3>Sure? So. Chevron doctrine is one of the most important

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<v Speaker 3>doctrines of administrative law that has been around since nineteen

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<v Speaker 3>eighty four, and basically what it says, is that where

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<v Speaker 3>you have a statute that is ambiguous and doesn't speak

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<v Speaker 3>directly to an issue, that the courts would give deference

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<v Speaker 3>to the administrative agencies interpretation of the statute. So this

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<v Speaker 3>case involves a law that requires fishing boats in the

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<v Speaker 3>North Atlantic to have observers to collect data and the like.

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<v Speaker 3>And the question is whether the fishing boats or the

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<v Speaker 3>government has to pay for those observers. And the statute

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<v Speaker 3>doesn't address that question, but the agency, the National Marine

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<v Speaker 3>Fisheries Service, interpreted it to require the fishing boats to

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<v Speaker 3>pay for these observers, and the lower court said that

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<v Speaker 3>was a reasonable interpretation. So the courts would refer to

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<v Speaker 3>it under Chevron. And the Chevron doctrine has come under

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<v Speaker 3>assault by the Conservatives as being contrary to the longstanding

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<v Speaker 3>central principle that it's the duty of the courts to

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<v Speaker 3>say what the law is. And so there's a great

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<v Speaker 3>concern that they've sort of dedicated that task to the

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<v Speaker 3>administrative agencies. And there have been many justice maybe five

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<v Speaker 3>in this case, who'd be willing to overturn the Chevron

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<v Speaker 3>doctor and then give the courts the sort of frontline

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<v Speaker 3>role in interpreting what statutes mean without administrative difference.

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<v Speaker 1>So has the Supreme Court been chipping away at Chevron

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<v Speaker 1>in recent years? So some say if they overturned Chevron,

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<v Speaker 1>it wouldn't be that big a deal.

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<v Speaker 3>It would be a big deal doc trintally, But you're

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<v Speaker 3>exactly right. They've been chipping away at it, and then

0:13:41.400 --> 0:13:44.640
<v Speaker 3>you know someone interestingly, they've actually just been ignoring it,

0:13:44.800 --> 0:13:47.400
<v Speaker 3>giving the cold shoulder the last few years, where they

0:13:47.440 --> 0:13:49.760
<v Speaker 3>won't even cite it in cases where it really is

0:13:49.800 --> 0:13:53.240
<v Speaker 3>directly implicated. So, in that sense, doing away with the

0:13:53.280 --> 0:13:56.640
<v Speaker 3>doctrine wouldn't make a big practical shift, but doctrinally it

0:13:56.679 --> 0:13:59.360
<v Speaker 3>would be a big shift, and in line with one

0:13:59.400 --> 0:14:02.200
<v Speaker 3>of the I think big things we see from this

0:14:02.280 --> 0:14:06.840
<v Speaker 3>conservative court, which is reconsidering the relationship among the branches

0:14:06.880 --> 0:14:10.280
<v Speaker 3>with respect to the administrative state and scaling back on

0:14:10.559 --> 0:14:13.960
<v Speaker 3>different doctrines that has empowered the administrative state.

0:14:14.679 --> 0:14:18.200
<v Speaker 1>I believe it's been four times since twenty nineteen that

0:14:18.280 --> 0:14:23.520
<v Speaker 1>the Court has been asked to revisit Chevron and hasn't done.

0:14:23.560 --> 0:14:26.280
<v Speaker 1>So do you think it will reverse Chevron in this case?

0:14:26.360 --> 0:14:29.720
<v Speaker 1>You mentioned that there are perhaps five justices willing to

0:14:29.760 --> 0:14:32.320
<v Speaker 1>do that, So this case feels different.

0:14:32.560 --> 0:14:35.440
<v Speaker 3>The court granted curcherari and the question of whether or

0:14:35.480 --> 0:14:38.880
<v Speaker 3>not Chevron should be overruled. If you connect the dots,

0:14:38.920 --> 0:14:41.240
<v Speaker 3>over the last few years, it seems as though the

0:14:41.240 --> 0:14:46.320
<v Speaker 3>Court has tilting towards the direction of actually overruling Chevron,

0:14:46.720 --> 0:14:48.800
<v Speaker 3>but it remains to be seen whether or not they

0:14:48.840 --> 0:14:52.360
<v Speaker 3>take that step. And that the broader question of stereodcisis

0:14:52.400 --> 0:14:55.440
<v Speaker 3>is something that we've seen over the last several years,

0:14:55.520 --> 0:14:59.320
<v Speaker 3>and the justices have very strongly held in different views

0:14:59.360 --> 0:15:02.720
<v Speaker 3>about when or whether it's appropriate to overrule a case.

0:15:03.000 --> 0:15:05.280
<v Speaker 3>But in this case, it does seem as the Chevron

0:15:05.400 --> 0:15:06.480
<v Speaker 3>is on the shopping block.

0:15:06.720 --> 0:15:09.120
<v Speaker 1>I wonder if they were struggling with that while they

0:15:09.160 --> 0:15:11.960
<v Speaker 1>were deciding whether to take the case or not. Because

0:15:12.360 --> 0:15:14.640
<v Speaker 1>it took a long time to decide how to handle

0:15:14.680 --> 0:15:17.520
<v Speaker 1>the case. They scheduled it for potential discussion at five

0:15:17.600 --> 0:15:21.880
<v Speaker 1>private conferences before announcing that they would take the case.

0:15:22.080 --> 0:15:25.520
<v Speaker 3>So that's exactly right. You know. Obviously the decision to

0:15:25.920 --> 0:15:28.040
<v Speaker 3>take the case was not a good one for the

0:15:28.040 --> 0:15:31.200
<v Speaker 3>government ultimately, but the court does have the fallback option

0:15:31.320 --> 0:15:34.520
<v Speaker 3>of just saying that the agency's interpretation is unreasonable. In

0:15:34.520 --> 0:15:37.120
<v Speaker 3>this case, but really the focus is on the broader

0:15:37.240 --> 0:15:39.680
<v Speaker 3>question of whether or not the Chevron doctrine is really

0:15:39.720 --> 0:15:42.520
<v Speaker 3>consistent with our legal principles in practice.

0:15:42.760 --> 0:15:45.960
<v Speaker 1>Do you agree with this that critics of big government

0:15:46.000 --> 0:15:50.200
<v Speaker 1>have targeted the Chevron doctrine much as anti abortion groups

0:15:50.600 --> 0:15:52.040
<v Speaker 1>targeted Roe v. Wade.

0:15:52.280 --> 0:15:55.080
<v Speaker 3>I think that's a fair analogy, June. I mean, it's

0:15:55.120 --> 0:15:57.840
<v Speaker 3>really on the short list of cases that you know

0:15:57.880 --> 0:16:01.120
<v Speaker 3>would be on a wish list that this more conservative

0:16:01.160 --> 0:16:04.880
<v Speaker 3>court would overrule. And it's in line again with a

0:16:04.960 --> 0:16:08.000
<v Speaker 3>trend that we've seen in the last few years where

0:16:08.000 --> 0:16:11.520
<v Speaker 3>the Court has been willing to reconsider doctrines to have

0:16:12.360 --> 0:16:16.560
<v Speaker 3>balanced favored the administrative state. So this is one where

0:16:16.720 --> 0:16:19.000
<v Speaker 3>the Court took this step that would be certainly in

0:16:19.000 --> 0:16:21.520
<v Speaker 3>line with decisions we've seen in recent years.

0:16:21.720 --> 0:16:25.920
<v Speaker 1>Another agency, the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, is before the

0:16:25.960 --> 0:16:29.520
<v Speaker 1>Court again. The oral arguments in this case are actually

0:16:29.600 --> 0:16:36.480
<v Speaker 1>next week. It's CFPB versus Community Financial Services Association, And.

0:16:36.400 --> 0:16:39.320
<v Speaker 3>This is in line with our assault in the administrative state.

0:16:39.400 --> 0:16:41.880
<v Speaker 3>So in this case, though it's a really interesting challenge,

0:16:42.040 --> 0:16:45.680
<v Speaker 3>it's a challenge to the funding mechanism for this agency.

0:16:45.800 --> 0:16:50.160
<v Speaker 3>So usually when Congress passes in appropriation it specifies a

0:16:50.200 --> 0:16:54.240
<v Speaker 3>specific amount that goes to the agency, typically on an

0:16:54.280 --> 0:16:58.120
<v Speaker 3>annual basis. And in this case, what Congress did in

0:16:58.160 --> 0:17:02.120
<v Speaker 3>setting up the Consumer Finds Protection Bureau is it's said,

0:17:02.120 --> 0:17:05.040
<v Speaker 3>we're not going to have annual appropriations of a specific amount.

0:17:05.520 --> 0:17:08.720
<v Speaker 3>You're going to get your funding from services and fees

0:17:08.920 --> 0:17:13.360
<v Speaker 3>generated by the Federal Reserve. There's no requirement to go

0:17:13.480 --> 0:17:15.560
<v Speaker 3>back to Congress every year. This is sort of an

0:17:15.560 --> 0:17:20.840
<v Speaker 3>indefinite appropriation, and it's up to an amount that you

0:17:20.880 --> 0:17:24.359
<v Speaker 3>can just sort of dip into that the agency hasn't

0:17:24.400 --> 0:17:27.600
<v Speaker 3>come close to dipping into. So as a practical matter,

0:17:27.840 --> 0:17:32.480
<v Speaker 3>it's basically an unlimited funding mechanism for the agency, which

0:17:32.520 --> 0:17:36.040
<v Speaker 3>gives it greater independence from the legislative branch.

0:17:36.880 --> 0:17:41.000
<v Speaker 1>This is a Fifth Circuit decision that it's being appealed from.

0:17:41.640 --> 0:17:44.080
<v Speaker 1>Is this a novel theory that they came up with.

0:17:44.880 --> 0:17:48.720
<v Speaker 3>It's the first time in history that an appellate court

0:17:48.840 --> 0:17:54.520
<v Speaker 3>has invoked the appropriations clause to invalidate a statute, So

0:17:54.760 --> 0:17:58.720
<v Speaker 3>it is certainly novel in that respect. That said, the CFPB,

0:17:58.920 --> 0:18:02.520
<v Speaker 3>the agency here is itself novel, and this is something

0:18:02.560 --> 0:18:05.440
<v Speaker 3>that sort of haunted the agency a few years ago.

0:18:05.480 --> 0:18:08.439
<v Speaker 3>In a different case, it involved a removal provision of

0:18:08.520 --> 0:18:12.000
<v Speaker 3>the head of the agency, and Congress set this agency

0:18:12.080 --> 0:18:15.000
<v Speaker 3>up to be different. But because it did so, it

0:18:15.119 --> 0:18:18.000
<v Speaker 3>sort of made it vulnerable to these different lines of

0:18:18.080 --> 0:18:19.800
<v Speaker 3>constitutional attacks that we're seeing.

0:18:20.080 --> 0:18:22.600
<v Speaker 1>And this listener General said, the ruling of the Fifth

0:18:22.600 --> 0:18:26.960
<v Speaker 1>Circuit threatens the validity of virtually all past CFPP actions,

0:18:27.400 --> 0:18:30.560
<v Speaker 1>including numerous regulations that are critical to consumers in the

0:18:30.560 --> 0:18:33.439
<v Speaker 1>financial industry. But the court refused to put it on

0:18:33.480 --> 0:18:36.879
<v Speaker 1>an expedited schedule. Does that say anything to you?

0:18:37.200 --> 0:18:39.560
<v Speaker 3>I don't think the decision not to expedite it. But

0:18:39.840 --> 0:18:42.240
<v Speaker 3>the government is right in this sense that if the

0:18:42.320 --> 0:18:46.320
<v Speaker 3>court were to hold that the funding mechanism is unconstitutional,

0:18:47.040 --> 0:18:49.800
<v Speaker 3>then you know, a logical step might be to say, well,

0:18:49.840 --> 0:18:52.520
<v Speaker 3>then that everything that it did with that funding should

0:18:52.600 --> 0:18:55.320
<v Speaker 3>be set aside. And that really sort of tees up

0:18:55.640 --> 0:18:58.400
<v Speaker 3>the second question in the case, which may be even

0:18:58.440 --> 0:19:02.320
<v Speaker 3>more difficult, which is the court does adopt this novel

0:19:02.359 --> 0:19:06.320
<v Speaker 3>appropriations theory, then what's the remedy. And the parties are

0:19:06.800 --> 0:19:09.240
<v Speaker 3>very strenuously divided on that. I mean, the government says

0:19:09.280 --> 0:19:12.840
<v Speaker 3>that the remedy should just be forward looking, or that

0:19:12.880 --> 0:19:15.120
<v Speaker 3>you could go back and just sever a particular part

0:19:15.119 --> 0:19:17.959
<v Speaker 3>of the law that you wouldn't say that everything that

0:19:18.000 --> 0:19:21.720
<v Speaker 3>the agency has done in administrative actions or by rule

0:19:22.359 --> 0:19:23.119
<v Speaker 3>is invalid.

0:19:23.600 --> 0:19:27.320
<v Speaker 1>So there's been this momentum to reign in the administrative state.

0:19:27.960 --> 0:19:30.280
<v Speaker 1>Will this case be a test of just how far

0:19:30.400 --> 0:19:33.080
<v Speaker 1>the justices are willing to go in that direction?

0:19:34.080 --> 0:19:36.200
<v Speaker 3>Yes, I think it will be, you know, in part

0:19:36.320 --> 0:19:39.720
<v Speaker 3>just because this is a relatively novel theory, and in

0:19:39.800 --> 0:19:43.560
<v Speaker 3>part because of the implications of this theory. And so

0:19:43.720 --> 0:19:45.800
<v Speaker 3>the area that we're seeing sort of an insult on

0:19:46.320 --> 0:19:49.919
<v Speaker 3>is power given to the administrative state. But in some sense,

0:19:50.200 --> 0:19:52.399
<v Speaker 3>the branch that is, you know, at the heart of

0:19:52.440 --> 0:19:57.080
<v Speaker 3>the dispute here is Congress, and adopting this theory would

0:19:57.119 --> 0:20:01.240
<v Speaker 3>sort of place the restriction on the appropration power adopted

0:20:01.280 --> 0:20:04.200
<v Speaker 3>by Congress that we haven't seen in our constitutional history.

0:20:04.400 --> 0:20:07.760
<v Speaker 3>But again, the specific appropriations law here, if you think

0:20:07.760 --> 0:20:11.040
<v Speaker 3>of that way, really is unprecedented, and that you've given

0:20:11.080 --> 0:20:16.080
<v Speaker 3>an agency an indefinite amount of money or pool within

0:20:16.160 --> 0:20:18.560
<v Speaker 3>which to dip in order to carry out its operations.

0:20:18.760 --> 0:20:20.919
<v Speaker 3>And we just haven't seen anything like that in this

0:20:21.080 --> 0:20:22.720
<v Speaker 3>forum in over two hundred years.

0:20:22.840 --> 0:20:26.080
<v Speaker 1>So this case have implications for the Federal Reserve Board,

0:20:26.400 --> 0:20:29.399
<v Speaker 1>the FDIC, and the Controller of the Currency.

0:20:29.840 --> 0:20:34.560
<v Speaker 3>It's conceivable. I mean, those agencies do have different funding mechanisms.

0:20:34.920 --> 0:20:38.240
<v Speaker 3>But what's different about this case is this is a

0:20:38.240 --> 0:20:42.960
<v Speaker 3>more conventional executive agency that's involved in sort of classic

0:20:43.119 --> 0:20:48.280
<v Speaker 3>executive enforcement powers, and the funding mechanism here, although it

0:20:48.400 --> 0:20:51.679
<v Speaker 3>draws from the Federal Reserve Board, is really different. So

0:20:51.960 --> 0:20:55.400
<v Speaker 3>I think that if the Court were to find this

0:20:55.480 --> 0:20:59.560
<v Speaker 3>to be constitutionally problematic, it's ruling as a practical matter

0:20:59.680 --> 0:21:02.639
<v Speaker 3>really would probably be limited to the unusual alignment of

0:21:02.680 --> 0:21:03.720
<v Speaker 3>circumstances here.

0:21:04.520 --> 0:21:09.879
<v Speaker 1>Finally, Securities and Exchange Commission versus Jarkasy, I could swear

0:21:09.920 --> 0:21:13.240
<v Speaker 1>we had a case life before about the in house

0:21:13.320 --> 0:21:17.080
<v Speaker 1>judges used by the Securities and Exchange Commissions, So tell

0:21:17.119 --> 0:21:18.439
<v Speaker 1>us about this case.

0:21:18.880 --> 0:21:21.160
<v Speaker 3>Yeah, this is sort of dejev who all over again.

0:21:21.359 --> 0:21:24.440
<v Speaker 3>Last year, the question was whether or not individuals sort

0:21:24.440 --> 0:21:27.480
<v Speaker 3>of stock in these administrative enforcement proceedings could go to

0:21:27.520 --> 0:21:31.040
<v Speaker 3>a federal core and bring constitutional challenges to the federal

0:21:31.040 --> 0:21:34.639
<v Speaker 3>decision maker. In this case, which involves another individual who

0:21:34.680 --> 0:21:38.760
<v Speaker 3>had gone through enforcement proceedings before the SEC the Securities

0:21:38.760 --> 0:21:42.960
<v Speaker 3>and Exchange Commission, it's actually the merits of the constitutional challenge,

0:21:43.080 --> 0:21:46.040
<v Speaker 3>and it's again another case which sort of puts the

0:21:46.119 --> 0:21:50.600
<v Speaker 3>administrative state in the crosshairers. And here, you know, there

0:21:50.600 --> 0:21:53.399
<v Speaker 3>are several different questions, but the one that seems have

0:21:53.400 --> 0:21:56.800
<v Speaker 3>gotten more emphasis is the question of whether individuals who

0:21:56.840 --> 0:22:01.080
<v Speaker 3>are brought before administrative agencies and and sorts of civil

0:22:01.240 --> 0:22:04.119
<v Speaker 3>enforcement proceedings have a right to a jury trial in

0:22:04.160 --> 0:22:05.120
<v Speaker 3>those proceedings.

0:22:05.400 --> 0:22:08.000
<v Speaker 1>And his lawyer said that he was quote put to

0:22:08.080 --> 0:22:12.199
<v Speaker 1>trial before a captive agency judge sitting unconstitutionally with no

0:22:12.359 --> 0:22:14.960
<v Speaker 1>right to a jury and no way to escape to court.

0:22:15.240 --> 0:22:17.159
<v Speaker 1>Does it seem as if the SEC has been a

0:22:17.240 --> 0:22:22.080
<v Speaker 1>target for critics of federal agencies, the SEC in particular, Well,

0:22:22.080 --> 0:22:22.320
<v Speaker 1>it's a.

0:22:22.320 --> 0:22:24.600
<v Speaker 3>Little bit of a product of its own doing, in

0:22:24.600 --> 0:22:28.280
<v Speaker 3>the sense that the SEC has the option of bringing

0:22:28.400 --> 0:22:32.640
<v Speaker 3>these enforcement actions in federal court or before its own

0:22:32.720 --> 0:22:36.960
<v Speaker 3>in house decision makers. And looking back, it's in most

0:22:36.960 --> 0:22:39.280
<v Speaker 3>of the cases opted for in house proceedings, and in

0:22:39.359 --> 0:22:43.280
<v Speaker 3>these proceedings is basically you know, home rule. It prevails

0:22:43.280 --> 0:22:45.760
<v Speaker 3>in you know, more than ninety percent of the proceedings.

0:22:46.119 --> 0:22:50.160
<v Speaker 3>The decisions are made by an administrative law judge who's basically,

0:22:50.480 --> 0:22:53.639
<v Speaker 3>you know, within the administrative framework of the SEC. And

0:22:53.680 --> 0:22:57.760
<v Speaker 3>so it's a fundamentally different dynamic, and for individuals stuck

0:22:57.800 --> 0:23:01.240
<v Speaker 3>in that situation, it really can seem as though they've

0:23:01.240 --> 0:23:03.960
<v Speaker 3>got no hope. You know, It's very different than being

0:23:04.080 --> 0:23:07.320
<v Speaker 3>in a federal court before an independent decision maker. And

0:23:07.400 --> 0:23:10.440
<v Speaker 3>one of those differences is that when the SEC brings

0:23:10.480 --> 0:23:13.920
<v Speaker 3>the exact same action in a federal court, then the

0:23:13.920 --> 0:23:17.480
<v Speaker 3>individual can elect for a jury trial and have the

0:23:17.560 --> 0:23:21.080
<v Speaker 3>protections of a jury instead of just a judge as

0:23:21.160 --> 0:23:22.840
<v Speaker 3>the sole decision maker.

0:23:23.080 --> 0:23:27.160
<v Speaker 1>If the SEC loses here, would that change the way

0:23:27.200 --> 0:23:31.440
<v Speaker 1>that they have been bringing cases or litigating cases.

0:23:31.920 --> 0:23:37.199
<v Speaker 3>It would have dramatic consequences for administrative enforcement action, and

0:23:37.240 --> 0:23:40.040
<v Speaker 3>you know, really require all of us to rethink that,

0:23:40.400 --> 0:23:42.880
<v Speaker 3>and it would be a great boon to individuals who

0:23:42.880 --> 0:23:45.600
<v Speaker 3>find themselves in that situation. To have the right to

0:23:46.359 --> 0:23:49.640
<v Speaker 3>a jury trial in that context would be a game changer,

0:23:49.840 --> 0:23:51.080
<v Speaker 3>I think in a lot of cases.

0:23:51.440 --> 0:23:55.000
<v Speaker 1>So this was another Fifth Circuit decision. The Fifth Circuit

0:23:55.200 --> 0:24:00.600
<v Speaker 1>has a lot of these noteworthy, controversial however you want

0:24:00.600 --> 0:24:05.200
<v Speaker 1>to term them cases before the Supreme Court this term, So.

0:24:05.359 --> 0:24:07.320
<v Speaker 3>You're quite right about that, and it's really you know,

0:24:07.359 --> 0:24:09.560
<v Speaker 3>one of the broader themes that we're seeing this court,

0:24:09.640 --> 0:24:11.439
<v Speaker 3>and some people have said of sort of the Supreme

0:24:11.480 --> 0:24:14.320
<v Speaker 3>Court versus the Fifth Circuit, it's interesting, I mean, the

0:24:14.359 --> 0:24:18.560
<v Speaker 3>Fifth Circuit is now the most conservative circuit among the many,

0:24:19.160 --> 0:24:21.800
<v Speaker 3>and you know, the kind of question that all these

0:24:21.840 --> 0:24:24.600
<v Speaker 3>cases present is whether the Fifth Circuit has got out

0:24:24.960 --> 0:24:28.240
<v Speaker 3>ahead of even the US Supreme Court today in terms

0:24:28.280 --> 0:24:31.160
<v Speaker 3>of how conservative it is, and whether or not the

0:24:31.280 --> 0:24:34.080
<v Speaker 3>US Supreme Court feels as though it has to rein

0:24:34.160 --> 0:24:36.840
<v Speaker 3>it in a little bit. And although you know, this

0:24:36.960 --> 0:24:40.600
<v Speaker 3>Supreme Court is certainly one of the most conservative in history,

0:24:41.000 --> 0:24:44.720
<v Speaker 3>as we saw last term, there's still a few justices

0:24:44.720 --> 0:24:47.920
<v Speaker 3>in the center that are not necessarily as comfortable going

0:24:48.080 --> 0:24:50.320
<v Speaker 3>as far as some of the justices at the far

0:24:50.400 --> 0:24:52.919
<v Speaker 3>right want to go. The Chief Justice Justice Capital and

0:24:53.040 --> 0:24:55.680
<v Speaker 3>so in each of these cases that we've been discussing,

0:24:55.880 --> 0:24:57.960
<v Speaker 3>the spotlight is really going to be on those justices

0:24:57.960 --> 0:25:00.600
<v Speaker 3>in the middle and whether or not they're comfortable adopting

0:25:00.640 --> 0:25:01.680
<v Speaker 3>these broader series.

0:25:01.760 --> 0:25:04.360
<v Speaker 1>It's been wonderful talking to you, greg and getting your

0:25:04.440 --> 0:25:08.719
<v Speaker 1>insights on all these cases. Thanks so much. That's Gregory Garr,

0:25:08.840 --> 0:25:12.520
<v Speaker 1>a partner at Lathaman Watkins and the former US Solicitor General.

0:25:12.720 --> 0:25:15.040
<v Speaker 1>And that's it for this edition of The Bloomberg Law Show.

0:25:15.400 --> 0:25:17.720
<v Speaker 1>Remember you can always get the latest legal news on

0:25:17.800 --> 0:25:22.080
<v Speaker 1>our Bloomberg Law podcasts. You can find them on Apple Podcasts, Spotify,

0:25:22.240 --> 0:25:27.280
<v Speaker 1>and at www dot bloomberg dot com slash podcast Slash Law,

0:25:27.520 --> 0:25:30.080
<v Speaker 1>And remember to tune into The Bloomberg Law Show every

0:25:30.119 --> 0:25:33.840
<v Speaker 1>weeknight at ten pm Wall Street Time. I'm June Grosso

0:25:34.000 --> 0:25:35.600
<v Speaker 1>and you're listening to Bloomberg