WEBVTT - How America's China Trauma Strains Alliances

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<v Speaker 1>China's expanding economic power and projections it will surpass the

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<v Speaker 1>US as the pre eminent commercial power have preoccupied people

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<v Speaker 1>for years. But what about the idea of America as

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<v Speaker 1>a kind of rogue state in its decline, lashing out here,

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<v Speaker 1>lashing out there. That's not a perspective you run into

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<v Speaker 1>every day, even in the Trump era. But as the

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<v Speaker 1>Trump administration rolls on, more and more countries and world

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<v Speaker 1>leaders might come to see America as the disruptor rather

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<v Speaker 1>than the stabilizer. Welcome to Benchmark. I'm Daniel Moss, the

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<v Speaker 1>columnist at Bloomberg Opinion in New York, and I'm Scott Landman,

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<v Speaker 1>an economics editor with Bloomberg New in Washington. America as

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<v Speaker 1>the economic and political renegade rather than the status quo

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<v Speaker 1>is a pretty new concept, but Bob Carr says it's

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<v Speaker 1>one we should take seriously. He's a former Australian Foreign

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<v Speaker 1>minister and longtime student of US history and politics. He's

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<v Speaker 1>the author of a new book, Run for Your Life.

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<v Speaker 1>Bob joins US from Sydney, where he's Director of the

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<v Speaker 1>Australia China Relations Institute at the University of Technology, Sydney.

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<v Speaker 1>Bob thanks for joining us. Mike, pleasure, Dan and Scott

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<v Speaker 1>By pleasure to be talking to you. You've had a

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<v Speaker 1>long career in government. Before serving as Foreign Minister, you

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<v Speaker 1>are a Premier of New South Wales for ten years,

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<v Speaker 1>which for our American listeners is a little like being

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<v Speaker 1>both governor of New York and California combined. I should

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<v Speaker 1>also stress from the outset that you're no anti American

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<v Speaker 1>rabble rouser. But what has America traditionally meant for you.

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<v Speaker 1>We've seen America traditionally as a great sources of democratic values,

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<v Speaker 1>and America's had a proud and mobile, even if inconsistent

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<v Speaker 1>or patchy record evalivating human rights. I mean, there've been

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<v Speaker 1>moments when I have thought, I guess twenty years ago,

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<v Speaker 1>that if there's going to be a dominant power in

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<v Speaker 1>the world, then it's it's good that it's America. Then

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<v Speaker 1>came two shocks to that happy, rather optimistic view of

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<v Speaker 1>American power, and Mike, one was the invasion of Iraq.

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<v Speaker 1>In the absence of any concept of international law or

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<v Speaker 1>any consensus in the West, the invasion of the Iraq

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<v Speaker 1>was a huge disrupting influence. The other one was America

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<v Speaker 1>deciding under Bush, that would really vacate leadership on on

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<v Speaker 1>client to change that. That really got me thinking about

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<v Speaker 1>the US. And of course under Trump, both those concerns

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<v Speaker 1>has been magnified. Let's go back a little further, Bob,

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<v Speaker 1>I learned about Chester A. Arthur at my eleventh grade

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<v Speaker 1>US history class. I can't recall all the details, but

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<v Speaker 1>can you tell us what is the Chester A Arthur Society?

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<v Speaker 1>In the early eighties, Ion a group of friends formed

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<v Speaker 1>the Chester A. Arthur Society to have dinners and to

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<v Speaker 1>test ourselves with a paper on some aspect of US

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<v Speaker 1>presidential history and a series of sometimes quite challenging trivia

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<v Speaker 1>quizzes about about US the details of US presidential history.

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<v Speaker 1>It was great fun. Do you still have the meetings, Bob?

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<v Speaker 1>Or have you ceased them? In disgust? We ceased them

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<v Speaker 1>and George W. Bush because it was you got to

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<v Speaker 1>celebrate the presidency of Franklin Roosevelt or Abraham Lincoln. If

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<v Speaker 1>all this pageant simply lead to the disasters of the

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<v Speaker 1>George W. Bush presidency, it would be utterly impossible to

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<v Speaker 1>hold them now. I mean, I've discussed with friends who

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<v Speaker 1>like me, have been so fond of American history, the

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<v Speaker 1>hollowness of any any celebration of this great feast for storiography,

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<v Speaker 1>when it all seems to lead to the degradation of

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<v Speaker 1>a Trump presidency. How you can extoll the shrewd, level

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<v Speaker 1>headedness of Eisenhower's to term leadership of America, Let alone

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<v Speaker 1>Franklin Roosevelt's leadership in depression and war when in the end,

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<v Speaker 1>let alone Abraham Lincoln in the end, when it all

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<v Speaker 1>devolves on a brabel rousing populist in Donald Trump, And

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<v Speaker 1>without any sense, I might add, and I think this

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<v Speaker 1>is an important point, Dan Scott, without had any sense

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<v Speaker 1>of an imminent recovery, none of us believes, no, no

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<v Speaker 1>friends of America. It was wild friends of America. Looking

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<v Speaker 1>at the Trump presidency from Australia, I think there's going

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<v Speaker 1>to be a return to liberal internationalism. China's ascendency in

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<v Speaker 1>this context isn't really a new idea. What are people

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<v Speaker 1>failing to grasp about the current moment. There are two

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<v Speaker 1>new elements in perceptions in Asia, and that is that

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<v Speaker 1>the China's economic rise is robust, and China's on a

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<v Speaker 1>trajectory whereby two thousand and thirty it'll have an economy.

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<v Speaker 1>According to an official Australian government assessment published in our

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<v Speaker 1>Foreign policy white paper out late last year, we're the

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese economy will be twice the size of the US economy,

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<v Speaker 1>and I think that's a trauma for many Americans to

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<v Speaker 1>contemplate no longer the as largest economy. And the second

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<v Speaker 1>thing has been the Trump presidency. Across Asia, the consensus

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<v Speaker 1>has formed that you cannot rely on America. It's behavior

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<v Speaker 1>is going to be uddly, unpredictable. Do you think with

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<v Speaker 1>regards to China, is it really the fact that China

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<v Speaker 1>is getting that big you think is threatening America? Or

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<v Speaker 1>is it the fact that China's economy is becoming so

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<v Speaker 1>much more sophisticated. I mean, it used to be all

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<v Speaker 1>about sweatshops producing cheap clothes and shoes and that sort

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<v Speaker 1>of thing. They still do a fair amount of that,

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<v Speaker 1>and yet the economy has evolved so much that you

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<v Speaker 1>have technology powerhouses like Ali Baba, ten Cent that are

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<v Speaker 1>being mentioned often in the same breath as American giants

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<v Speaker 1>like Facebook, Amazon and so on. All of that's true.

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<v Speaker 1>Another way of putting it is that when Joe Biden,

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<v Speaker 1>Joe Biden used to say, he said to me, China

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<v Speaker 1>doesn't innovate. Well, that that can't be said today in

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<v Speaker 1>view of already have pointed to China is a great

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<v Speaker 1>source of innovation and in many respects has already overtaken

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<v Speaker 1>the US in innovation. And I think that makes it

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<v Speaker 1>even harder for American aggress I noticed in the New

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<v Speaker 1>York Times there's hardly any coverage of this, of China's

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<v Speaker 1>transition to an economy based on services and based on consumption.

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<v Speaker 1>The Chinese have already pulled off that transition. And as

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<v Speaker 1>I look at the pages of the New York Times

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<v Speaker 1>every day, and it's it's almost stubborn failure to cover

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<v Speaker 1>what's happened in China. I think there's that there might

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<v Speaker 1>be a latent American jealousy or distaste for what China represents.

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<v Speaker 1>And I can understand that China's pulling off this economic

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<v Speaker 1>transition without using the democratic means that we we'd all

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<v Speaker 1>prefer to see China using. It's it's becoming a predominantly

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<v Speaker 1>middle class nations, becoming by international tests, a rich country,

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<v Speaker 1>and without permitting more political freedoms. And this is this

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<v Speaker 1>upsets the The rule book contradicts the rule book and

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<v Speaker 1>the expectations that all US Democrats have had. American declinism

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<v Speaker 1>is nothing new, As you're well aware, the country has

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<v Speaker 1>a long history of reinvention. Can it do it again? Yes,

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<v Speaker 1>that's got to be admitted as a possibuilding and other

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<v Speaker 1>possibuilding is that American decline is attenuated, it stretches out.

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<v Speaker 1>None of us knows, None of us knows what form

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<v Speaker 1>American decline will take. But we ought to be focusing

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<v Speaker 1>with laser like concentration on the political crisis. There's a

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<v Speaker 1>political crisis in Washington that is seeing the character of

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<v Speaker 1>the two great political parties transformed. Just think the Republican

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<v Speaker 1>Party is becoming a party opposed to immigration and opposed

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<v Speaker 1>to trade. It's also becoming the first choice, the first

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<v Speaker 1>preference the white working class American males. The Democratic Party

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<v Speaker 1>looks more and more like an alliance of America's rich

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<v Speaker 1>living on the East and West coast and its welfare

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<v Speaker 1>dependent classes. Now, these these are big shifts, and the

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<v Speaker 1>bonapartism of Trump has produced this change, and that represents

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<v Speaker 1>nothing short of a political transformation in the US. But

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<v Speaker 1>it's only one measure of the way America has changed politically.

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<v Speaker 1>You could have a second career as a political analyst

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<v Speaker 1>on one of the American television networks. I think with

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<v Speaker 1>what you just said. But what you were just talking

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<v Speaker 1>about reminded me of a quote that I saw that

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<v Speaker 1>got some wide play back in when you were the

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<v Speaker 1>Foreign Minister, and you said something along the lines of

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<v Speaker 1>America was one budget deal away from restoring its global

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<v Speaker 1>pre eminence. Do you think it's going to take a

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<v Speaker 1>lot more than one budget deal or one election even

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<v Speaker 1>now to get back to that level. Yeah, I don't.

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<v Speaker 1>I don't think America can return to the liberal internationalism

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<v Speaker 1>that was once synonymous with its power and might. I

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<v Speaker 1>just can't see that happening. I think Trump is the

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<v Speaker 1>most transformative president since lb J or Franklin Roosevelt. He's

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<v Speaker 1>the most successful demagogue in American political history. He's a

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<v Speaker 1>true bonapartist, the leader above party, above faction. And the

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<v Speaker 1>fact that the Republican Party is shackled to him rather

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<v Speaker 1>than the relationship being the other way around, him being

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<v Speaker 1>a product of the Republican Party and its values. All

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<v Speaker 1>this counts greatly. And I can't see the Democrats under

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<v Speaker 1>any the candidates for presidency that are now now imaginable

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<v Speaker 1>beating him in two thousand and twenty. I see him

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<v Speaker 1>as a a two term president. Certainly that's the most

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<v Speaker 1>likely outcome. And I think America will be changed utterly

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<v Speaker 1>by eight years of Trump and the Republican leadership that

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<v Speaker 1>will emerge after him very different from the Republican leadership

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<v Speaker 1>at the Bushy Earl let alone. What was there before

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<v Speaker 1>George W. Bush and before the Tea Party. How do

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<v Speaker 1>you get from the sense of political crisis and political

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<v Speaker 1>trauma to security threat. I think the political crisis in America,

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<v Speaker 1>and that for once the term crisis is not is

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<v Speaker 1>not hyperbole, is of significance precisely because it's changing America's

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<v Speaker 1>international character. America is tearing up the rules on free trade.

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<v Speaker 1>The next step can only be withdrawal from the World

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<v Speaker 1>Trade Organized Nation because it's not adhering to the rules

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<v Speaker 1>of the w t O. America is looking down, dusting

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<v Speaker 1>off its allies like Canada, like the Europeans. America is

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<v Speaker 1>saying alliances don't matter to us anymore. America seems to

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<v Speaker 1>be treating a North Korea and a Russia with more

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<v Speaker 1>respect than it's treating Germany or the United Kingdom or Canada.

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<v Speaker 1>You can't pawn the crown of global leadership and then

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<v Speaker 1>buy it back at the old price. If there is,

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<v Speaker 1>in a stunning reverse all the election of a president

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<v Speaker 1>who wants to abandon the key tenants of Trump's leadership,

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<v Speaker 1>then he or she is going to find it very,

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<v Speaker 1>very hard to rebuild alliances, to re establish respect because

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<v Speaker 1>during the eight years of Trump and during whatever follows Trump,

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<v Speaker 1>the world Asia, for example, but the Europeans as well,

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<v Speaker 1>again to be making their own security arrangements. Australia might

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<v Speaker 1>be the most rusted on and the most unquestioning of allies,

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<v Speaker 1>but I suspect even Australia I would need to take

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<v Speaker 1>account of what appears to be happening in Southeast Asia,

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<v Speaker 1>that is, the Ten Nations of Asigan reach in its

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<v Speaker 1>own way accommodating Chinese power and counting on America to

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<v Speaker 1>be utterly unreliable. But let's talk about China for a moment.

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<v Speaker 1>I spent three years in China as an economics editor

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<v Speaker 1>in Beijing. It is an impressive place, but it also

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<v Speaker 1>has its weaknesses that you might not be visible from

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<v Speaker 1>a long distance. And there's this idea that China supports

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<v Speaker 1>free and fair trade. They talk about a lot, but

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<v Speaker 1>it seems like it's something that could be challenged. But

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<v Speaker 1>to me, at least, China does talk about free and

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<v Speaker 1>fair trade, and maybe isn't the one that's trying to

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<v Speaker 1>ratchet up the tariffs like the Trump administration is. But

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<v Speaker 1>let me ask you, is China kind of getting a

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<v Speaker 1>free pass right now for all of it's you know,

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<v Speaker 1>the many kinds of violations they've been accused of in

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<v Speaker 1>the economic arena for many years. Are those being kind

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<v Speaker 1>of looked over just because America is being such a

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<v Speaker 1>bad actor. Yes, I think they are getting a free pass.

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<v Speaker 1>And I think if there's a defense to be made

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<v Speaker 1>of Trump's aggressive behavior on trade, it might be this

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<v Speaker 1>that it will greatly strengthen the hand of the reforms

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<v Speaker 1>in China. The people who do want to see the

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<v Speaker 1>Chinese economy open up, who do want to see a

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<v Speaker 1>burst of economic liberalization, It could well be that they

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<v Speaker 1>get the upper hand, and faced with the provocation and

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<v Speaker 1>the challenges of all the Trump's doing on trade, that

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<v Speaker 1>we see China introduced market based reforms at a faster

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<v Speaker 1>rate than the Party, and the government has promised to

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<v Speaker 1>introduce that would be good for the world, would be

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<v Speaker 1>very good for China. Already, China's got a smaller public

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<v Speaker 1>sector in terms of the percentage of its workforce employed

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<v Speaker 1>by government, including state earned enterprises, than many countries in

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<v Speaker 1>the Western world, including Australia. But imagine if in response

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<v Speaker 1>to Trump reformers really forge your head in China. It

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<v Speaker 1>talked about the Asian countries making their own accommodation with China.

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<v Speaker 1>Why has the issue of China become so politically toxic

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<v Speaker 1>in Australia of late Yeah, I think the government of

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<v Speaker 1>Australia tilted against China from early two thousand and seventeen,

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<v Speaker 1>so it left people like me running a think tank

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<v Speaker 1>as I am on Australia China relations saying, as I've

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<v Speaker 1>been saying very recently, we more or less had it

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<v Speaker 1>right as an American ally running a pragmatic China relationship

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<v Speaker 1>back under the prime ministership of Tony Abbott, the Prime

0:16:24.840 --> 0:16:30.120
<v Speaker 1>minister immediately before our current Prime Minister, Malcolm Turnbull. So

0:16:30.240 --> 0:16:35.480
<v Speaker 1>we've gone through a period of shock and trauma because

0:16:35.520 --> 0:16:38.720
<v Speaker 1>of the rapidity of China's rise. It's been a shock

0:16:39.840 --> 0:16:45.440
<v Speaker 1>to the inherently pro American defense and security establishment in Canberra.

0:16:45.560 --> 0:16:49.960
<v Speaker 1>It's just been a shock. It's been China's economic influence

0:16:50.000 --> 0:16:53.400
<v Speaker 1>in the region to our north and China's success in

0:16:53.480 --> 0:16:57.920
<v Speaker 1>its assertiveness in the South China Sea. I think Chinese

0:16:57.920 --> 0:17:02.960
<v Speaker 1>behavior too has contributed to the the way views of

0:17:03.040 --> 0:17:07.320
<v Speaker 1>China have turned have turned negative among the Australian leadership.

0:17:08.160 --> 0:17:11.360
<v Speaker 1>China lifting the two term limit that applied to its

0:17:11.359 --> 0:17:16.240
<v Speaker 1>its president is the biggest element in that. But while

0:17:16.840 --> 0:17:21.840
<v Speaker 1>the Australian leadership has moved to a more entrenched or

0:17:21.840 --> 0:17:25.679
<v Speaker 1>more flamboyant any China position, at least in terms of rhetoric,

0:17:26.359 --> 0:17:29.360
<v Speaker 1>I mean we haven't repealed repealed our free trade agreement

0:17:29.359 --> 0:17:33.720
<v Speaker 1>with the Chinese, public opinion has moved in the opposite direction.

0:17:33.840 --> 0:17:37.800
<v Speaker 1>The highly respected Lowing Institute, our leading foreign policy think tank,

0:17:38.520 --> 0:17:42.480
<v Speaker 1>produced a poll three weeks ago that showed the percentage

0:17:42.480 --> 0:17:47.040
<v Speaker 1>of Australians who see China more as economic opportunity than

0:17:47.080 --> 0:17:51.160
<v Speaker 1>security threat went up in the last year. It now

0:17:51.200 --> 0:17:55.359
<v Speaker 1>sits at In fact, over the last two years, I

0:17:55.359 --> 0:18:00.119
<v Speaker 1>think it's increased by five percent. So Australian views of

0:18:00.200 --> 0:18:04.840
<v Speaker 1>China's economic potential in terms of mass public opinion have

0:18:04.920 --> 0:18:09.480
<v Speaker 1>actually strengthened listen inclined to see China is a geo

0:18:09.560 --> 0:18:13.359
<v Speaker 1>strategic threat then a couple of years ago, but which

0:18:13.359 --> 0:18:17.200
<v Speaker 1>to me is very interesting now. Bigger than any class

0:18:17.280 --> 0:18:20.440
<v Speaker 1>between China and Australia would of course be one between

0:18:20.640 --> 0:18:24.359
<v Speaker 1>China and the United States. And this topic has gotten

0:18:24.359 --> 0:18:28.680
<v Speaker 1>some attention lately because Graham Allison, a scholar at Harvard,

0:18:29.000 --> 0:18:32.640
<v Speaker 1>published a book about the Thucidities trap, which is when

0:18:32.880 --> 0:18:38.400
<v Speaker 1>one great power threatens to overshadow another conflict typically not always,

0:18:38.440 --> 0:18:43.160
<v Speaker 1>but but typically is the result. Now with China going

0:18:43.200 --> 0:18:46.840
<v Speaker 1>down a more authoritarian path, like you mentioned, America being

0:18:47.000 --> 0:18:50.959
<v Speaker 1>fundamentally reshaped by the age of Trump, how have these

0:18:51.000 --> 0:18:54.359
<v Speaker 1>odds of such a conflict increased over the past year

0:18:54.440 --> 0:18:58.119
<v Speaker 1>or two. Well, you can say that the China and

0:18:58.160 --> 0:19:00.520
<v Speaker 1>the US has moved into a trade war. You can

0:19:00.560 --> 0:19:03.359
<v Speaker 1>say that that has got elements of a Cold war,

0:19:04.400 --> 0:19:08.960
<v Speaker 1>especially with America reclassifying the way it regards China and

0:19:09.240 --> 0:19:12.520
<v Speaker 1>seeing China as a strategic rival instead of a partner

0:19:12.640 --> 0:19:18.040
<v Speaker 1>or a competitor. That's a huge challenge for Australia. But

0:19:18.680 --> 0:19:21.679
<v Speaker 1>to conservative Australian politicians in the last twenty years have

0:19:21.680 --> 0:19:26.560
<v Speaker 1>actually addressed it. Alexander Dana, who was Foreign Minister in

0:19:26.600 --> 0:19:29.600
<v Speaker 1>the Howard government said in two thousand and five in

0:19:29.680 --> 0:19:34.760
<v Speaker 1>respect to the prospect of a clash in the Taiwan

0:19:34.840 --> 0:19:40.040
<v Speaker 1>Strait that and wouldn't apply, that the security treaty between

0:19:40.080 --> 0:19:42.879
<v Speaker 1>Australia and the United States would not drag us into

0:19:42.880 --> 0:19:46.280
<v Speaker 1>such a conflict, and that made a lot of people

0:19:46.760 --> 0:19:54.320
<v Speaker 1>pay attention. And again in two thousand and thirteen or fourteen,

0:19:54.640 --> 0:19:57.400
<v Speaker 1>the Defense Minister in the Abbott government said in respective

0:19:57.440 --> 0:20:01.720
<v Speaker 1>conflict in the East China Sea that it was most

0:20:01.760 --> 0:20:05.000
<v Speaker 1>likely that the Answers Treaty would not apply. In other words,

0:20:05.000 --> 0:20:07.680
<v Speaker 1>and a conflict between China and Japan with the US

0:20:07.720 --> 0:20:13.840
<v Speaker 1>intervening on behalf of Japan, Australia's obligation to protect its

0:20:13.880 --> 0:20:16.760
<v Speaker 1>allied the US would not apply. We would not be

0:20:16.840 --> 0:20:19.720
<v Speaker 1>dragged into it. And you got away with that comment

0:20:19.800 --> 0:20:25.400
<v Speaker 1>without any blowback in Australia. So there there two signals

0:20:25.440 --> 0:20:29.359
<v Speaker 1>that really stand out that even on the conservative side

0:20:29.560 --> 0:20:31.640
<v Speaker 1>of Australia, it would be seen as not in our

0:20:31.720 --> 0:20:37.240
<v Speaker 1>national interest to enter a conflict between China and the

0:20:37.359 --> 0:20:40.680
<v Speaker 1>United States. Only stores in the wind, but I think

0:20:41.280 --> 0:20:45.919
<v Speaker 1>people in the U s state department focused on game

0:20:46.000 --> 0:20:50.320
<v Speaker 1>playing about these sorts of eventualities would have to take notice.

0:20:51.000 --> 0:20:54.280
<v Speaker 1>That's Australia, I guess, is the most serious and rusted

0:20:54.320 --> 0:20:59.359
<v Speaker 1>on American ally in the Pacific, apart from Japan, giving

0:20:59.359 --> 0:21:02.320
<v Speaker 1>a strong cig no that in a show down between

0:21:02.359 --> 0:21:05.040
<v Speaker 1>the U S and China it would have to consult

0:21:05.200 --> 0:21:09.040
<v Speaker 1>its own national interests. One of the arguments advanced for

0:21:09.200 --> 0:21:13.040
<v Speaker 1>why a conflict between the US and China is unlikely

0:21:13.320 --> 0:21:16.760
<v Speaker 1>is that their capital markets and their economic systems are

0:21:16.840 --> 0:21:21.320
<v Speaker 1>so enmashed. What's your perspective on that argument. Yeah, I

0:21:21.359 --> 0:21:25.320
<v Speaker 1>support that argument. And there is now some critical assessment

0:21:25.400 --> 0:21:29.920
<v Speaker 1>of Graham Allison's notion of the vicidities trap emerging, among

0:21:30.000 --> 0:21:32.199
<v Speaker 1>other things, people pointing out that it's it's got no

0:21:32.359 --> 0:21:37.800
<v Speaker 1>historical residence in East Asia. It's a bit of historicism.

0:21:37.840 --> 0:21:40.560
<v Speaker 1>Because some things have happened in the past, these same

0:21:40.600 --> 0:21:42.159
<v Speaker 1>things have got to happen in the same way in

0:21:42.160 --> 0:21:46.960
<v Speaker 1>the future. So I'm basically optimistic. I think a clash

0:21:47.000 --> 0:21:52.680
<v Speaker 1>would be disastrous for both powers. I am worried about

0:21:53.600 --> 0:21:56.960
<v Speaker 1>the War Party in the United States at work in Washington,

0:21:57.080 --> 0:22:00.879
<v Speaker 1>as advisors and commentators and think tankers moving around the

0:22:00.880 --> 0:22:05.399
<v Speaker 1>circle of power, and I wouldn't hesitate to make the

0:22:05.440 --> 0:22:10.400
<v Speaker 1>same point abount hawks in Beijing, but that simply puts

0:22:10.440 --> 0:22:13.760
<v Speaker 1>an obligation on the rest of this to cause in

0:22:13.880 --> 0:22:18.280
<v Speaker 1>realism and a bit of Kissinger style realism on the

0:22:18.320 --> 0:22:22.640
<v Speaker 1>part of the the US is needed to avoid an

0:22:22.680 --> 0:22:26.639
<v Speaker 1>ideological cold war approach to China, which sets us up

0:22:26.720 --> 0:22:30.719
<v Speaker 1>for the inevitability of some conflict. Bob, let's finish on

0:22:30.800 --> 0:22:34.600
<v Speaker 1>a slightly different note, talk about some of your days

0:22:34.840 --> 0:22:39.040
<v Speaker 1>in the government. One typically here's the bemoaning of the

0:22:39.040 --> 0:22:42.840
<v Speaker 1>age of social media, how it's become almost impossible to

0:22:42.960 --> 0:22:46.760
<v Speaker 1>govern these days, you know, to properly develop policy, to

0:22:46.880 --> 0:22:53.040
<v Speaker 1>sell it to an increasingly distracted electorate. You lead Australia's

0:22:53.080 --> 0:22:57.000
<v Speaker 1>biggest state for ten years. What do you think of

0:22:57.040 --> 0:22:59.679
<v Speaker 1>that argument? You're I come out of a different era,

0:23:00.080 --> 0:23:04.439
<v Speaker 1>out of the era of newspapers, a time when people

0:23:04.720 --> 0:23:08.840
<v Speaker 1>on buses and trains going to work were devowing newspapers,

0:23:09.280 --> 0:23:11.400
<v Speaker 1>and an era when people watch the free to wear

0:23:11.480 --> 0:23:15.320
<v Speaker 1>TV news at night, and you can sell a message

0:23:16.200 --> 0:23:21.440
<v Speaker 1>by appearing on the front pages and on the TV

0:23:22.760 --> 0:23:26.919
<v Speaker 1>captual summaries of the day's events and throughout the day

0:23:26.920 --> 0:23:31.440
<v Speaker 1>on that wonderful medium radio. Everything's been shattered, everything's been

0:23:31.480 --> 0:23:34.919
<v Speaker 1>broken up, but politicians are pretty unconvincing when they complain

0:23:34.960 --> 0:23:39.000
<v Speaker 1>about it. If the rules have changed, you've simply got

0:23:39.000 --> 0:23:42.880
<v Speaker 1>to change with the rules. And that means, if necessary,

0:23:43.200 --> 0:23:46.280
<v Speaker 1>putting the twenty four hour media, the social media to

0:23:46.480 --> 0:23:50.440
<v Speaker 1>your use, if you've got a good record, if you're

0:23:50.480 --> 0:23:55.560
<v Speaker 1>listening to the public, if you can pitch your case,

0:23:56.600 --> 0:24:01.560
<v Speaker 1>the new media rules should not disadvantage. In fact, I'd

0:24:01.640 --> 0:24:04.160
<v Speaker 1>enjoy the challenge of being back in it again, being

0:24:04.200 --> 0:24:07.080
<v Speaker 1>able to to take that new rule book and to

0:24:07.160 --> 0:24:09.399
<v Speaker 1>make it work for me and for the government whose

0:24:09.520 --> 0:24:12.119
<v Speaker 1>workers in charge of Or you could just take the

0:24:12.160 --> 0:24:15.200
<v Speaker 1>new rules and take advantage of them as much as

0:24:15.200 --> 0:24:18.359
<v Speaker 1>you possibly can and become president of the United States.

0:24:18.680 --> 0:24:22.120
<v Speaker 1>You did once fantasize about being a senator, didn't you, Bob, Yeah,

0:24:22.160 --> 0:24:25.240
<v Speaker 1>I did. That would have been nice. I thought i'd lead.

0:24:25.480 --> 0:24:28.680
<v Speaker 1>In my book, I share a fantasy that I'd lead

0:24:29.240 --> 0:24:33.480
<v Speaker 1>the six Australian states in the American Union. There would

0:24:33.480 --> 0:24:38.480
<v Speaker 1>have been some disadvantages, some disadvantages applying to that, of course,

0:24:38.680 --> 0:24:41.760
<v Speaker 1>we would have had to live with America's gun laws. Bob,

0:24:42.080 --> 0:24:44.400
<v Speaker 1>Thank you very much. For joining us. It's been great

0:24:44.440 --> 0:24:47.200
<v Speaker 1>to have you good Dan, It's been my honor. Thank you. Scott.

0:24:51.560 --> 0:24:54.159
<v Speaker 1>Benchmark will be back next week. Until then, you can

0:24:54.200 --> 0:24:56.960
<v Speaker 1>find us on the Bloomberg terminal, Bloomberg dot com or

0:24:57.040 --> 0:25:00.919
<v Speaker 1>Bloomberg App, and podcast destinations such as full podcasts of

0:25:01.000 --> 0:25:04.000
<v Speaker 1>Spotify or wherever you listen. We love it if you

0:25:04.080 --> 0:25:06.639
<v Speaker 1>took the time to rate and review the show so

0:25:06.760 --> 0:25:09.719
<v Speaker 1>more listeners can find us. You can also find us

0:25:09.720 --> 0:25:14.040
<v Speaker 1>on Twitter, follow me at Scott Landman. Dan You're at

0:25:14.520 --> 0:25:18.280
<v Speaker 1>moss un the School Echo, and our guest is at

0:25:18.440 --> 0:25:22.840
<v Speaker 1>Bob J. Carr c A r R. Benchmark is produced

0:25:22.840 --> 0:25:26.880
<v Speaker 1>by Top Foreheads. The head of Bloomberg Podcasts is Francesco Levie.

0:25:27.080 --> 0:25:28.840
<v Speaker 1>Thanks for listening. See you next time.