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Speaker 1: Pushkin, this is solvable. On Jacob Weisberg, we're pledging one

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Speaker 1: billion dollars per year to alleviate extreme poverty in New

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Speaker 1: York City. New York's problems are a microcosm of America's

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Speaker 1: economic challenges. But how far we'll even a billion dollars

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Speaker 1: get us in the biggest city in the country. Across

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Speaker 1: the country, millions more people are struggling with unemployment, unpaid bills,

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Speaker 1: and sometimes hunger. And for those who are poor to

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Speaker 1: begin with, things maybe even worse. If a family winds

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Speaker 1: up in our shelter system, we are spending six thousand

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Speaker 1: dollars per month on that family, And so if you

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Speaker 1: spend a fraction of that keeping someone in their home

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Speaker 1: and they don't wind up in our shelter system, it's

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Speaker 1: actually a win. Andrew Yang became a household name running

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Speaker 1: for president on a platform of a guaranteed income for everyone.

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Speaker 1: Now he's running for mayor of New York City, and

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Speaker 1: his message is similar. He wants to get cash into

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Speaker 1: the hands of people who need it urgently. Eleven US

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Speaker 1: cities have committed to versions of cash assistance programs or

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Speaker 1: guaranteed income, including Stockton, California, Hudson, New York, Saint Paul,

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Speaker 1: and Pittsburgh. Eighty five percent of Americans are for a

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Speaker 1: cash relief during the pandemic, and fifty five percent are

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Speaker 1: for an in perpetuity. Is this another example of something

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Speaker 1: where you just have to invent a local version of

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Speaker 1: it because the more rationalized national solution isn't available to you. Well,

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Speaker 1: you said it, I didn't, Jacob. New York is a

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Speaker 1: city with over eight million people. If something works here,

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Speaker 1: it could work anywhere. Yang's plan could provide a powerful

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Speaker 1: case study for the rest of the country. I'm Andrew Yang,

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Speaker 1: and my solvable is extreme poverty in New York City.

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Speaker 1: We can solve it, we can eradicate it. Andrew Yang

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Speaker 1: is pushing for a new kind of universal basic income.

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Speaker 1: This time it's targeted, which is an oxymoron. How can

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Speaker 1: you support something universally but deliver it selectively. I started

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Speaker 1: by asking him to explain how something like UBI could

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Speaker 1: work in New York City. So you do have to

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Speaker 1: draw lines and parameters. You know, it's not feasible for

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Speaker 1: us to give all eight point three million New Yorkers

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Speaker 1: a certain amount of cash, So we are targeting the

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Speaker 1: half a million New Yorkers who are in extreme poverty,

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Speaker 1: and our goal is to lift them up so that

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Speaker 1: they have at least a certain baseline level of resources.

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Speaker 1: It's more of a guaranteed minimum income in New York

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Speaker 1: City than it is a universal basic income that we're

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Speaker 1: looking to implement. And where do you set the baseline?

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Speaker 1: What would be the monthly payment to someone now in

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Speaker 1: extreme poverty in New York City. So the monthly payment

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Speaker 1: to get the five hundred thousand porous New Yorkers out

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Speaker 1: of extreme poverty averages out to two thousand dollars per

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Speaker 1: person per year. So we're pledging one billion dollars per

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Speaker 1: year to alleviate extreme poverty in New York City. And

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Speaker 1: just in terms of the numbers, can two thousand dollars

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Speaker 1: really lift someone out of poverty? That doesn't sound like

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Speaker 1: a lot of money, especially in New York spread over

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Speaker 1: a year. Well, extreme poverty is defined as half the

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Speaker 1: poverty level, and so you have people that are making five,

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Speaker 1: eight ten thousand dollars a year that two thousand dollars

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Speaker 1: a year would be an extraordinary boost for them. And

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Speaker 1: the two thousand dollars is an average level. Some will

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Speaker 1: get one, some will get three. It pushes them to

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Speaker 1: a level where they're very very basic needs have a

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Speaker 1: higher chance of being met. But we have a comprehensive

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Speaker 1: anti poverty agenda to supplement this cash relief. If you

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Speaker 1: look at the population who struggling with poverty in New

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Speaker 1: York City, it overlaps very heavily with the twelve percent

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Speaker 1: of New York City residents who are unbanked. And a

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Speaker 1: lot of this population is undocumented where they're scared to

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Speaker 1: try and access basic financial services because they're afraid that

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Speaker 1: they'll get targeted in some way. So right now they're

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Speaker 1: spending hundreds of dollars a year that they don't have,

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Speaker 1: in some cases even thousands on check cashers, money lenders,

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Speaker 1: pawn shops that are charging you serious rates. So we

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Speaker 1: can simultaneously integrate more of the New Yorkers who are

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Speaker 1: struggling the most into our financial system in a way

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Speaker 1: that gets them away from these check cashers and money

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Speaker 1: lenders that are charging them and also get some money

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Speaker 1: into their hands to help meet their basic needs. Yeah,

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Speaker 1: and I know you have this interesting idea of a

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Speaker 1: people's bank. Can you explain how that would work in

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Speaker 1: New York? So the People's Bank is nonprofit fund that

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Speaker 1: we will use to augment the resources available to community

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Speaker 1: development financial institutions, which includes credit unions, and a lot

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Speaker 1: of these CDFIs are doing great work reducing the unbanked

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Speaker 1: population because they're in these communities. They're trying to plug

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Speaker 1: people in to the financial system, and so the People's

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Speaker 1: Bank is a way to get more resources to the

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Speaker 1: organizations that are touching people and doing the work every day.

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Speaker 1: The other thing that the People's Bank is going to

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Speaker 1: do is it's going to work with traditional financial institutions

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Speaker 1: to have a safe bank account for folks of any status.

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Speaker 1: So you can walk into a city bank with an

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Speaker 1: id NYC open to save bank account under the People's

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Speaker 1: Bank brand name of the People's Bank seal. So it's

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Speaker 1: a way to integrate people in the financial system by

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Speaker 1: getting more resources to community organizations and also having like

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Speaker 1: a trusted seal that will give them confidence that they

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Speaker 1: can get a bank account even at like they're a

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Speaker 1: local branch. A lot of people talk about doing that

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Speaker 1: nationally through the post office, which is in fact what

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Speaker 1: they do in some other countries. In France, I know

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Speaker 1: you can do your banking at a small scale at

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Speaker 1: the post office. Is this another example of something where

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Speaker 1: you just have to invent a local version of it

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Speaker 1: because the more rationalized national solution isn't available to you. Well,

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Speaker 1: you said it, I didn't, Jacob, but I was for

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Speaker 1: postal banking when I was running for president. It's common sense,

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Speaker 1: the no brainer. Other countries do it. You know, you

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Speaker 1: have to give the post office like more things to do, frankly,

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Speaker 1: like in a lot of these places, because like you

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Speaker 1: know that the carriage of mail isn't necessarily sustaining it.

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Speaker 1: And so let's say that you have that vision running

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Speaker 1: for president, and then you're like, hey, I'm running for

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Speaker 1: mayor of New York City, Now, like, what can we

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Speaker 1: do that's going to try and solve some of the

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Speaker 1: same problems. And that's actually a pretty good example of

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Speaker 1: the way we're approaching New York City's problems is obviously

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Speaker 1: you have different operating realities, you have different levels of resources,

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Speaker 1: But what can you do with the resources that you

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Speaker 1: have that actually solve some of the same problems. New

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Speaker 1: York presents a special case, Andrew, because it's such an

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Speaker 1: expensive place to live, and based on studies I've read

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Speaker 1: in the past, for people who didn't go to college.

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Speaker 1: There are very few jobs in New York, in the

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Speaker 1: New York area that provide a middle class income first family.

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Speaker 1: I think the unionized building trades are, you know, probably

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Speaker 1: the only major source of middle class something resembling a

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Speaker 1: middle class living for people who don't have college degrees.

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Speaker 1: Does your plan really address the depth of that problem,

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Speaker 1: that there's just a mismatch between what a cost to

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Speaker 1: live here and what jobs pay if you if you

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Speaker 1: don't have some higher education. Well, Jacob, you're you're pointing

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Speaker 1: out some of the long running problems in New York City,

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Speaker 1: and they're all tied together. So one thing you're describing

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Speaker 1: is you have an economy that disproportionately will reward folks

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Speaker 1: who are skilled and have certain levels of education. And

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Speaker 1: that's true nationwide, but it's it's more true in New

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Speaker 1: York City. To your point, the fact that there are

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Speaker 1: actually meaningful unions and organizations fighting for folks who don't

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Speaker 1: have college degrees has been an enormous path to the

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Speaker 1: middle class for ten hundreds of thousands of New Yorkers,

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Speaker 1: and that actually distinguishes New York from a lot of

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Speaker 1: other environments. I mean, like like, the unions are a

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Speaker 1: more powerful presence for mobility here than they are in

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Speaker 1: other parts of the country. So then you have folks

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Speaker 1: who are not unionized and who have low levels of education,

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Speaker 1: and to your point, a lot of them are just

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Speaker 1: scraping by. You have to try and attack the affordability issues,

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Speaker 1: and the most intractable of them is clearly housing. Just

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Speaker 1: living in New York City is very expensive, to your point,

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Speaker 1: and so that's something that we have to try to

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Speaker 1: invest in at a much higher level than we have.

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Speaker 1: And I think there are opportunities there, in part because

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Speaker 1: right now, frankly, vacancies in rental apartments are at multi

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Speaker 1: decade highs because of COVID. Our hotels are eighty to

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Speaker 1: ninety percent unoccupied because we're missing so many tourists. There

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Speaker 1: are opportunities to convert some of the buildings right now

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Speaker 1: that are vacant and unused too affordable housing, to try

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Speaker 1: and have the opportunity meet the need. Your presidential campaign

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Speaker 1: captured a lot of people's imagination because this was a

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Speaker 1: big idea and also it's interesting background is a neither

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Speaker 1: left nor right idea, but it was a lot more

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Speaker 1: money for a lot more people. It really was universal,

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Speaker 1: and it really was something resembling a minimum standard of

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Speaker 1: living for everybody. This plan, by comparison, just seems not

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Speaker 1: that much money for that not that many people. Is

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Speaker 1: that just the fiscal reality of New York City that

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Speaker 1: this is all you can do? Well, Jacob, I think

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Speaker 1: that most people realize that if Andreang had his way,

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Speaker 1: we'd all beginning one thousand dollars a month at this point,

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Speaker 1: I think that doesn't go fire it up like with COVID,

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Speaker 1: I'd probably be more like the two thousand dollars a

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Speaker 1: month level. And I think there are really creative ways

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Speaker 1: that we can get more buying power to the hands

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Speaker 1: of New Yorkers. So there are yeshivas in Brooklyn that

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Speaker 1: ask the parents of the children to buy two thousand

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Speaker 1: dollars worth of vouchers to locally own small businesses. They

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Speaker 1: buy these vouchers, they then use them at the locally

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Speaker 1: owned small businesses. The businesses turn them into the yeshiva,

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Speaker 1: and then the yeshiva takes a cut, let's call it

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Speaker 1: fifteen percent. So this is a massive fundraiser every year

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Speaker 1: for the yeshivas, and the small businesses win because they're

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Speaker 1: getting a lot of business that they might not have

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Speaker 1: gotten otherwise. If New York City were a country, we

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Speaker 1: would be the eleventh biggest economy in the world. We're

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Speaker 1: a very vast, diverse economy. There are ways that we

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Speaker 1: can get buying power into people's hands that get funneled

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Speaker 1: straight to locally owned small businesses in a way that's

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Speaker 1: value multiplying. And so when you look at the problems

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Speaker 1: we're trying to solve, we do have a crisis among

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Speaker 1: restaurants and small businesses where thousands are closing, thousands of

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Speaker 1: others aren't sure whether they're going to make it and

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Speaker 1: so and then we have food lines for blocks. We

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Speaker 1: have seven hundred thousand missing jobs. There are creative ways

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Speaker 1: that we can get value into people's hands that will

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Speaker 1: circulate in a way that will help our communities directly.

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Speaker 1: So when you talk about some of the physical realities

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Speaker 1: we face, you know, New York City is not the

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Speaker 1: federal government. We can't conjure up one point nine trillion.

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Speaker 1: But there are things that we can do that we'll

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Speaker 1: get value into people's hands. That's one reason I'm running

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Speaker 1: for mayors. I think I can do more to help

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Speaker 1: turn us around. At two thousand dollars a year. It

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Speaker 1: isn't really an issue, but a lot of people who

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Speaker 1: object to the idea of a UBI are simply concerned

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Speaker 1: that it will disincentivize people to work. And you know,

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Speaker 1: and this is the argument about welfare, you know, going

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Speaker 1: back decades, whether it should be conditioned on work or

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Speaker 1: whether it should be offered in the form of a

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Speaker 1: guaranteed job. Obviously, your proposals go very strongly in the

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Speaker 1: direction of non conditionality. Can you explain why you think

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Speaker 1: that's not a problem with the idea of UBI, That

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Speaker 1: is why UBI doesn't make it possible for people who

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Speaker 1: would otherwise be working fuller part time to not work well.

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Speaker 1: First on, lately out the objection, so people know what

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Speaker 1: they are, and you can imagine what they are. Number

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Speaker 1: one is how do we pay for it? And number

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Speaker 1: two is what will people do with the money? When

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Speaker 1: the Cares Act was passed and we put twelve hundred

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Speaker 1: dollars into people's hands, and this was a very small

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Speaker 1: fraction of the two point two trillion in the Cares Act,

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Speaker 1: we could have given everyone in America six thousand dollars

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Speaker 1: and still had billions left over in the cars Act,

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Speaker 1: but most of the money went to companies and institutions

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Speaker 1: of various kinds. So number one, now Americans are like, oh,

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Speaker 1: we actually had the money, you know, like we could

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Speaker 1: have done this if we wanted to at any point.

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Speaker 1: And then number two, how would you spend the money?

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Speaker 1: It's manifest and how people actually did spend the money,

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Speaker 1: because when they got the twelve hundred dollars, they spent

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Speaker 1: it on food and fuel, their basic needs and keeping

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Speaker 1: a roof over their head, and it did not transform

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Speaker 1: their personalities, it didn't change their work ethic. And so

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Speaker 1: now like the objections that people have really been kind

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Speaker 1: of demonstrated not to be as compelling by our own experience,

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Speaker 1: you know. And it's one reason why cash relief now

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Speaker 1: is so front and center in our national conversation as

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Speaker 1: to what to do. Eighty five percent of Americans are

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Speaker 1: for a cash relief during the pandemic, and fifty five

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Speaker 1: percent are for it in perpetuity. But I think that

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Speaker 1: the thought amount of work ethic, it's very deeply baked

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Speaker 1: into the American psyche. The odds of people starting a

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Speaker 1: small business in their community would skyrocket if both they

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Speaker 1: had a certain amount of money they could rely on

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Speaker 1: and if everyone in their community had a certain amount

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Speaker 1: of money to spend. How is New York's fiscal condition

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Speaker 1: looking ahead? Which is another way of asking the question

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Speaker 1: of how affordable it would be to create and expand

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Speaker 1: this program. You know, going back decades, of course, the

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Speaker 1: city had a fiscal crisis and was essentially bankrupt. But

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Speaker 1: in recent years its revenue is very much spurred by

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Speaker 1: the boom and the real estate market, and it's been

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Speaker 1: pretty flash. I mean, budgets have grown and you know,

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Speaker 1: they haven't been big shortfalls. But post COVID, obviously we

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Speaker 1: don't know what the city is going to look like,

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Speaker 1: what property values are ultimately going to settle in at

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Speaker 1: it's the city in good fiscal shape or terrible fiscal shape.

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Speaker 1: The city is in bad fiscal shape. You're looking at

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Speaker 1: multibillion dollar deficits for the foreseeable future, for the next

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Speaker 1: let's call it four years. Some of the numbers, Jacob,

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Speaker 1: that I have top of mind. We've lost twenty seven

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Speaker 1: thousand lives, seven hundred thousand jobs, sixty million tourists who

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Speaker 1: used to support three hundred thousand of those jobs. Several

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Speaker 1: hundred thousand people have left New York City, including some

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Speaker 1: people who are frankly very high taxs payers and earners.

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Speaker 1: Some way, ridership is down seventy percent. Let's call it

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Speaker 1: a four to five billion dollars deficit on a budget

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Speaker 1: of eighty eight billion or so, and we're not even

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Speaker 1: sure whether that's the precise level because some of these

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Speaker 1: things are still playing out. Midtown commercial real estate is

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Speaker 1: eighty two percent unoccupied, which is devastating not just for

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Speaker 1: those organizations and their landlords over time, but also security

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Speaker 1: guards and the food trucks and the street level retail

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Speaker 1: that ordinarily would have that those commuters every day. This

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Speaker 1: is a really, really dark time for New York City,

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Speaker 1: and there's no guarantee it comes back the way that

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Speaker 1: we wanted to. We should know that that's what we're facing.

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Speaker 1: I guess someone could come and give you, like the

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Speaker 1: rosier version what I just described, but I'm a numbers

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Speaker 1: guy that those are just the realities we're facing now.

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Speaker 1: You were asking in the context of this particular universal

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Speaker 1: or in my case not universal, like a guaranteed minimum

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Speaker 1: income in New York City. I do want to tell

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Speaker 1: a story that pushes us in that direction. I talked

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Speaker 1: to a philanthropist here in New York. She ran a

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Speaker 1: foundation that gave new moms baby clothes and formula and strollers,

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Speaker 1: and then when COVID hit, they just converted to cash.

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Speaker 1: They were like, well, we can't give you all the

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Speaker 1: stuff because you know it's tough for this environment, so

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Speaker 1: it's going to send you money. And then it turns

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Speaker 1: out that that worked really well. They're like, hey, maybe

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Speaker 1: we should stick to this. So there are a lot

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Speaker 1: of philanthropists who had similar experiences, and I'm optimistic that

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Speaker 1: we're going to be able to augment our resources by

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Speaker 1: teaming up with some of the nonprofits and foundations in

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Speaker 1: the city to say, look, this is the most effective

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Speaker 1: thing we can do to alleviate poverty directly by putting

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Speaker 1: money into people's hands, because if you keep people in

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Speaker 1: more stable situations in New York City, Jacob, we actually

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Speaker 1: save a lot of money. Yeah. I think a question

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Speaker 1: coming up in the debates is surely going to be

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Speaker 1: whether this is the best use of a billion dollars

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Speaker 1: to alleviate poverty in New York. You know, you could

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Speaker 1: do a lot about housing and homelessness with a billion dollars.

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Speaker 1: You could do a lot for the public schools given

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Speaker 1: those other pressing needs, do you think it really makes

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Speaker 1: sense to be categorical about supplementing cash income well, Jacob,

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Speaker 1: but one of the problems you cited is homelessness, and

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Speaker 1: I'm very confident that putting resources into people's hands it's

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Speaker 1: going to reduce the crisis of homelessness that we're seeing

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Speaker 1: in New York City. If a family winds up in

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Speaker 1: our shelter system, we are spending six thousand dollars per

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Speaker 1: month on that family. And so if you spend a

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Speaker 1: fraction of that keeping someone in their home and they

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Speaker 1: don't wind up in our shelter system, it's actually a win.

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Speaker 1: One of the things I've committed to is reducing the

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Speaker 1: level of street homelessness by more than fifty percent in

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Speaker 1: my first term, and it is doable. We can invest

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Speaker 1: in safe haven beds and mental health resources and supportive

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Speaker 1: housing and more assertive interventions to get people the help

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Speaker 1: that they need. So what I would argue is that

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Speaker 1: this extreme poverty relief program will actually reduce some of

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Speaker 1: the other problems that you're talking about, whether it be

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Speaker 1: homelessness or public safety or education. Because obviously a lot

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Speaker 1: of these people have families, and it's very difficult for

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Speaker 1: a child to learn if they're in extreme poverty. I mean,

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Speaker 1: you know, you can imagine what that that that's like.

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Speaker 1: I talked to someone yesterday who grew up in poverty,

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Speaker 1: and he said that his last meal of the week

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Speaker 1: was school lunch on Friday, and then he didn't eat

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Speaker 1: again until school lunch on Monday. You know, so you

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Speaker 1: can imagine the learning environment, you know that for that child.

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Speaker 1: So cash relief touches a lot of other problems. We

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Speaker 1: need to invest in the other problems, obviously directly, but

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Speaker 1: I would argue that this is actually something that will

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Speaker 1: make those other solutions more effective. I'm curious about why

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Speaker 1: extreme poverty and cash relief is the problem that you've

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Speaker 1: really devoted your career to at this point. I mean, personally,

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Speaker 1: is there How did you come to this? Did you

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Speaker 1: experience poverty at some point in your life? Did you

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Speaker 1: witness extreme poverty? Jacob, I'm I'm the child of immigrants,

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Speaker 1: but I had a relatively privileged upbringing in like a

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Speaker 1: middle class household, and you know, in Upstate New York

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Speaker 1: in the suburbs. For me, I came to this because

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Speaker 1: I spent years running an organization Venture for America that

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Speaker 1: I founded that was creating jobs around the country in

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Speaker 1: the Midwest and the South primary and I became convinced

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Speaker 1: that our economy is transforming in ways that will leave

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Speaker 1: millions and millions of us behind. It already is I mean,

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Speaker 1: and the pandemic has sped it up. Experts have called

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Speaker 1: it the fourth Industrial Revolution. If you play out what

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Speaker 1: impact technology will have on our labor force, it's going

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Speaker 1: to be disruptive to the lives of tens of millions

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Speaker 1: of Americans. Most common jobs in the economy are retail,

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Speaker 1: call centers, food service, food prep, truck driving, and manufacturing.

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Speaker 1: And what you've heard is that all we're going to

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Speaker 1: retrain them. But then as soon as you dig into

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Speaker 1: the realities of retraining like that, the programs don't work.

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Speaker 1: It doesn't make sense. You're not going to take a

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Speaker 1: thousand coal miners and turn them into coders. The fact is,

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Speaker 1: if you actually follow up after you have the press

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Speaker 1: release saying we're going to trade coal miners as coders,

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Speaker 1: then you get there and they're working at Sam's Club.

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Speaker 1: So I arrived at universal basic income because I saw

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Speaker 1: it as inevitable as a response to these economic changes, like,

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Speaker 1: we have to make this investment now. So that's why

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Speaker 1: I ran for president. We won the argument right now

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Speaker 1: at this point, though, our government is not functioning in

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Speaker 1: a way that you know, if majority of Americans want something,

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Speaker 1: it passes. So that's why I'm so passionate about it. Jacob.

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Speaker 1: There's just so much unnecessary, untold human misery that we

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Speaker 1: can just alleviate tomorrow if we just decided to do so.

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Speaker 1: But you're making a bed, aren't you? That the economic

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Speaker 1: future is going to be fundamentally different from the past.

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Speaker 1: In the past, when jobs, hard physical jobs have disappeared

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Speaker 1: because of automation and trade, generally workers have moved up

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Speaker 1: the value chain. The United States has produced products with

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Speaker 1: bigger value add and ultimately standard of living increases. And

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Speaker 1: when you talk about this idea of the Fourth Industrial Revolution,

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Speaker 1: isn't it making an assumption? Obviously, the individual stories are

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Speaker 1: entirely real, and there are there structural displacement of jobs.

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Speaker 1: But when you look at the economy as a whole,

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Speaker 1: are you can in set really is our future that

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Speaker 1: is having a really significant segment of society that is

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Speaker 1: structurally unemployed ako, it's our present. Look around, you know,

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Speaker 1: I mean you have the ranks of the long term

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Speaker 1: unemployed rising every week because of the pandemic. This is

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Speaker 1: no longer speculative. This is the reality we are faced

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Speaker 1: with right now. And even the first industrial revolution of

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Speaker 1: the turn of the century involved masked riots and unrest.

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Speaker 1: Labor days inaugurated because of riots that caused a number

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Speaker 1: of deaths. And this industrial revolution is faster, nastier, broader,

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Speaker 1: it's going to touch more industries. You can just look

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Speaker 1: around and see very clearly that we are disintegrating by

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Speaker 1: the numbers. You know, you ask any economists and say, hey, like,

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Speaker 1: are these folks that are losing their jobs? Are they

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Speaker 1: like finding new opportunities? We are moving across state lines

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Speaker 1: at lower levels that we have in decades. So the

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Speaker 1: adaptation is not happening. The disintegration is. And the question

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Speaker 1: is how quickly will we acknowledge it and do something

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Speaker 1: about it? Yeah, and what can listeners do about this problem?

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Speaker 1: And I'm not talking about supporting your campaign for mayor,

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Speaker 1: I'm talking about whether or not you're elected mayor. What

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Speaker 1: can listeners do about elevating the economic status of the

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Speaker 1: worst off new Yorkers. Well, you switched the topics there, Jacob,

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Speaker 1: because first I thought you were like, what can we

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Speaker 1: do to elevate universal basic income or as a national solution,

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Speaker 1: and then it was like helping New Yorkers. I mean,

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Speaker 1: if you want to help New Yorkers, you should donate

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Speaker 1: to food pantries and nonprofits that are meeting people's needs

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Speaker 1: right now. I mean, that's very direct. You should be

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Speaker 1: supporting local businesses yourself. You should be tipping generously. You

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Speaker 1: should just be like putting money into people's hands in

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Speaker 1: any way you can. If you think that I'd make

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Speaker 1: a good leader of New York's revival, certainly I would

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Speaker 1: love your support. And at a national level, we just

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Speaker 1: need to keep pushing folks, particularly frankly like folks who

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Speaker 1: are more on the right, to say that this is

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Speaker 1: pro business, it's pro jobs, it's pro humanity. I'm happy

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Speaker 1: to say that at this point this is not a

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Speaker 1: left or right idea. It's forward and if we can

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Speaker 1: build consensus around it, we have a chance to alleviate

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Speaker 1: poverty in our time, not just in New York but

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Speaker 1: everywhere in the US. Andrew, Andrew standing you recovering recovered

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Speaker 1: from COVID nineteen. I hope you're feeling better, boy. It

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Speaker 1: must be tough campaigning when you have that illness. Well,

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Speaker 1: thank you, Jacob. I feel much better now, but it

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Speaker 1: was a nasty number of days. But you know, I

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Speaker 1: appreciate the sentiment. We're going to get through this time.

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Speaker 1: But COVID is definitely something that you should take very,

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Speaker 1: very seriously. Andrew Yang is running from mayor of the

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Speaker 1: City of New York. To learn more about universal Basic

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Speaker 1: Income and guaranteed minimum Income, check out the links in

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Speaker 1: our episode notes. Solvable Senior producer is Jocelyn Frank, Research

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Speaker 1: and booking by Lisa Donn, Managing and producer is Catherine Girardou,

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Speaker 1: and our executive producer is Mia Lobell. Special thanks this

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Speaker 1: week to Heather Faine, Kadija Holland, Maya Konig, Emily Rostek,

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Speaker 1: Eric Sandler, Carly Migliori, John Schnars, Christina Sullivan, and Maggie Taylor.

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Speaker 1: Solvable is a production of Pushkin Industries. If you like

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Speaker 1: the show, please remember to share, rate, and review it.

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Speaker 1: It really helps to get the word out. You can

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Speaker 1: find Pushkin podcasts wherever you listen, including on the iHeartRadio

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Speaker 1: app and Apple podcasts. I'm Jacob Weisberg.